Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-01-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:49Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_jj_me_mar.pdf: 968497 bytes, checksum: 3311fb9b172d77dd74b0ae6b8e9db03c (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esse trabalho analisa os momentos de inflexão nas relações do Brasil, nos foros multilaterais, com os países do Sul durante a segunda metade do século XX, à luz dos momentos de redefinição das diretrizes de atuação internacional do País no tocante as suas ações em relação aos países em desenvolvimento. Buscamos apresentar, a partir da análise das modificações no sistema internacional e na história da Política Externa Brasileira, ao longo do período analisado, como o Sul era visto pela diplomacia brasileira como plataforma de atuação internacional, delineando, dessa maneira, os condicionantes que levaram, em determinados momentos, à aproximação ou ao afastamento do Brasil em relação aos países em desenvolvimento, em foros multilaterais como GATT/OMC e ONU / This work analyses the circumstances of inflection in Brazilian relations, at multilateral forums, with South nations during the second half of the 20th century, relating the redefinition moments of international performance lines of direction with his actions related with development countries. We aimed to show, starting from the analysis of changes in international system and in history of Brazilian Foreign Policy, alongside the analyzed period, how South was seen by brazilian diplomacy like international performance platform, drawing, thus, the conditions that carry Brazil, in certain moments, to approach or to distance with development countries, at multilateral foruns, such as GATT/WTO and UN

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-11-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:12:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ferreira_ns_me_fran.pdf: 944621 bytes, checksum: 91408d4cbdc2c71559c6cc703fa6c91f (MD5) / O presente estudo iniciou-se com análise de legislações domésticas que contribuíram para a formação do Primeiro Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual, inaugurado com a Convenção de Paris de 1883. Tal fase objetivou extrair os verdadeiros paradigmas que sustentam os Direitos de Propriedade Intelectual, bem como apontar a importância da inovação tecnológica enquanto bem juridicamente valorado pela sociedade. Após tal análise, passou-se ao estudo do Primeiro Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual, onde foram abordados todos os Tratados, Acordos e Convenções Internacionais que objetivaram proteger o potencial criativo e as inovações tecnológicas sob os auspícios da Organização Mundial da Propriedade Intelectual (OMPI). Em seguida, sob uma perspectiva histórica, foram analisados os fatores sociais, políticos e econômicos que contribuíram para o fim do Primeiro Regime e o início do Novo Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual. Dentre os denominadores apontados, recebeu destaque o fenômeno de internacionalização do comércio, o qual passou a gerar efeitos a partir de meados dos anos 70 (setenta). Finda tal etapa, analisou-se o Novo Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual, cujo marco inicial é o Anexo 1.C. do Acordo Constitutivo da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) de 1994. Tal Anexo é conhecido pelo nome de TRIPS (Treaty Related Aspects of Intellectual Property). A mudança de Regime foi estudada sob a perspectiva da modificação dos princípios sob os quais se estruturou o Primeiro Regime Internacional de Propriedade Intelectual. Neste ponto, concluiuse que o principal marco de ruptura foi a inserção dos princípios de livre-concorrência dentre os princípios que disciplinavam a matéria desde a Convenção de Paris de 1883. Outro fator de ruptura foi a inclusão do tema “Propriedade Intelectual” nas matérias... / El presente estudio se inició con análisis de legislaciones domésticas que contribuyeron para la formación del “Primer Régimen Internacional de Propiedad Intelectual”, inaugurado con lo Convenio de Paris de 1883. Dicha fase tuvo como objetivo extraer los verdaderos paradigmas que sostienen los Direitos de Propriedade Intelectual, bien como apuntar la importancia de la innovación tecnológica como un bien juridicamente valorado por la sociedad. Después de este análisis, se pasó al estudio del Primer Régimen Internacional de Propiedad Intelectual, donde fueron abordados todos los Tratados, Arreglos y Convenciones Internacionales que tenían como objetivo proteger el potencial creativo y las innovaciones tecnológicas bajo los auspícios de la Organización Mundial de la Propiedad Intelectual (OMPI). En seguida, bajo una perspectiva histórica, fueron analizados los hechos sociales, políticos y económicos que contribuyeron para el fin del Primer Régimen y el início del Nuevo Régimen Internacional de Propiedad Intelectual. Entre los denominadores apuntados, recibió especial atención el fenómeno de internacionalización del comércio, el cual pasó a generar efectos a partir de mediados de los años 70 (setenta). Terminada tal etapa, se analisó el Nuevo Régimen Internacional de Propiedad Intelectual, cuyo marco inicial es el Anexo 1.C. del Acuerdo Constitutivo de la Organización Mundial del Comércio (OMC) de 1994. Tal Anexo es conocido por el nombre de ADPIC (Aspectos de los Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual relacionados con el Comercio). El cambio de Régimen fue estudiado bajo la perspectiva de la modificación de los princípios bajo los cuales se estructuró el Primer Régimen Internacional de Propiedade Intelectual. En este punto, se concluyó que el principal marco de ruptura fue la inserción de los princípios de libre competencia entre los princípios que disciplinaban la materia desde lo Convenio de Paris de 1883...

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-09T16:58:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alexandre Magno Ramos Paiva.pdf: 27097259 bytes, checksum: c17ac76e53190fc3febe2762267bee8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T16:58:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alexandre Magno Ramos Paiva.pdf: 27097259 bytes, checksum: c17ac76e53190fc3febe2762267bee8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-16 / CAPES / After the Cold War, Brazil and United States started a new phase concerning the international commerce, in which Brazil established itself as a global trader, competing with the US products in the world market, mainly in respect to the commodities sector. Cotton, an important raw-material, makes part of in this scenario, and it was the reason for the greatest contend involving the two countries. The process by which Brazil contests the American subsidies toward their local producers dates back to 2002 and had a favorable outcome to the Latin- American country in 2005, when the World Trade Organization recognized the damaging effects resulting from the American practices in the world market of this product. Afterwards, there was a retaliation plead from Brazil and its subsequent authorization, being permitted to cross-retaliate, by which Brazil could break copyrights, for instance, in its compensating efforts. The two countries, ever since, keep a dialogue agenda about the best solution to the case, with a frame-work signed in 2010. The research aims to comprehend how this contentious trespassed the limits of the countries involved, bringing about some sort of international appeal and collaborating for the Brazilian insertion in the World as a global player. The first chapter deals with the reformulation of the domestic scenario, putting the Brazilian State closer to its internal productive sectors, as well as the changings occurred in the international commerce. In the second chapter, there's en explanation about the rules which involves the OMC disputes and how the case between Brazil and USA was conducted, with special highlight for the cotton contentious. Finally, in the last chapter, it is given a major emphasis in the external scenario and how it swayed the decisions of the two contenders for achieving the up-to-date result. The Brazilian victory in the cotton dispute reveals a greater Brazilian protagonist role in the developing world and the rising of its power in the commercial debates. / Com o final da Guerra Fria, Brasil e Estados Unidos entram numa nova fase em termos de comércio internacional, na qual o Brasil se estabelece como um global trader e passa a concorrer com os produtos norte-americanos no mercado mundial, principalmente no que diz respeito ao setor de commodities. O algodão, importante matéria-prima, se insere nesse novo cenário, e foi motivo da maior contenda envolvendo esses dois países. O processo pelo qual o Brasil contestava os subsídios concedidos pelos norte-americanos aos seus produtores locais data de 2002 e ganhou um desfecho favorável ao país sul-americano em 2005, quando a Organização Mundial do Comércio reconheceu o efeito funesto resultante das práticas norte-americanas no mercado internacional desse produto. Posteriormente, houve o pedido de retaliação por parte do Brasil e sua consequente autorização, sendo-a permitida sob a forma cruzada, ou seja, podendo envolver quebras de patentes, por exemplo, nos seus esforços de ressarcimento. Os dois países, desde então, vêm mantendo uma agenda de diálogo acerca da melhor maneira de solucionar esse contencioso, havendo um acordo sido assinado em 2010. A pesquisa visa compreender como essa contenda ultrapassou os limites dos países envolvidos, ganhando apelo internacional e contribuindo para a inserção do Brasil no mundo como um global player. O primeiro capítulo trata da reforma no cenário doméstico, aproximando o Estado brasileiro dos setores produtivos locais, bem como as mudanças ocorridas no comércio internacional. No segundo capítulo, há uma explanação sobre as regras que circunscrevem as disputas na OMC e como o caso entre Brasil e Estados Unidos foi conduzido, com especial ênfase para o contencioso do algodão. Por fim, no último, dá-se um destaque maior ao cenário externo e como ele influenciou as decisões dos dois contendores para que se chegasse ao desfecho atual. A vitória obtida pelo Brasil no contencioso do algodão aponta para um maior protagonismo brasileiro no mundo em desenvolvimento e um aumento do seu poder nos debates sobre comércio internacional.

