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盧梭的思想內涵豐富，不同學者由於關切的焦點不同，其所研究的主題也各異，例如，有些學者關懷的是盧梭思想在觀念史上的定位與影響，另外有些學者則是關心盧梭思想中的民主或極權成分，但是關於盧梭思想中公民共和主義的要素，則少有人提及。因此，本文的主要論旨即是從公民共和主義的核心觀念──腐化與德行此一角度切入，分析其政治思想。 根據此一研究主軸，本文第二章探討的是盧梭思想中的腐化意涵、腐化的歷程，以及造成腐化的各種因素，並將腐化的現象區分成政治腐化與和財產相關的社會腐化。面對這些腐化現象，盧梭是以德行作為對治之道，一方面以德行為標準批判當時政治、社會的腐化，另一方面則是以德行作為理想政治共同體重建的基礎。盧梭的這些想法似乎是深受古典共和主義思想家，以及古斯巴達與羅馬兩共和國影響。關於盧梭德行觀將在本文第三章探討。 以德行為基礎的政治共同體重建，將可在盧梭的社會契約理論，以及盧梭為其他國家草擬憲法、改革政制的著作中獲得印證。社會契約接櫫了理想政治共同體的原型，而社會契約的締結與維繫則有賴一位卓然出眾的立法家，他一方面轉化、消除造成腐化的種種因素，另一方面則創造培育德行的環境，使「德行共和國」的理想得以實現。 然而並非所有思想家對腐化的思考方向都和盧梭相同，孟德斯鳩與康士坦都提出和盧梭相異的思考，本文最後將探討這些思想家和盧梭思想的差異之處。 / The essence of Rousseau‘s thought is rich. A wide variety of focuses are thus occurred due to various scholar’s different concerns. Their research subjects are different too. For example, some scholars concern the position and influence of Rousseau’s thought on the idea of history, while others concern the components of democracy and authoritarianism of his thought. Nevertheless, the concerning of the elements of Rousseau’s thought on civic republicanism is not very prevailing. The main purpose of this thesis is from the core concept of civic republicanism, i.e., corruption and virtue, to analyze Rousseau’s political thought. Based on this research core, the second chapter of this thesis discusses the meaning of corruption, its process and the factors in causing corruption, as well as to divide the phenomena of corruption into political corruption and social corruption which is relevant to property. Rousseau dealt these corrupt phenomena with virtue. One the one hand, he applied virtue as the standard to criticize the contemporary political and social corruption. On the other hand, he applied virtue as the foundation to reconstruct ideal political community. The thought of Rousseau seems to be influenced by the classical republicanism thinkers and the two ancient Republic, i. e., Sparta and Rome Republic. Rousseau’s view toward virtue will be discussed in the third chapter of this thesis. The foundation of reconstructing political community by virtue will be found in Rousseau’s theory of social contract and to be proved in Rousseau’s drafting the manuscript of constitution reform policy for other states. Social contract reveals the stereotype of ideal political community, however, the binding and the maintaining of social contract depends on an outstanding legislator. On the one hand, he transforms and eliminates the various factors of corruption formation. On the other hand, he creates the various environment of virtue cultivation, enforcing the “Republic of virtue” to be realized. Not every thinker’s way of thinking toward corruption is the same with Rousseau. Montesquieu’s and Constant’s thinking are different from Rousseau. The last part of this thesis will discuss the differences among them.

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第20585号 / 農博第2237号 / 新制||農||1052(附属図書館) / 学位論文||H29||N5074(農学部図書室) / 京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻 / (主査)教授 梅津 千恵子, 教授 福井 清一, 教授 伊藤 順一 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DFAM