隨著科技的盛行，政府大力推動電子化政府計畫，讓民眾得以經由電子化的服務，獲得更多便利。而在公民意識高漲及顧客導向的改革浪潮中，於政策中事前詢問公民偏好的重要性也日趨重要，電子化政府計畫也不例外，如何讓政策貼近民眾需求更是重要考量，更是計畫成功的要素之一。文獻中對於公民參與有諸多的討論，可以整理出公民參與的三個層級：資訊公開、政策諮詢、決策參與，搭配電子化政府計畫流程的三個時機：規劃、執行、評估，形成一個公民參與九宮格的討論架構。 本研究經由訪談、問卷等進行資料收集後，有幾個發現：首先電子化政府計畫流程中所進行的公民參與，依據時機來看，規劃階段有研考會所規定的試辦，執行階段由計畫主辦機關自行決定公民參與的進行，到評估階段則是由研考會訂立於計畫流程的專家會議來對計畫成效進行審議，然規劃、執行兩者的公民參與並非是具體規範，端視主辦機關的態度，對整體流程而言明顯公民參與設計上有所欠缺。雖然研考會與計畫主辦機關對於公民參與都相當的重視，然就實際執行結果，多以政策諮詢為主，心態較為被動。此外，在計畫流程中，計畫主辦機關常遇到一些困難，包含經費、人力的不足、時間的限制以及結果難以快速達成等，加之以公民參與端有賴於主辦機關自行摸索，欠缺具體方向，使得公民參與的執行更加不易。 而本研究透過實務資料、文獻以及公民參與九宮格的結合，建立出公民參與的模型，並依據時間、層級、方式與計畫特質給予使用參與，期望能夠減少計畫主辦機關進行公民參與的困難。最後，提出 4 點政策建議：(1)公民參與知識經驗分享(2)彈性化調整措施(3)公民參與的制度化(4)服務心態的調整，希望能夠協助電子化政府計畫流程中公民參與的執行更為容易。 / With the development of information and communication technology (ICT), the government devotes to carry out E-governance Programs (EG Programs). Through EG Programs, people expect to get a lot of convenience and efficiency. In the rising consciousness of citizens and the waves of customer-oriented revolution, it is more important to understand citizen’s preferences before carrying out related policies. The E-governance Programs is no exception. How to let policies conform to people’s needs is more important consideration, moreover, it is also one of the success factors of the programs. The previous studies report a lot about public participation, and it can summarize to three levels－information, consultation and decision making , collate with three stages of E-governance Programs－planning, implementation and evaluation to form a structure of public participation 3 by 3 grids. Based on data collection processes composed of interviews and a questionnaire survey, the thesis develops several results. To start with, there is obviously deficient design about total process of the public participation in E-governance Programs. In planning stage, Research Development and Evaluation Commission (RDEC) will hold a trial; In implementation stage, the authority in charge of a specific e-governance program will decide the degree of public participation by itself; In evaluation stage, the authority in charge will host a conference of specialist according to the regulations made by RDEC. However, in planning and implementation stages, public participation is not mandated by the standard, but by the attitude of the EG Programs authority. On the other hand, Although RDEC and the EG Programs authority take public participation seriously, the actual results of public participation do not reflect their active attitude. For example, the authority of the EG Programs use policy consulting mostly. Besides, the EG Programs authority encounters lots of difficulties such as the shortage of funds, lack of time and manpower. And, public participation lacks specific directions, which needs the EG Programs authority to experiment and develop the appropriate way of public participation in decision making procedure. These situations make public participation more difficult to be effectively implemented. In this research, the author constructs a model of public participation through empirical data and literature based on public participation 3 by 3 grids. And expect to provide some policy suggestions base on different time, levels and programs characteristics to reduce the implementation barriers. There are four suggestions, including: sharing public participate knowledge, providing flexible, adjustable measures, institutionalizing public participation, adjusting servicer’s attitude. The author expects to improve the public participation process in E-governance Programs.

