Humanity’s detrimental impacts on the Earth’s ecosystems have been studied extensively, and these impacts’ negative consequences across societal groups, nations, and generations, have garnered much attention, from the scientific community as well as from civil society, where the attention often has been directed at how unfair the distribution of these environmental burdens is. The fairness of the distribution of global environmental benefits, however, has seen much less study, especially when it comes to the implementation of such concerns for fairness in environmental policy. In support of the research project Beyond GDP-growth, this thesis has centered on a Swedish context, and has focused on the term “biocapacity”, which is a quantifiable measure of many environmental benefits, and in the thesis is defined as the ability of terrestrial ecosystems to regenerate the biological materials extracted by humans. The thesis has then aimed to determine the current potential for the implementation of a fair distribution of global biocapacity in Swedish environmental policy, mainly by way of a series of interviews with individuals engaged in different forms of Swedish environmental work – from different levels of government, to civil society and centers of scientific research. It is concluded that the current potential for the implementation of a fair distribution of global biocapacity in Swedish environmental policy is primarily hindered by the seeming lack of a relevant discourse on the matter. Without such a discourse, a lack of public understanding of the subject is deemed to cause poor public support for any potential policies promoting a fair distribution of global biocapacity. It is suggested that a relevant and effective discourse is best achieved through transparent trade practices, and by the active participation of scientific experts and other actors outside of the political system. Furthermore, the thesis discusses the usefulness of the term “biocapacity” in this context, concluding that more research is needed, while identifying the main point of contention as what the term is intuitively understood to mean, as well as whether or not it can be used as a means to achieve a focused public discourse on the fair distribution of environmental goods. / Mänsklighetens skadliga inverkan på jordens ekosystem har studerats i stor utsträckning, och den här inverkans negativa konsekvenser för olika samhällsgrupper, länder och generationer har fått mycket uppmärksamhet från både forskningsvärlden och civilsamhället, där det främst har fokuserats på den orättvisa fördelningen av dessa ”miljöbördor”. Men, rättvisa när det kommer till fördelningen av ”miljönyttor” har studerats betydligt mindre, särskilt i samband med hur sådana rättviseaspekter kan implementeras i miljöpolicy. Den här uppsatsen har – i en svensk kontext och som stöd till forskningsprojektet Bortom BNP-tillväxt – fokuserat på en kvantifierbar term kallad ”biokapacitet”, som innefattar många miljönyttor, och i uppsatsen definieras som landbaserade ekosystems kapacitet att regenerera de biologiska material som människor extraherar. Uppsatsen har sedan ämnat att undersöka de nuvarande förutsättningarna för implementeringen av en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet i svensk miljöpolicy, främst genom en serie intervjuer med individer som i olika sammanhang är engagerade i svenskt miljöarbete – från kommunal till statlig nivå, samt i civilsamhället och i forskningssammanhang. Uppsatsen utmynnar i slutsatsen att de nuvarande förutsättningarna för implementeringen av en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet i svensk miljöpolicy främst begränsas av att den offentliga debatten till synes inte behandlar ämnet nämnvärt. Utan en offentlig debatt om ämnet förmodas den resulterande kunskapsbristen hos allmänheten leda till ett bristande offentligt stöd för policyförslag som förespråkar en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet. En relevant och effektiv offentlig debatt tros bäst kunna uppstå genom transparent handel och ett aktivt deltagande av experter från forskningsvärlden, samt andra utompolitiska aktörer. Dessutom diskuterar uppsatsen nyttan av begreppet ”biokapacitet” i en sådan debatt, och kommer fram till att vidare studier krävs för att nå en tillfredsställande slutsats. Uppsatsen identifierar dock den intuitiva uppfattningen av termens betydelse, samt frågan om termen kan användas för att uppnå en fokuserad debatt på ämnet, som de främsta problemområdena som behöver behandlas. / Beyond GDP-growth (sv. Bortom BNP-tillväxt)

