European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

This is a study of the trade union journal for female blue collar women in Sweden, Arbetets Kvinnor, between 1927 and 1931. The purpose is to examine how a female trade union activist's constructs collective identity by those notions of social class, sex, and moral values that are articulated in the journal. The main theoretical basis is Alberto Melucci's analysis where he argues that a collective identity in social movements is made in an interaction between individuals, where the action possibilities and limits are defined. Another purpose is how the female blue collar worker's resistance and/or adaption to the male hegemonic trade union and the bourgeoisie hegemonic society are presented. The essay shows how the collective identity is made of both historical and contemporary images of the working class women as workers and trade union activists. It also shows that the identity is based on an international class struggle in which the labour women walk hand in hand with the labour men, embracing social democratic ideas. The conception of the woman of the labour class is multifaceted, for example she is pictured as a class comrade and simultaneously as a one whose main purpose is motherhood. Arbetets Kvinnor shows that the trade unionist women bid the bourgeoisie dominance resistance and it also depicts the women making opposition to the male hegemony in the trade union. The moral values that are presented are solidarity, responsibility and the urge of education into making the goal of an equal society possible to reach.

This is minor field study conducted in Gävle, Sweden. The purpose of the field study is to find answers to questions related to morality and spirituality with the main concern of investigating the phenomena in the gymnasium. Aspects of this presentation focus on the role of religion in moral development, on whether spirituality necessarily evokes a sense of morality or if they are entirely separate issues. This presentation also explains briefly what spirituality is, as well as expatiating on certain moral theories propounded by certain scholars and its relevance to the study. Since morality can sometimes be relative to persons in different places, I also did a brief comparative work by looking at the situation in Ghana and Sweden when it comes to morality. The phenomenological method was chosen in conducting this research. In line with this I interviewed two students in the gymnasium, I distributed questionnaires to twenty three other students and I interviewed a priest twice to gather some information which was resourceful in organising this study. In Ghana, morality is averagely a matter of social importance and most persons, though not everyone, serve as a check to ensure that what are believed to be right actions are distinguished from wrong actions. Religion forms the core of spirituality for most Ghanaians. With 93.3% of the population claiming to be religious, this issue is not surprising. It is with much interest therefore that I conducted a fieldwork in Sweden to know the varied views in spirituality and morality. There are a lot of similarities to say, in terms of morality and spirituality in Sweden and in Ghana. However, the enormous differences cannot be left out.

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<p>Humanitär intervention är ett begrepp inom internationella relationer som väcker många känslor och frågor. Trots att idén om att använda våld för att stoppa brott mot de mänskli-ga rättigheter kan verka attraktivt från ett moraliskt perspektiv, vilket man i århundraden har gjort, har denna praktik varit synnerligen oregelbunden. Detta i hög grad beroende på den ambivalens som finns inför de internationella normer som skall reglera staters använ-dande av militärt våld.</p><p>Synen på humanitära interventioner har ändrats i överensstämmelse med de förändringar som skett inom det internationella systemet. Dessa ändringar har, till viss del, medfört en förändrad syn på de normer som legitimerar användandet av våld inom det internationella samfundet.</p><p>Humanitära interventioner som begrepp och praktik innehåller många dilemman i vår tid. Detta eftersom det berör traditionella normer av suveränitet och ickeintervention, som är de främsta byggstenarna för det moderna internationella systemet, tillika del av Förenta Na-tionernas (FN) stadgar. Stater är i dag förbjudna att använda militärt våld som ett instru-ment i deras utrikespolitik, förutom i fall av självförsvar eller i kollektiva säkerhetsåtgärder, beslutade av FN:s säkerhetsråd. Det handlar även om att det finns traditionella normer som förbjuder intervention i andra staters interna angelägenheter. Dessutom ska allt militärt våld auktorernas av säkerhetsrådet, som har till uppgift att upprätthålla internationell fred och säkerhet.</p><p>Med detta perspektiv för ögonen, är användandet av våld för att genomdriva internationella humanitära normer, mycket begränsad enligt internationell lag. Detta har i många situatio-ner skapat ett svart hål när det kommer till att stoppa allvarliga förbrytelser mot de mänsk-liga rättigheter, genom internationellt ingripande. Ovanstående har lett till att man börjat diskutera och ifrågasätta traditionella principer som har varit ledande för det internationella samarbetet, vilket i sin tur skulle kunna öppna vägen för vissa interventioner med humani-tära syften.</p><p>Denna diskussion handlar om suveränitet, internationella lag och det handlar om moraliska ställningstaganden. Realismen har under lång tid varit den ledande skolan i internationella relationer och därmed lagt grunden för hur man ska tolka internationella konflikter, krigs-föring och interventioner. På senare tid har Realismen utmanats av andra teoretiska skolor och ställningstaganden som ifrågasätter Realismens förmåga att förklara händelser på den internationella arenan.</p><p>Genom att jämföra Realismens ståndpunkter, gentemot humanitära interventioner, med Utilitarismen och den Kosmopolitiska skolan, har uppsatsen kunnat presentera olika bilder av den problematik som humanitära interventioner idag står inför och därmed måste för-hålla sig till. Igenom att granska konflikten i Rwanda 1994 och Kosovo 1999 har problema-tiken runt humanitära interventioner ytterligare kunnat belysas och diskuteras. Detta har skett genom en kvalitativ textanalys.</p><p>Nyckelord: Humanitär Intervention, Suveränitet, Icke-intervention, Internationell lag, Rea-lism, Kosmopolitanism, Utilitarism, Moral</p> / <p>Humanitarian intervention is a concept within international relations that provoke many diverse feelings and questions. Although the idée too use force in the name of ending crimes against human rights may seem attractive from a moral perspective, its practise has been highly irregular. This is much due to the norms that regulate states use of military force.</p><p>The view on humanitarian interventions has changed in unity with the changes that have appeared within the international system. These changes have, to some extent, brought on a transformation in how we look upon the norms that regulate the use of force within the international community.</p><p>Humanitarian intervention is also a concept and practises that creates many dilemmas in our time. This because it touches and concerns traditional norms of sovereignty and non-intervention, that is not only fundamental building stones for the modern international system, but also a immense part of the structure of the United Nations (UN). States today, are forbidden to use military force as an integrated part of their foreign policy, except in cases of self-defence or collective security measures authorised by the UN Security Council. It is also about customary norms, which declare that states should not interfere in other states internal affaires.</p><p>In the company of the above stated, the use of force to implement humanitarian norms is fairly limited according to international law. This has repeatedly created a gap when it comes to stop serious violations against human rights through international interference. The above stated has led to an intense discussion concerning how traditional principals may have to chance in ways that better can guide international cooperation’s in these matters. This discussion may in turn lead to an opening for some sort of interventions with humanitarian purposes.</p><p>This discussion, furthermore, concerns sovereignty, international law, and it is about morality. Realism has for a long period of time been the leading school in international relations and has laid the ground for how we should interpret international conflicts, war and intervention. Recently, this school has been forced too respond to opposition from some other theoretical schools; questioning Realisms ability to explain activities on the international arena.</p><p>By comparing Realism opinion toward humanitarian interventions, with the Utilitarian and Cosmopolitan school, this thesis has been able to present different pictures describe the complexity of humanitarian interventions. Through analyse of the conflicts taking place in Rwanda 1994 and in Kosovo 1999, the issue of humanitarian intervention has been further scrutinised and discussed. This has been done through a qualitative text analyse.</p><p>Keywords: Humanitarian Intervention, Sovereignty, Non-intervention, International law, Realism, Cosmopolitanism, Utilitarianism, Morality</p>