A comunidade internacional tem se convencido sobre a seriedade da mudança climática e a necessidade de respostas urgentes para combatê-la. No entanto, a ausência de um regime universal com metas para os principais poluidores faz com que cada país adote ações individuais de maneira descoordenada. Esse descompasso levanta preocupações sobre possíveis impactos para a competitividade e a eficácia dos esforços dos países com políticas climáticas mais ambiciosas. Com o escopo de neutralizar tais ameaças, desponta a alternativa de adoção de ajustes de carbono na fronteira para equalizar os encargos ambientais entre a indústria doméstica e as importações. Nesse contexto, a presente tese defende a criação de disciplinas internacionais para orientar o uso de ajustes de carbono em sintonia com os valores do livre comércio e da preservação do clima. Recomenda-se que as negociações internacionais sejam lideradas pelas Nações Unidas, na moldura do regime climático, porém, em estreito diálogo e cooperação com a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A partir da análise de possíveis cenários, o trabalho expressa preferência por disciplinas multilaterais. Reconhece-se, contudo, méritos em arranjos intermediários, como os instrumentos setoriais. Por fim, indica-se um roteiro sobre os principais aspectos da aplicação dos ajustes de carbono que mereceriam apreciação em plano internacional. / The international community has acknowledged the need for urgent responses to address climate change. However, in the absence of a global agreement setting binding targets for all major polluters, countries pursue individual actions in an uncoordinated fashion. Such a situation raises concerns on competitiveness impacts and on the environmental effectiveness of climate policies of most countries, especially those leading the way. As a solution to level the playing field vis-à-vis international competitors, countries evaluate the use of border carbon adjustments. Against this background, this analysis supports the design of international disciplines to guide the use of border carbon adjustments in line with the goals of free trade and climate protection. It argues that the United Nations should lead those negotiations in the framework of the climate regime, in close dialogue and cooperation with the World Trade Organization (WTO). Based on an analysis of multiple scenarios, this essay favours the adoption of multilateral disciplines. It recognizes, however, advantages in alternative approaches such as sectorial agreements. Finally, it proposes a roadmap on key aspects concerning the use of border carbon adjustments that merit consideration in the international arena.

Depuis l'adoption de sa première législation antidumping en 1989, la Turquie est entrée dans le groupe des pays qui sont les utilisateurs les plus fréquents des mesures antidumping. Pourtant, le dispositif antidumping du pays a besoin d'une réforme importante. L'Accord antidumping de l'OMC a force de loi en droit turc. De plus, il y a une législation antidumping nationale qui est composée d'une loi, d'un décret et d'un règlement. Toutefois, il n'y a aucune exigence juridique d'avoir une loi ou un décret dans la législation antidumping. Ainsi, nous proposons d'abroger la Loi et le Décret antidumping et de limiter la base juridique des procédures antidumping au Règlement antidumping. Ceci donnera aux autorités une flexibilité par rapport à la réalisation des amendements dont il y aura besoin à l'avenir, et éliminera le grand nombre de chevauchements qu'il y a dans la Législation actuelle. Cette dernière contient des dispositions incompatibles avec l'Accord antidumping, celles-ci doivent être modifiées. Il y a également des aspects où les règles écrites sont compatibles avec l'Accord antidumping, mais où la pratique des autorités ne suit pas ces règles. Ce genre de pratique ne doit pas être répété. Nous estimons que la place et la structure de l'autorité turque en matière d'antidumping sont loin d'être idéales et ne répondent pas aux besoins des industries nationales. A notre avis, il faut soit organiser cette autorité comme un organisme gouvernemental indépendant soit la sortir du Ministère de l'économie et l'attacher à l'Autorité de la concurrence soit l'organiser, avec les autres départements du Ministère s'occupant des mesures correctives commerciales, comme une nouvelle direction générale au Ministère. La révision judiciaire des constatations de l'autorité d'enquête n'est pas efficace en Turquie. Il faut établir un tribunal spécialisé pour cette révision et donner, aux juges fonctionnant dans ce tribunal, la formation nécessaire pour assurer une révision judiciaire efficace. / Since the adoption of its first anti-dumping legislation in 1989, Turkey made its way into the list of countries that are the most active users of anti-dumping measures. However, the country's anti­dumping system needs a comprehensive reform. The WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement has the force of law under Turkish law. Further, there is national anti-dumping legislation consisting of a law, a decree and a regulation. Yet, there is no legal requirement that necessitates the inclusion of a law or decree in the anti-dumping legislation. Therefore, we propose to repeal the Anti-Dumping Law and Decree and to limit the legal basis for anti-dumping proceedings to the Anti-Dumping Regulation. This will provide the authorities with the flexibility to make the amendments that will be needed in future, and will eliminate the man y instances of overlap among the three elements of the current legislation. The current legislation contains certain provisions that are inconsistent with the Anti­Dumping Agreement and they need to be modified. There are also aspects where the written rules are compatible with WTO principles but the authorities' practice does not follow such rules. This type o1 practice should not be repeated. We argue that the place and structure of the Turkish anti-dumping authority is far from ideal and does not respond to the needs of national industries. In our view, the authority should be detached from the Ministry of Economy and organized as an independent government agency, or should be attached to the Competition Authority, or should be reorganized, together with other departments that also deal with trade remedies, as a new directorate general within the Ministry of Economy. Judicial review of the determinations of the investigating authority is not effective. We propose to establish a specialized court for this review and to provide the judges who will serve in this court with the necessary training in order to ensure effective judicial review.

La finalité du droit international économique contemporain est en principe de réaliser une meilleure harmonisation entre l’expansion du commerce d’une part et la croissance des pays en développement (PED) d’autre part. Cette harmonisation n’est pas toujours évidente dans certains domaines du droit international économique notamment les services. Les rapports juridiques entre un accord multilatéral comme l’AGCS (Accord général sur le commerce des services) et les PED représentent en effet, une dialectique tant au niveau du statut des PED dans le cadre de cet Accord que de ses conséquences juridiques à leur égard. L’étude s’inscrit dans le cadre de cette dialectique et tente de cerner la dimension juridique et les enjeux de développement de ces rapports. Elle se place dans ce contexte à montrer la flexibilité formelle de l’AGCS à l’égard des PED dans un premier lieu et la relativité de ses effets dans un second lieu. / The aim of the contemporary international economic law is in principle to achieve a better harmonization between the expansion of trade and the growth of the developing countries. This harmonization is not always evident or clear in some areas of the international economic law particularly in the services sector. The legal aspects of the relationship between a multilateral Agreement such as the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) and developing countries are indeed dialectic especially in the context of their status in the framework of this Agreement on the one hand and its legal consequences on the other hand. The study takes its place in this dialectic and attempts to identify the legal dimension and the development challenges of this relationship. It is within this context that the research will present the formal flexibility of the GATS against the developing countries in the first place and the relativity of its effects in a second.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The results of this study show that novel mesoporous carbons were obtained as inverse replica of SBA-15, HMS and MCM-41 silica templates, with a large pore diameter (2-4 nm), a BET surface area of 1867, 874 and 910 m2g–1 respectively for CA_SBA-15_LPG_105, CA_HMS_LPG_80 and CA_MCM- 41_LPG_80 with bimodal pore size distribution (PSD) in the mesopores range. The results obtained show that mesoporous carbon with graphitic structures can be synthesized via the LPG route. / South Africa

L'accord ADPIC a été accepté par la Tunisie comme un mal nécessaire afin d'obtenir des bénéfices commerciaux dans les secteurs de grand intérêt. Il était également considéré comme bien pensé car il accordait une période de transition aux PED afin qu'ils puissent adapter leurs systèmes à cet instrument exhaustif et établir un standard minimum qui pourrait s'appliquer à tous les pays et rattacher les DPI au commerce. La Tunisie constitue un cas d'analyse intéressant et ce, surtout comparativement aux autres pays qui ont maintenu une attitude de rejet par rapport aux traités classiques de PI. Notre pays était membre aux conventions de Paris et de Berne depuis plus d'un siècle. Il était certes le bon élève qui s'est harmonisé en développant une nouvelle culture de