It was my first visit ever to the neighborhood association – in February 2017 – and the phone rang again in the contiguous room. “I’m sorry” apologized José Luis “but our colleagues are not here yet and I need to answer the phone”. Manolo, who stayed with me, responded to my curious look: “we just sent the monthly invoice of the cooperative committee of funerals and this month is higher than usual. Three people died only last week. The neighbors are calling to check if the invoice is right, and some of them are trying to postpone the payment. But we try not to do exceptions, it’s the only way to keep working”. When José Luis came back, they both explained to me what exactly was the cooperative committee of funerals. Facing an increase in the number of deceased people and the high expense that is usually incurred by families in burial services, in 1987 the neighborhood association came up with the idea of creating a group of people that would share those costs. The project, though, would only make sense with widespread support from the community. Despite the strict age limit of 50 years old, almost 4.000 people responded when the call was launched, and the number of associates has remained steady through the years. This anecdote reflects very well the identity of the Can Sant Joan community, to which José Luis and Manolo passionately introduced me during that first meeting. The two men talked straight about the many social and environmental problems that the neighborhood had faced during the years and the ways in which the community had organized to confront them. Yet, they did not speak in a plaintive way, their speech challenged corporate and institutional power and claimed fearlessly for social justice. The Can Sant Joan community – not unlike many others in the Vallès region – has faced many adversities of different kind since its very creation, but its inhabitants have always confronted them and have restlessly fought for improving the living conditions in the neighborhood. Can Sant Joan stands out among other sacrifice zones in the Vallès area because of the long list of locally unwanted land uses that is burdened with, but especially because of its strong subaltern identity that has led the community to partially revert their condition. My research is grounded on the acknowledgment of Can Sant Joan’s environmental and social burdens, as a representation of all those communities around the world whose livelihoods are contaminated and impoverished in the name of neoliberal capitalism, and especially to those that decide to stand up and fight against power inequalities and social injustices. I foresee my research not just as an intellectual exercise, but as a process grounded in real life experiences of contamination and neglect that ultimately seeks to make a difference in the community, where it starts. This study is, thus, a transdisciplinary – almost antidisciplinary – piece where different disciplines with ambitions of challenging the sociopolitical status quo in order to achieve social and environmental justice intertwine. My research is built on existing literature in the fields of subaltern environmentalism – and other forms alternative environmentalism – political ecology and environmental humanities. Much have been written about polluted communities in different fields, but there are still crucial gaps that need to be filled. My ambitions are to better understand the sociopolitical processes that lead to the creation of sacrifice zones, to expand the definition of violence by uncovering different forms of slow violence that take place in them, to analyze the environmental movements embraced by affected communities, and to evaluate the potential benefits 1 that a subaltern environmental movement could have to those communities. The outcome of my research will be shared with the movement against waste incineration of Can Sant Joan and with the community in an attempt to realize the main aspiration of my research: to inform and enhance the activist movement in the neighborhood. This will be done by co-organizing at least one public event in the neighborhood together with members of the movement against incineration, in which the outcomes of my research will be presented to the local audience. Additionally, I keep personal relationship with the key informants, who have been integrated in the activist-scholar circle of the KTH Environmental Humanities Laboratory. If successful, this study could be the first stage of an action research in which local activists would not only be treated as a group of study, but their needs and actions would reframe the questions and scope of my research. In turn, the local movement against incineration would make use of the research outcomes in order to reach its goal, eventually creating a symbiotic feedback process potentially fruitful for both parts. This study is organized in seven chapters and six interludes. In chapter 2 I present the rationale behind the choice of case study as a research methodology, introduce the writer to the case study design, and share the ethical