中國大陸從民主國家引進「聽證會」制度，是一種「有組織、有結構」的表達機制。要瞭解中國「聽證會」制度的全貌與意涵，首先掌握民主國家聽證理論，並在「民主政治」、「自然正義」、「正當法律程序」及「公開與公民參與」等立論原則，來加以探索民主國家對聽證之成因與面貌。另在文獻蒐集與探討中，從1993年至今，完整編織中國「聽證會」的發展背景動機和歷史演變，透過聽證理論與「聽證會」發展之比對分析，藉以說明中國與民主國家在「聽證」觀點上之差異。 在現行中國聽證會制度之法制規範上，從「聽證會」在中國大陸司法、行政立法過程之相關會議資料，和中央、地方近年來之施行情形，探求其制度正處於何種地位，瞭解中國「聽證會」之地位後，陸續歸納中國憲法內相關對聽證的立憲基礎，還有全國人大、全國人大常委會、國務院及地方等行政立法機關，在司法、行政立法聽證的法律規章之聽證法源依據，進而分析聽證在大陸的適法範圍及功能。另由司法賠償、行政立法及行政處罰之聽證個案實例，進一步深層瞭解「聽證會」實際操作面向。 文內採用文獻探討法，就已蒐集中國大陸司法、行政立法聽證之意涵、種類、政策基礎、規範原則、運作程序等百篇文獻，對與主題有關的縱向因素之因果關係加以整理、掌握，並藉以分析聽證之本質內涵，在透由探討與發現問題，將有系統對中國聽證會在司法聽證、行政立法聽證及民主政治等方面的問題影響加以整理說明。最後提出結論與建議，以提供問題解決方向。 / Communist China adopts the hearing system, a well organized and structured expression mechanism, from the western democracies in 1993. With this background, understanding the hearing theories of the western democracies becomes the prerequisite to study the full context and implications of China’s hearing system. Those who are interested in the creation of the western hearing system must realize that the system is based on theories such as democracy, natural justice, due process of law, and public civil participation. With thorough researches of documents and analyses, the motivation and history of China’s hearing system shall be studied and the differences between China and the western democracies shall be analyzed by comparing the theories and evolution of the two hearing systems. In order to identify with the role of China’s current hearing system, related materials collected from several important meetings carried out by China’s judicial and administrative-legislative authorities, as well as implementation of hearing at the central and local levels are investigated. When this investigation is concluded, how hearing system functions within the scope of China’s constitution will be induced. Furthermore, how hearings are functioned and supported by China’s existing laws when they are performed at National People Congress (NPC), NPC’s Standing Committee, State Council and local authorities will also be examined. Case studies of hearings regarding to judicial compensation, administrative-legislative and administrative penalties are provided to further help understand the real performance of the hearing activities in China. The literature review methodology is taken on in this thesis . Over one hundred periodicals, papers, and documents on the subject of hearing are collected and studied. These materials include the definition, types, principles, norms and procedures of China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearings. By studying the literature and identifying the cause and effect, a systematic explanation of the correlation between China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearing structure and democracy is concluded and possible solutions are recommended.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

本文從個人、國家和世界三個層面來重新建構約翰彌爾的公眾參與理論。其公眾參與理論包含了公民精神和公民參與這兩個部份。公民精神主要強調合作的精神，天才和菁英組成的知識階級公民必須和其他大眾階級的公民合作，才可以減少痛苦得到快樂，唯有合作才能讓每個人可以充分運用到自己的能力，享受到高級樂趣，得到個人的幸福，也讓社會獲得更多的效益。合作的精神必須透過實際的參與才可以學習，因此參與本身具有教育的功能。彌爾認為公民精神必須透過國家內部的地方和中央雙軌式的參與才可以培養，由知識階級擔任引導的角色，在參與過程中協助大眾階級的學習。這種方式擴展到世界上就是文明國家對野蠻國家的帝國主義干預。殖民地不適用於不干預原則，因為他們必須透過和統治者的合作，才能學習如何運用自己的能力來得到幸福。 / This study tries to reconstruct John Stuart Mill’s theory of public participation from three perspectives: individual, national and international. This theory consists of an account of citizenship as well as an account of citizen participation. At the core of Mill’s idea of citizenship is cooperation between intelligent citizens, which include geniuses and elites, and the masses. By cooperation, people can make best use of their capacities, and attain their own higher pleasures and ultimately happiness. This citizen spirit can only be cultivated through political participation, and thus it has implications on education policy. The purpose of educating the masses is to help them develop and use their intellectual ability, and to do so intelligent citizens must assume the role of leading their fellow citizens with regard to political participation. And only from this perspective can we truly understand Mill’s theory of international intervention – or liberal imperialism, according to which civilized states are allowed to intervene the barbarian ones. Colonized population must cooperate with and learn from their rulers – that is to say, to conduct their own experiments in living under their colonizer’s tutelage.