Historically there has been an ongoing debate whether leadership is innate behaviour, a trait or a skill. I believe leadership is both a skill and a behaviour that exhibits that skill (Doh 2003). ‘This dual definition generated an additional disagreement over whether leadership can be taught’ (Doh 2003, p. 54). I have had conversations with professors, alumni and leaders who have experience with leadership (broadly defined) and more specifically with leadership programmes. I have asked the experts how they would define leadership; if leaders are born; how the profile of a successful leader looks like; and how we should develop leaders. This study indicates that leadership can be enhanced with the development of (1) explicit knowledge (2) tacit knowledge (3) emotional intelligence (4) and ethical leadership.

Helping professionals help people to achieve optimal functionality and fulfillment in the physical, psychological, emotional and intellectual domains. Well-defined ethical standards for practitioners are crucial to such a vital endeavor. This study analyzes the official codes of ethics produced by the professional organizations of five of the helping professions: librarianship, psychology, social work, nursing, and education. In the ethics codes is sought interpretation of four moral principles—respect for autonomy, justice, beneficence, and non-maleficence—and four professional responsibilities—fidelity, veracity, privacy, and confidentiality. These are grounded, respectively, in the “common morality” or the core norms exercised by all morally serious people, and the “professional morality,” or the core norms exercised by all moral professionals. How do the professions define, interpret, and express the principles and responsibilities? This interdisciplinary study clarifies and allows comparison of the expressed values of each profession. It is a critical examination of professional codes of ethics, and an argument for their explicit grounding in a larger morality. / text

The moral values forms man‘s moral position content and determinate his relationship with other values world. Its distinguish feature to exchange according to realizable humanity (transcendental, sociocentric or athropocentric). Problems of moral values close relate with human education, his valuable orientations development, so most important purpose of moral education is to help for person to search moral values and care its internalization, it is values realizing give meaning and go experience to its. However person couldn’t realize all moral values in development of moral education, because its complex is hardly embraced. That way it is adopting still some values and only some aspects. In age from fourteen to twenty one years in values internalization importance centre is cognitive factors. Therefore person cans deeply realizing values only in adolescence and in early youth. One from possible methods to grow moral values of pupils is the art, because it is one of most properly way to change moral perception of the individual and to develop his ability to make serious moral decisions. The art work‘s moral influence is conditioned various factors: the art work’s content (idea, subject) and form, its artistic value, artist’s intentions and spectator’s personal features. The religious stories taking up special place in structure of moral content of the art work, because the Religion express normative and emotional orientation to its subscribing reality. The Religion sort... [to full text]