protection à la PI conformément au nouveau système international. La raison est que la PI est conçue afin d'être, dans la nouvelle économie cognitive, un outil important dans la compétitivité internationale. Elle constitue également un instrument pour attirer les IDE. En même temps, et comme le stipule l'ADPIC, la PI serait un composant essentiel dans la promotion de l'innovation et la facilité du transfert de technologie. Mais ce schéma d'harmonisation sur la base de prétendus standards minimums n'a pas satisfait l'engouement des pays industrialisés qui se sont lancés dans la conclusion d'accords commerciaux bilatéraux au-delà de l'ADPIC. Notre objectif est donc d'analyser ces présupposés et d'essayer d'expliquer ce qui s'est passé depuis l'accord ADPIC. La question est de savoir si le pays, en procédant de cette manière, avait réussi à établir cette articulation entre les considérations commerciales qu'exige l'ADPIC et les préoccupations internes se rapportant à la santé, l'agriculture, la diversité culturelle et l'environnement. Vingt trois ans après, le pays a-t-il tiré profit de l'alignement de son régime de PI sur l'accord ADPIC ? L'un des objectifs avoués de l'ADPIC était la diffusion du savoir et par là, l'amélioration des capacités R & D. Cependant, très peu de progrès a été réalisé, il semble même que la situation ait empiré. / The TRIPS agreement has been accepted by Tunisia as a necessary evil in order to obtain commercial benefits in sectors of great interest. It was also considered well thought out because it provided a transition period for developing countries to adapt their systems to this comprehensive instrument and establish a minimum standard that could apply to all countries and link IPR to trade. Tunisia is an interesting case of analysis, especially in comparison with other countries maintaining an attitude of rejection towards the traditional treaties of IP. Our country has been a member of the Paris and Berne Conventions for more than a century. It was, of course, the right student who harmonized by developing a new culture of IP protection in accordance with the new international system. The reason is that IP is designed to be, in the new cognitive economy, an important tool in international competitiveness. It is also an instrument for attracting FDI. At the same time, and as stipulated in TRIPS, IP would be an essential component in promoting innovation and ease of technology transfer. But this pattern of harmonization on the basis of so-called minimum standards has not satisfied the enthusiasm of the industrialized countries that have embarked on the conclusion of bilateral trade agreements beyond TRIPS. Our objective is therefore to analyze these assumptions and try to explain what has happened since the TRIPS agreement. The question is whether, in doing so, the country has succeeded in establishing this link between the trade considerations required by TRIPS and the internal concerns related to health, agriculture, cultural diversity and environment. Twenty-three years later, has the country benefited from the alignment of its IP regime with the TRIPS Agreement? One of the stated objectives of TRIPS was the spread of knowledge and thereby the improvement of R & D capabilities. However, very little progress has been made, and it seems that the situation has worsened.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires (LL.M.)" / La création du GATT en 1947 par les pays occidentaux a consacré un nouvel ordre commercial international. Son but consistait à faciliter les échanges commerciaux et poursuivre le développement économique. Pour cela, la réglementation du GATT visait surtout à l'application d'une politique commerciale qui consiste à démanteler les obstacles aux échanges, proscrire toute discrimination commerciale entre les pays membres et entre les marchandises importées et les marchandises locales. En ce sens l'article 1er du GATT de 1947 (devenu OMC en 1995) pose le principe cardinal du traitement de la nation la plus favorisée, c'est-à-dire un traitement égal à tous les pays participant au GATT. Mais l'arrivée des nouveaux pays indépendants dans les années 1960 a changé la nature juridique du GATT parce qu'au point de vue économique il y avait trop de disparités entre les pays. Il y a eu donc la nécessité de tenir compte de la réalité économique de ces pays, de faire en sorte qu'ils puissent rattraper le retard dans le processus de développement, et de pouvoir aussi équilibrer les échanges commerciaux. L'adoption en 1964 de la Partie IV du GATT, intitulée commerce et développement, consacre la non réciprocité commerciale en faveur des pays en développement, et officialise par la même occasion une dualité des normes parce que les deux catégories de parties contractantes appliquent différemment les principes du Gatt. Il devient alors pertinent d'étudier cette asymétrie juridique qui devait compenser l'inégalité de développement des pays insuffisamment développés. Selon le credo des libéraux de l'époque, les PED peuvent se développer économiquement par des échanges commerciaux. Mais, en dépit des traitements préférentiels qui sont accordés aux pays en développement, ils n'arrivent pas à se développer, leur balance commerciale est déficitaire, leur productivité est faible. En faisant une étude globale sur la situation des pays en développement, nous traiterons en particulier le cas du Niger et du Bénin. Cette recherche sert: d'abord à voir les effets du libéralisme économique sur les pays économiquement faibles, ensuite susciter l'intérêt à étudier le développement économique des pays en dehors d'une dualité des normes qui n'apporte pas de résultats escomptés. / The creation of GATT in 1947 by western countries has set a new international order trade that would facilitate trade exchanges and moves forward economic development around the world. For that reasbn GATT regulations aimed above aIl at the application of a trade policy that consists of getting rid of the hindrances to the exchanges, and proscribe discriminatory trade exchanges between countries and imported and exported local merchandizes. Indeed article 1 in GATT regulations in 1947 (became WTO in 1995) poses the cardinal mIe of treatment of the nation which is more privileged, that is an equal treatment for aIl countries that are members of GATT. But the arrivaI of the new independent countries III 1960 has changed the juridical nature of GATT because economically the gap was too huge between the countries. So it is important to take into account the economic reality of the poor countries to set a strategic policy that will help them out. With that policy they will be able to catch up with the new era of development and trade exchanges around the world will be fair. The adoption in 1964 of the Part 4 of GATT regulations entitled trade and development favours the non-reciprocity trade to developing countriesand makes official at the same occasion a duality of norms because the two categories of members put into the application the mIes ofGATT differently. This research aims at studying this asymmetrical politic that would compensate the inequality of the development of poor countries, and would also provide them an economic development by the means of trade exchanges. ln spite of the preferential treatments given to the developing countries, theyare not yet making any progress because their trade balance is deficient, and their productivity is worthless. In doing a broader research on the situation of developing countries, we will focus particularly on the situations of Niger and Benin. This research would serve first to analyse the effects of the economic liberalism on the poor countries; secondly create the interest to study the economic development of the countries out of the asymmetrical politic that do not bring any attempted results.

Notre thèse a pour but de réfléchir à cette question majeure, de tenter de résoudre cette impasse : le droit du commerce international contemporain a été élaboré à partir de principes libéraux pour réaliser la libre circulation des marchandises et des services (OMC, GATT, GATS…), sans toutefois tenir compte des différentes barrières culturelles internes des pays (par exemple en Chine), ni de considérations « autres que d’ordre commercial ». Comment dépasser les barrières internes ? Comment intégrer les valeurs non commerciales ? La Chine est à la fois une partie du problème et une partie de la solution à cette question. Une partie du problème en ce que les frictions entre les principes de libre circulation et les habitudes propres à une aire culturelle donnée sont particulièrement vivaces dans le cas de la Chine et font sans cesse surface dans le cadre des exigences de régulation. Une partie de la solution aussi en ce que son engagement pour les technologies vertes et les énergies renouvelables donne plus poids à la nécessité d’élargir les lois étroites du commerce pour prendre en compte les considérations autres que commerciales / This doctoral thesis will aim at addressing the following problematic issue: contemporary international trade law has been established on liberal (free trade) principles in order to allow the free movement of goods and services (WTO, GATT, GATS, etc.), without taking into account other countries internal cultural barriers (for example in China), or non-trade concerns (NTCs). How to overcome internal barriers? How to integrate non-trade concerns? China is part of the problem as well as part of the solution. On one hand frictions between global free-trade principles and local cultural habits are overwelhming present in China and continuously interfere with the requirements of trade regulation. On the other China’s involvement in green technology or renewable energies give more weigth to the necessity of extending the international trade framework to include non-trade concerns in its definition