隨著資訊通訊技術日漸進步與普及，政府亦開始發展各種線上溝通工具，作為與民眾互動的方式之一，在諸多的電腦中介傳播形式中，線上論壇即為一種值得重視的應用型態。本研究由理性公共論述的角度出發，主要為調查中央政府機關網路論壇的版面運作與討論情形，以及兩者之間的關連。首先檢閱相關文獻以找出本研究定位，再從相關理論中，整理出理性公共論述的內涵和要件，建構出理想網路論壇版面和公共論述的模式，共有五面向，三十五個項目。實證資料蒐集分為兩階段，第一階段採線上檢閱法，檢視所有的中央政府網路論壇版面；第二階段採內容分析法，檢視由第一階段篩選出的部分網路論壇之主題言論，最後彙整兩者的資料結果，並衍生出三個命題，以瞭解兩者之間的關連。 / 研究結果發現，我國目前共有42個中央政府行政機關於網站上設有網路論壇，提供民眾自由發表言論和詢問問題。以網路論壇的版面設計而言，這些論壇都沒有太大的差異。而在政府主動回應上則稍顯不足，目前政府對於論壇言論多是採取選擇性回應或不回應居多。在公眾參與情形方面，整體而言參與討論的熱絡情況差異很大，依據論壇所屬機關涉及的業務和公共議題而有所差別。以主題討論內容來說，雖然討論的質與量，目前仍未形成一真正理想的公共論述空間，但是在幾個專門討論特定公共議題的論壇中，可以看到參與者提出各種不同觀點，以及彼此之間互相溝通辯論的情形。證明網路論壇若作為特定公眾議題的討論園地，它可以是一個辯論空間、傳達意見的場域，讓一個議題很快擴散開來，並使論壇參與者可以從不同的角度去討論它，這就是網路論壇最重要的價值。 / 本研究結果說明了現階段中央政府網路論壇其實仍有值得改進的空間，網路論壇作為政府與民眾的溝通管道，其在公民參與上的效用是不容忽視的，隨著網路通訊科技日漸普及，越來越多人選擇用網路作為陳述意見的管道，故政府實應妥善運用現有的網路論壇機制，作為線上互動的公眾領域，最後，本研究也整理了若干實務建議，提供給政府作為網路論壇經營管理上的參考。 / As the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have been progressed and widespread, government agencies begin to develop various kinds of online communicational tools for interacting with people. In many kinds of computer-mediated communications (CMC), the most noteworthy is a network or Internet forum. This study, based on rational theory of public discourse, attempts to investigate the constitution and the discussion on the network forums in Taiwan’s central government, and to explore the relation between the two. After the literature review positioning the study, the author extracted the components of rational theories of public discourse and constructed the indicators for evaluating Internet forums, including 5 dimensions and 35 items. The first stage of data collection is an online review inspecting the Internet forums of the central government agencies. The second stage is analyzing the content of the themes posted on the forums chosen from the first stage. Finally, three propositions were derived to realize the relation between the design and content of the forums as indicated above. / 42 forums of administrative agencies were located to offer the citizens to publish opinions and inquire questions. The reviewed forums show little difference in their design and mechanism. Concerning their management, the agencies reply on a selection basis or even seldom reply. Nevertheless, substantial difference is found on the degree of participation of the forum. Although the quality and quantity on these network forums does not suffice to develop an ideal public argumentation, several forums dedicated to specific public issues have shown plural views from the participants. In sum, the Internet forums of public agencies can carry and diffuse the citizen’s opinion and debate from dierse perspectives. / Accordingly, the results suggest that the Internet forums of government deserve further improvement. As a communicative channel between government and citizens, the benefit of citizen participation is significant. Government should utilize their mechanism properly as the online consultation platform. Finally, this reaerch provides suggestion on management and administration of the public Internet forums.