considerations at stake. Chapter 3 contains the theoretical toolbox where I conduct a literature review of the material that serves as theoretical frame for this study. I start with different visions on subalternity to later define subaltern environmentalism, and pointing out to some commonalities among different forms of alternative environmentalism. Then, I explore the concept of sacrifice zone and present the street science process that is being used by affected communities in order to uncover the infliction of slow violence in a variety of forms. In chapter 4 I introduce the reader to the case study through a short historical revision of the origins of Can Sant Joan and the development of the neighborhood until our days. Thereafter I thoroughly analyze the socio-political positionality of the community in different terms to verify if Can Sant Joan is a subaltern community. Chapter 5 is dedicated to discussing the neighborhood of Can Sant Joan as a sacrifice zone, as well as different forms of slow violence that the community has suffered. First, I revise the long list of locally unwanted land uses (LULUs) that the community has been burdened with and uncover a pattern based on political criteria for the placing of those LULUs. Thereupon, I analyze the different forms of slow violence that Can Sant Joan is being inflicted, including environmental, structural and narrative violence. In chapter 6, I document the movement against waste incineration in the cement plant that is taking place in Can Sant Joan, present the main forms of activism that the movement is using, and discuss the features that make it fit into the frame of subaltern environmentalism. Then, I discuss the central role of street science and forming coalitions: while the former is used to contest narrative violence and legitimize the claims of the community, the latter enhances public visibility and helps to forge a common subaltern identity that goes beyond the borders of the neighborhood. The study concludes with chapter 7, where I summarize the outcomes of this thesis by answering the research questions posed in chapter 2. Finally, I briefly present potential future research in Can Sant Joan that could keep contributing to the mobilized scholarly fields and to the movement against incineration as well, and close with a short update of the last months of struggle. The study is complemented with a series of six 2 interludes inspired by the Toxic Bios1 project, which compiles in an interactive open access online platform toxic autobiographies from communities affected by environmental injustices in several European countries and beyond. In the interludes the scale of the unit of analysis shifts from the community of Can Sant Joan to the individuals affected by the studied phenomena and thus, I use storytelling in order to complement my research with insights from a different perspective. In the first interlude, I highlight the importance that bodily experiences of toxicity can have in contesting narrative violence through toxic storytelling and I discuss the new guerrilla narrative methodology. The rest of the interludes comprise six toxic autobiographies by six different members of the local community that are to different extents active in the movement against waste incineration in Can Sant Joan.

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[pt] A sociedade de risco simboliza o momento civilizatório atual, em que os efeitos secundários não desejados de uma modernização exitosa (para os que com ela se beneficiam, frise-se) se tornaram incontroláveis. Mais do que isso. Vive-se atualmente em um mundo em metamorfose, no qual as certezas da sociedade moderna estão sendo solapadas diante de eventos globais significativos (Beck, 2017), como as mudanças climáticas e a pandemia do Covid-19. Dessa forma, não se pode prever, mesmo diante de todo o avanço do conhecimento técnico-científico, qual será o impacto dessa crise humanitária avassaladora que atinge a todos e ressalta a efemeridade do ser humano diante dos efeitos colaterais do mundo moderno. Embora os riscos climáticos apresentem uma tendência globalizante e um efeito equalizador, a distribuição de tais riscos costuma seguir a lógica da vulnerabilidade local, ocorrendo de forma socialmente desigual e injusta. A articulação da teoria do risco com o movimento da justiça ambiental e climática possibilita questionar a iniquidade na distribuição de riscos ambientais, em especial os climáticos, além de introduzir importantes ferramentas conceituais que problematizam a privatização de bônus e a socialização de ônus decorrentes da exploração de atividades poluentes. As instituições, como o Estado e o próprio Direito, que deveriam regulamentar e controlar a sua produção e externalidade, acabam produzindo uma espécie de normalização de riscos, de modo a legitimar os