Ši disertacija – tai kontrastyvinio pobūdžio lingvistinis darbas, kurio tyrimų objektas yra viešasis anglų ir lietuvių kalbų diskursas politine tema. Darbo tikslas – nustatyti, kokiais moralės modeliais vadovaujamasi Didžiosios Britanijos ir Lietuvos viešajame diskurse politine tematika, remiantis metaforos analize. Moksliniam tyrimui buvo renkami analitiniai straipsniai, kuriuose aprašomi Lietuvos (www.politika.lt) ir Didžiosios Britanijos (www.economist.com) politiniai įvykiai ketverių (Britanijos atveju) ir dvejų (Lietuvos atveju) metų laikotarpiu. Visame sinchroniniame tyrime taikomas trianguliacijos metodas, leidžiantis ištirti metaforos raišką įvairiais aspektais, derinant kokybinius (aprašomąjį, analitinį ir kognityvinį) tyrimus su kiekybiniu tyrimu. Buvo nustatyta trylika universalių metaforų: JUDĖJIMAS, JĖGA, KARAS, GYVŪNAI, SANDARA, JUSLĖS, VISUMA, SPORTAS, SVEIKATA, SANTYKIAI, PURVAS, VERSLAS ir TEATRAS. Gretinamoji analizė rodo, kad anglų kalbos metaforos skiriasi nuo lietuvių kalbos metaforų savo epistemine sandara. Anglų kalbos metaforų analizė rodo vertinimą, grindžiamą kompleksiniu moralės modeliu. Toks politinių įvykių vertinimas byloja apie progresyvią demokratinę politinę sistemą, pasižyminčią dinamiškumu, vertinimų kaita ir įvairove. Lietuvių kalbos metaforų analizės metu nustatytas vyraujantis pragmatinis metaforos moralės modelis su labai nežymiai išreikštais kitais metaforos moralės modeliais. Toks Lietuvos politinių įvykių vertinimas rodo pragmatinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is... [to full text]

The present study has attempted the analysis of public discourse and its moral expectations through metaphor at a contrastive level in the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics. The study deals with the identification of morality models in public discourse in English and Lithuanian. The materials of the study consist of analytical political articles extracted from the online archives of two following websites: (1) www.economist.com, (2) www.politika.lt. The collected data amounts to 415, 670 words in total. Three methods of analysis were applied to the collected data: qualitative, quantitative and contrastive. The analysis reveals that political affairs in both cultures are framed by the same conceptual metaphors. The structural composition of the conceptual metaphors has been examined in terms of the following thirteen SOURCE domains: MOTION, RELATIONSHIP, STRENGTH, HEALTH, SPORTS, WAR, ESSENCE, BUSINESS, DIRT, SENSES, WHOLENESS, THEATRE, and ANIMALS. The cross-mapping between SOURCE domains and TARGET domains is held by different epistemic correspondences, which leads to the variability of MORALITY models across the two languages, i.e. English and Lithuanian. British politics tends to be more varied in its moral expectations, which derive from three types of Morality Systems: Pragmatic, Rational and Integrated. Thus, the moral expectations governing British political discourse are based on the Complex Morality Model. By contrast, Lithuanian politics is... [to full text] / Ši disertacija – tai kontrastyvinio pobūdžio lingvistinis darbas, kurio tyrimų objektas yra viešasis anglų ir lietuvių kalbų diskursas politine tema. Darbo tikslas – nustatyti, kokiais moralės modeliais vadovaujamasi Didžiosios Britanijos ir Lietuvos viešajame diskurse politine tematika, remiantis metaforos analize. Moksliniam tyrimui buvo renkami analitiniai straipsniai, kuriuose aprašomi Lietuvos (www.politika.lt) ir Didžiosios Britanijos (www.economist.com) politiniai įvykiai ketverių (Britanijos atveju) ir dvejų (Lietuvos atveju) metų laikotarpiu. Visame sinchroniniame tyrime taikomas trianguliacijos metodas, leidžiantis ištirti metaforos raišką įvairiais aspektais, derinant kokybinius (aprašomąjį, analitinį ir kognityvinį) tyrimus su kiekybiniu tyrimu. Buvo nustatyta trylika universalių metaforų: JUDĖJIMAS, JĖGA, KARAS, GYVŪNAI, SANDARA, JUSLĖS, VISUMA, SPORTAS, SVEIKATA, SANTYKIAI, PURVAS, VERSLAS ir TEATRAS. Gretinamoji analizė rodo, kad anglų kalbos metaforos skiriasi nuo lietuvių kalbos metaforų savo epistemine sandara. Anglų kalbos metaforų analizė rodo vertinimą, grindžiamą kompleksiniu moralės modeliu. Toks politinių įvykių vertinimas byloja apie progresyvią demokratinę politinę sistemą, pasižyminčią dinamiškumu, vertinimų kaita ir įvairove. Lietuvių kalbos metaforų analizės metu nustatytas vyraujantis pragmatinis metaforos moralės modelis su labai nežymiai išreikštais kitais metaforos moralės modeliais. Toks Lietuvos politinių įvykių vertinimas rodo pragmatinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]