自一九八Ｏ年代起，現代資訊與通訊科技(Information and Communication Technology or ICT)、電腦中介傳播(Computer-Mediated Communication or CMC)、網際網路(Internet)及全球資訊網(World Wide Web or WWW)的發展和普及化，已被學者、政治人物、以及論者們認為是可用以加強實踐公民參與及民主政治之有效工具。本研究即探討政府如何透過網際網路來提供公民參與機制。 本研究以網際網路之公民參與機制的理論為基礎，建構一個完整的網際網路之公民參與機制，亦即建構一個理想的網路公共論壇版面。並檢視台北市政府於全球資訊網網站上之公共論壇版面的運作現況及其成效，檢驗其中公民參與公共事務價值的實踐程度。最後，將探討網際網路之公民參與機制的實踐會有哪些侷限，應如何加以突破，藉此提供學術界及實務界研究貢獻。 / Since the 1980's, many scholars, statesmen, and researchers have come to realize that the development and popularity of modern Information and Communication Technology (ICT), Computer-mediated Communication (CMC), Internet, and the World Wide Web (WWW) will become the effective mechanism for citizen participation. The main purpose of this research paper is to study how government provides citizen participation through Internet. First, the paper will take the theory of Internet citizen participation to construct an ideal mechanism of Internet citizen participation, i.e., to build an ideal operational procedural of Internet Public Forum. Second, the paper will use Taipei City Government's "Citizen Forum" in the World Wide Web as a case study to compare and analyze this case with the ideal operational procedural of Internet Public Forum. Last, the paper will discuss the constraints of Internet citizen participation, and search for solutions to these constraints.

本論文「台灣社區大學之研究─公民社會建構與終身學習政策的實踐」主要目的在研究台灣最近四年以來，蓬勃發展的另類高等教育社區大學，目前已經招生上課的社區大學共有卅七所，每年參與選課的學員將近七萬人次，並且仍然持續增加之中。本論文藉由個案研究（採取質的研究中文獻分析、參與觀察與深度訪談等方法）探討：1、公民社會建構（社會面向）。2、終身學習政策（政策面向）。3、社區大學的定位、法制化（文憑授予）、財源、課程與教學，以及與政府關係（組織管理面向）。研究結果分析與歸納為： 　　研究發現（一）：社區大學的環境。 　　1、社區大學是民間教育改革（四一○教育改造）運動的延續；在意識型態方面是由民間自發性的草根運動，訴求改革官方傳統的制式教育；此外，由於宗教團體涉入社區大學的經營，其重視個人心靈成長的教育，則和社區大學「知識解放與公民社會」宗旨有所差異。 　　2、社區大學透過發展地方產業文化、社區參與、課程社團化和社團課程化等策略，繼續發揚社區總體營造的精神。 　　3、知識解放是社區大學的核心價值，民眾透過社區大學強調經驗知識與對話的學習，培養批判思考能力，建立個人價值觀，並朝向改造社會與建構公民社會的理想邁進。 　　4、社區大學全國研討會的參與觀察，以加強社區大學扣緊本土社會脈動與議題發展，以及全球化趨勢（例如：農村、原住民、勞工議題，以及WTO的因應策略等）。 　　研究發現（二）：社區大學的實踐。社區大學對於公民社會建構與終身學習政策等指標的實踐，歸納為下列的結果。 　　1、倡導公共性：社區大學是透過非營利組織的倡導，以及提升公民參與能力，強化其公共性特質。 　　2、促進社區參與：社區大學將社團活動納入正式課程，並採取工作坊方式運作，走出學校進入社區服務策略，使得社區大學在社區意識凝聚的成效顯著。 　　3、型塑公共領域：社區大學利用公共論壇的實施，提供一個公共議題對話的平台，來喚醒學員的公共意識與公民參與的能力。 　　4、提昇終身學習的品質：社區大學提供民眾系統性的終身學習場域，並建構成為學習型組織，以提昇個人知能與素質，以及整體社會的水準。 　　5、延伸社區大學的視野：研究發現法制化是目前社區大學最急迫的議題，也是拓展社大視野與永續發展的關鍵要素。 　　最後，本論文綜合研究結果，提出對於政府部門、社區大學、社會大眾，以及後續研究的建議，以作為政府部門（特別是地方政府）、社區大學、非營利組織、社區工作者、民眾，以及將要開辦社區大學機構的參考。 / The objective of this doctorial dissertation, A Study of the Community Universities in Taiwan: the Practice of the Structure of Civil Society and Lifelong Learning Policy, is mainly about the growing of the higher education system, the ‘community universities,’ in the past four years in Taiwan. Up till this moment, there are totally thirty-seven community universities in Taiwan with approximately seventy thousand students, which are still increasing in every year. 　　