conflitos resultantes de situações de injustiça socioambiental, fenômeno que Ulrich Beck (1995) denomina de irresponsabilidade organizada. A insuficiência de respostas domésticas à produção de riscos globais e a ausência de coercitividade do direito internacional sinalizam o relevante papel que os Tribunais em todo o mundo – apesar das limitações e contradições inerentes ao próprio Poder Judiciário enquanto instituição estatal – estão sendo instados a atuar na governança climática, decidindo ações em que se discutem lacunas legislativas e regulatórias, descumprimento de metas de redução e compromissos climáticos, sob a releitura de direitos fundamentais no tratamento de conflitos climáticos, à luz do chamado constitucionalismo climático. Utiliza-se o método indutivo e a metodologia de pesquisa se baseia, além da análise da previsão normativa, na revisão bibliográfica nacional e internacional e no estudo dos precedentes judiciais brasileiros e estrangeiros de maior repercussão envolvendo matéria climática. Espera-se que a análise articulada da teoria da sociedade de risco e do movimento da justiça ambiental aliado à perspectiva climática forneça importantes subsídios teóricos para a confirmação da hipótese levantada nesta tese, a saber: se (e como) a litigância climática pode representar uma importante estratégia de promoção da justiça climática para contribuir para a redução das desigualdades socioambientais resultantes da produção e externalização injusta e desigual de riscos climáticos, mediante aplicação de ferramentas já existentes no sistema jurídico pátrio voltadas à prevenção e reparação de impactos e danos climáticos. / [en] The risk society symbolizes the current civilizational moment, in which the unwanted side effects of successful modernization (for those who benefit from it, it should be noted) have become uncontrollable. More than that. We currently live in a world in metamorphosis, in which the certainties of modern society are being undermined in the face of significant global events (Beck, 2017), such as climate change and the Covid-19 pandemic. In this way, it is not possible to predict, even in the face of all the advance of technical-scientific knowledge, what will be the impact of this overwhelming humanitarian crisis that affects everyone and highlights the ephemerality of the human being in the face of the side effects of the modern world. Although climate risks have a globalizing trend and an equalizing effect, the distribution of such risks usually follows the logic of local vulnerability, occurring in a socially unequal and unfair way. The articulation of risk society theory with the environmental and climate justice movement makes it possible to question the inequity in the distribution of environmental risks, especially climatic ones, in addition to introduce important conceptual tools that problematize the privatization of bonds and the socialization of burdens resulting from the exploitation of polluting activities. Institutions, such as the State and the legal system, which should regulate and control the production and the externality of these risks, end up producing a kind of risk normalization, in order to legitimize conflicts resulting from situations of socio-environmental injustice, a phenomenon that Ulrich Beck (1995) calls organized irresponsibility. The insufficiency of domestic responses to the production of global risks and the lack of coerciveness of international law signal the relevant role that Courts around the world - despite the limitations and contradictions inherent to the Judiciary itself as a state institution - are being urged to act in climate governance, deciding actions that discuss legislative and regulatory gaps, non-compliance with reduction targets and climate commitments, under the reinterpretation of fundamental rights in the treatment of climate conflicts, in the light of the so-called climate constitutionalism. The inductive method is used and the research methodology is based, in addition to the analysis of applied legislation, on the national and international bibliographic review and on the study of Brazilian end foreign judicial precedents of greater repercussion involving climate matters. It is expected that the articulated analysis of the risk society theory and the environmental justice movement allied to the climate perspective will provide important theoretical support to confirme the hypothesis raised in this thesis, namely: if (and how) climate litigation can represent a important strategy to promote climate justice to contribute to the reduction of socio-environmental inequalities resulting from the unjust and unequal production and externalization of climate risks, through the application of existing tools in the national legal system aimed at preventing and repairing climate impacts and damages.

In 2017, Sweden adopted a climate policy framework to meet zero emissions of greenhouse gases until the year 2045. In order for this to happen, Sweden must undergo a so-called green transition in which wind power could play a significant role. On the other hand, this development is not as indisputable as it seems, as it encounters resistance from other parties who share legitimate interests, for the land use, namely the Sami. This essay will therefore highlight the possible land use conflicts that may arise during the establishment of the wind turbines. The essay will be based on the collected empirical evidence that was done via interviews with the various parties, the wind power industry, and representatives from the reindeer herding Sami. This conflict over the land use can be restated as a wicked problem. That is, these two in a sense equally valid claims to the land use cannot easily be resolved as there exists no hierarchy of which claim is more important, or which claim is “right” which is also one of the main frameworks that will be analyzed in this essay together with potential environmental justice where this concept is discussed from three different perspectives. The results of this study show that the indigenous people feel that the menace from the wind farms not only threatens reindeer husbandry but also their culture and that these conflicts are due to too little consideration being given to it. Even though the Sami villages are compensated for the encroachments, the lost reindeer pastures are something they feel cannot be fully compensated. The conclusion refers that the main and alternatively the best solution to this insidious problem is to have an early dialogue with both parties and that a greater understanding needs to happen for the Sami to realize their importance. / Sverige antog 2017 ett klimatpolitiskt ramverk för att klara nollutsläpp av växthusgaser fram till år 2045. För att det ska ske måste Sverige genomgå en så kallad grön omställning där vindkraft kan spela en betydande roll. Dessutom är denna utveckling inte så obestridlig som den verkar, eftersom den möter motstånd från andra parter som delar legitima intressen, för markanvändningen, nämligen de renskötande samerna. Denna uppsats kommer belysa de möjliga markanvändningskonflikter som kan uppstå vid etableringen av vindkraftverken. Uppsatsen kommer att baseras på den insamlade empiri som gjorts via intervjuer med de olika parterna, vindkraftsindustrin och representanter från renskötande samer. Denna konflikt om markanvändningen kan återges som ett lömskt problem (wicked problem). Det vill säga att dessa två i en mening lika giltiga anspråk på markanvändningen kan inte lätt lösas eftersom det inte finns någon hierarki över vilket påstående som är viktigast, eller vilket påstående som är "rätt", vilket också är en av huvudramarna som kommer att analyseras i denna uppsats tillsammans med potentiell miljörättvisa där detta koncept diskuteras ur tre olika perspektiv. Resultaten av denna studie visar att urbefolkningen upplever att hotet från vindkraftsparkerna inte bara hotar rennäringen utan även deras kultur och att dessa konflikter beror på att det tas för lite hänsyn till det. Även om samebyarna kompenseras för intrången är de förlorade renbetesmarkerna något som de upplever inte kan kompenseras fullt ut. Slutsatsen visar att den främsta och alternativt bästa lösningen på detta lömska problem är att ha en tidig dialog med, och att en större förståelse behöver ske utifrån båda parter.

Comment comprendre les effets du chlordécone sur les citoyens français de Guadeloupe, dans une perspective postcoloniale? L’histoire de la Guadeloupe étant dans le passé une colonie française, où l’esclavage était pratiqué, a encore des conséquences aujourd’hui. La gestion de la France de ce qui est désormais considéré comme une région, ou encore un outre-mer, décèle certaines particularités. L’usage du chlordécone, un pesticide toxique, fait partie de ces particularités de l’histoire de la gestion française de la Guadeloupe. Ce mémoire a pour objectif de mettre en lumière la lecture que se font les citoyens français de la Guadeloupe du phénomène de la crise du chlordécone, et comment cela affecte leur quotidien, leur identité citoyenne, et leur sentiment d’appartenance. La spécificité de ce mémoire réside dans le terrain effectué auprès de citoyens non politisés français de Guadeloupe. Effectivement, nous avons mené une étude en ayant pour but d’analyser l’expérience des Guadeloupéens, qui vivent de façon constante en Guadeloupe avec le problème du chlordécone. Nous avons mené des entretiens semi-directifs, en soumettant une série de questions à neuf participants. Le guide d’entretien regroupe trois thèmes : l’alimentation et les effets sur la vie quotidienne des citoyens, les stratégies collectives ou individuelles pour répondre à ces effets, et la construction de leur identité française et de leurs appartenances autour de ces thématiques. Les résultats de ce terrain permettent d’inscrire le chlordécone dans l’ensemble plus large de la mauvaise gestion politique de la France et des élus locaux. La majorité des participants ne s’identifient pas à leur citoyenneté française, et ce en raison de la culture qui les sépare, de différentes injustices (dont le chlordécone), le manque de confiance en l’État français, et de l’environnement (l’île étant très différente de la France hexagonale). Les effets du chlordécone sont très présents dans le quotidien des participants, et ce, de façon consciente et inconsciente. Leurs habitudes alimentaires, leurs stratégies d’achat, et leur santé sont des aspects du quotidien des Guadeloupéens qui sont affectés. Un aspect particulièrement intéressant de cette recherche est l’effet psychologique du chlordécone. Tous les participants se considèrent comme contaminés, et ce, même sans avoir fait d’examens médicaux. Les études étant minimes sur les effets sur la santé, de nombreuses questions minent les participants. Toutefois, bien que les participants ne soient pas forcément au courant des mesures prises par l’État pour résoudre le problème du chlordécone, il en existe et des budgets sont alloués pour cela. Ainsi, comme certains l’ont évoqué, la résolution de la crise, et le futur de la Guadeloupe sont entre les mains de l’action citoyenne. / How to understand the effects of chlordecone on the French citizens of Guadeloupe, from a postcolonial perspective? The history of Guadeloupe being a former French colony, where slavery was practised, still has consequences today. France's management of what is now considered a region, or even an overseas territory, reveals certain particularities. The use of chlordecone, a toxic pesticide, is one of these peculiarities in the history of French management of Guadeloupe. This dissertation attempts to shed light on the reading that French citizens of Guadeloupe have of the phenomenon of the chlordecone crisis, and how this affects their daily lives, their civic identity, and their feelings of belonging. The specificity of this thesis lies in the fieldwork carried out with non-politicized French citizens of Guadeloupe. Indeed, I conducted a study with the aim of analyzing the experience of Guadeloupeans, who live constantly in Guadeloupe with the problem of chlordecone. I conducted semi-structured interviews, submitting a series of questions to nine participants. The interview guide brings together three themes: food and the effects on the daily life of citizens, collective or individual strategies to respond to these effects, and the construction of their French identity, and their affiliations around these themes. The results of this field make it possible to include chlordecone in the broader whole of the political mismanagement of France and local elected officials. The majority of participants do not identify with their French citizenship, due to the culture that separates them, various injustices (including chlordecone), lack of trust in the French state, and the environment (the island being very different from mainland France). The effects of chlordecone are very present in the daily lives of the participants, both consciously and unconsciously. This is reflected in their eating habits, in their purchasing strategies, and in their health and that of their loved ones. A particularly interesting aspect of this research is the psychological effect of chlordecone. All the participants consider themselves contaminated, even without having done any tests. With minimal studies on health effects, many questions plague participants. However, although the participants are not necessarily aware of the measures taken by the State to solve the problem of chlordecone, there are some and budgets are allocated for it. Thus, as some have mentioned, the resolution of the crisis, and the future of Guadeloupe are in the hands of citizen action.

Le présent mémoire porte sur l’analyse des politiques environnementales des institutions financières au Québec en relation avec la justice procédurale. L’approche empirique consiste en une analyse documentaire des politiques environnementales et présente deux objectifs : le premier est d’établir des critères spécifiques de la justice procédurale par une revue des normes de développement durable pour le domaine bancaire; et le deuxième est de déterminer comment les institutions financières au Québec intègrent les critères de la justice procédurale dans le processus de création de politiques environnementales. L’application du cadre d’analyse opérationnalisé de la justice procédurale révèle le peu de détail sur les processus participatifs liés aux critères d’inclusivité ayant mené à l’obtention des résultats présentés au sein de la documentation. Les politiques environnementales s’avèrent plutôt axées sur les principes de gestion du risque environnemental, et les rapports ESG sur les engagements à long terme des banques selon des objectifs de développement durable variés. L’analyse révèle une présence importante des critères de transparence, et une moins grande prédominance des critères d'inclusivité et de participation. Ceci permet d’identifier une occasion pour les banques à engager les différentes parties prenantes de concert les unes avec les autres sur des décisions les affectant. / This thesis focuses on the analysis of the environmental policies of financial institutions in Quebec in relation to procedural justice. The empirical approach consists of a documentary analysis of environmental policies and has two objectives: the first is to establish specific criteria of procedural justice through a review of sustainable development standards for the banking sector; and the second is to determine how financial institutions in Quebec integrate the criteria of procedural justice into the process of creating environmental policies. The application of the operationalized analytical framework of procedural justice reveals the lack of detail on the participatory processes related to the inclusiveness criteria that led to the obtaining of the results presented in the documentation. Environmental policies tend to focus on environmental risk management principles, and ESG reporting on banks' long-term commitments to various sustainable development goals. The analysis reveals a significant presence of transparency criteria, and a lesser predominance of inclusiveness and participation criteria. This identifies an opportunity for banks to engage different stakeholders in concert with each other on decisions affecting them.

Notre étude aborde les représentations autochtones des transgressions liées à l’environnement et celles de la justice environnementale au Canada à travers l’analyse de documentaires réalisés par des Autochtones et produits par Wapikoni mobile. Grâce à l’utilisation d’une méthodologie qualitative, nous visons à mettre les points de vue autochtones au premier plan de notre étude et ainsi présenter les expériences de transgressions et d’injustices environnementales telles qu’elles sont vécues et représentées par les réalisateurs et par les intervenants qui sont intégrés dans les documentaires. L’étude des documentaires nous donne aussi un accès privilégié aux représentations de la nature et du territoire, ainsi qu’aux rapports avec les Allochtones et l’État canadien. Les résultats de notre analyse des documentaires viennent souligner la place fondamentale de la nature et du territoire dans les représentations autochtones, et exposent la gravité extrême des atteintes à l’environnement pour ces communautés. Les documentaires indiquent que les injustices et les transgressions environnementales ont des conséquences incommensurables pour les peuples autochtones. Notre analyse révèle aussi la place de l’État canadien, la structure coloniale et les valeurs capitalistes dans ces actes. Ces éléments sont mis en lumière à travers les représentations autochtones d’une responsabilité accrue des acteurs gouvernementaux et organisationnels accompagnée de rapports antagonistes avec les Allochtones, qui engendrent plusieurs réactions autochtones aux injustices et aux transgressions. Finalement, notre analyse dégage des documentaires un lot de revendications essentielles afin de parvenir à une justice environnementale autochtone. / Our study addresses Indigenous representations of environmental transgressions and environmental justice in Canada through the analysis of Indigenous documentary short-films produced by Wapikoni Mobile. Through the use of qualitative methodology, we aim to bring Indigenous perspectives to the forefront of our study and thus present the experiences of environmental transgressions and injustices as represented by the documentary filmmakers, as well as their participants. The study of documentaries also gives us privileged access to representations of nature and land, as well as to relations with non-Natives and the Canadian state. The results of our analysis highlight the fundamental place of nature and land in Indigenous representations present in the short-films, and expose the extreme severity of environmental damage to these Indigenous communities. The documentaries indicate that environmental injustices and transgressions have immeasurable consequences for Indigenous peoples. Our analysis also reveals the place of the Canadian state, the colonial structure and capitalist values in these acts. These elements are highlighted through Indigenous representations of increased responsibility by state and corporate actors accompanied by antagonistic relationships with Non-Indigenous people, which generate multiple Indigenous reactions to injustices and transgressions. Finally, our analysis identifies from these documentaries a set of claims essential to achieving Indigenous environmental justice.

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