Through cases studying, the structure of civil society (in terms of society), lifelong learning policy (in terms of policy), and the definition of the community universities will be discussed in this dissertation. The result can be divided into two parts： 　　A. The environment of the community universities： 　　a. The community university is the continuing of the nongovernmental education revolution (410 educational reformation), an activity initiated by the locals in order to reform the traditional education system made by the authorities. Moreover, the involvement of religious associations and their idea of inner growing of an individual differ from the mission statement, liberalizing of knowledge and civil society, of the community universities. 　　b.The community university helps to develop the spirit of social construction by developing local culture, taking part in the community, and using the tactics of making courses socialized and bringing social activities into class. 　　c.Liberalizing of knowledge is the key point of the community universities. The mass population can not only train their thinking ability, but also build their own value as individuals in the community universities which emphasizes the learning from the knowledge of experience and dialogue. Furthermore, they can move on toward the idea of social reformation and civil society. 　　d. Participating in the National Conference of the Community Universities can reinforce the ties of the universalities, the movement and the growing issue of local communities, and the global tendency. 　　B. The practice of the community universities： 　　a.Advocating its public nature: The quality of the public nature in the community university is advocated by nonprofit organizations and the elevation of citizen participation. 　　b.Promoting social participation: The community university adds social activities into formal courses and runs as a workshop to join in social service, and makes a successful effort from gathering social consciousness. 　　c. Sculpting public sphere: The community university uses the public forum as a place for discussing public issues in order to arouse the social consciousness and the citizen participation of the students. 　　d.Advancing the quality of lifelong learning: Forming as a study organization, the community university provides people a systematic lifelong learning to advance not only individual knowledge and competency, but also the level of the whole society. 　　e.Expanding the outlook of the community university: According to the research, the most important issue for the community university is to make it legalized, which is also the key point to expand the outlook and the interminable development of the community university. 　　To conclude, the comprehensive study result of the dissertation gives the government, the community universities, the public, and the follow up study a word of advice and serves as a reference to them and the organizations that is about to found a community university.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration