摘 要 目前我國地價制度是以公告土地現值為核心，但現行公告土地現值嚴重偏離市價，區段內各筆土地相對值極不合理，以此作為課稅稅基及徵收補償的依據，違背賦稅公平原則，為避免稅負漏損，落實漲價歸公，並於土地徵收時作到完全補償，讓公告土地現值趨近於市價，是現階段政府平均地權土地政策「價」的目標。 本研究即以此為論述出發點，從房地總價分離地價的根本查估問題導入，房地分離地價雖是現行公告土地現值查估最重要的價格來源基礎，但因公告土地現值掺雜了素地價和房地分離地價，造成「價」的定位不清、性質不明。經本研究實證結果發現，素地價格區間值相對於房地分離地價是較穩定且乖離率較低，房地分離地價會因建物存在狀態不同而異，且求算過程易受三個貢獻學說爭議的影響，不若素地地價單純，分離地價因含有超額利潤，有重複課稅之嫌，故公告土地現值及基準地價應以定位為「素地價」為宜。 採聯合貢獻所分離出來的地價較採土地貢獻分離地價，更接近素地地價，且與周邊的地價較為均衡，因此房地價格的分離方式應以聯合貢獻說較為合理。現行地價調查估計規則條文過於簡陋，應徹底修訂和不動產估價技術規則接軌，將房地分離方式納入聯合貢獻說的運用，採聯合貢獻分算房地價格時，分算基礎應以含間接成本的建物成本價格為宜，且不動產估價技術規則有關房地分離的相關法規，應予整合統一，房地分離估價方法定義、房地價值比率求算方式，應予明訂。 本研究建議採「價稅分離」，將公告土地現值功能用途單純化，使不同需求之地價回歸其功能目的，讓地政機關查估地價得以切實反應市價。並持續推動基準地地價查估制度，基準地查估不但具有個別宗地估價之精確度，又不失大量估價之方便性，亦能使公告土地現值更趨近於市價，應可改善現行公告土地現值查估制度的諸多缺失。 關鍵字：房地價格分離、公告土地現值、基準地、素地價、區段地價 / Currently, the core of the land value system in Taiwan is based on the Announced Current Land Value(ACLV). However, the ACLV deviates from the market value and the relationship between each parcel of land within the Land Value District is not reasonable. If the ACLV becomes part of the tax base and the foundation for compensation when the land is expropriated, it would be against the fairness and equity principle of taxation. In order to prevent tax loss, put the “Land Increment to the Public” into reality, compensate to the fullest when expropriation, the current goal of the Equalization of Right, the “Land Evaluation” of the land policy by the government is to make the ACLV approximating to the market value. Based on those issues mentioned above, this research delves into the core issue, the separation of improved property price. Although the land value separated from the improved property price is the most important foundation of the ACLV, the orientation of the value is not certain, and the nature of the value is not clear due to the ACLV is a combination of the land value from the vacant land and improved property. This thesis discovers the vacant land value range is more stable and the possibility of deviation is lower compared to the improved property price. The land value separated from the improved property will differ owing to the difference of the buildings which have already existed, and the controversy resulted from three contribution principles, which makes it more complicated than the vacant land value. If the land value separated from the improved property contains surplus profit, whether the double taxation occurs or not is in doubt. Hence, the orientation of the ACLV and the benchmark land value is better to be identified by the vacant land value. The separated land value adopting the land-build-united contribution principle approximates the vacant land value more compared to land contribution, and maintain better equilibrium status with surrounding lands. Hence the land-build-united contribution is more reasonable when separated the value from the improved property. Current articles of the “Regulations on the Land Value Investigation and Assessment” are too simplified. It needs to be totally overhauled to be in conformity with the “Regulations on the Real Estate Appraisal.” The land-build-united contribution should be incorporated for the separation of improved property price. The building cost value, which is to be deducted, should consider the indirect cost. Related stipulations of the separation of improved property price should be unified. The definition of the separation approach of improved property price and estimation of the land value ratio and the building value ratio shall be stipulated. This dissertation suggests the “separation of the evaluation and the taxation” and makes the function and purpose of the ACLV simple. When the land value identified for different function and political purpose is not directly relevant to the ACLV, the ACLV the land administration assess would reflect the market value. The land value benchmark system needs to be implemented continuously. Not only is the precision of the land value benchmark appraisal identical to the individual parcel of land appraisal, but also maintains the efficiency of the mass appraisal as well as making the ACLV closer to the market value, the implementation of the Land Value Benchmark could improve the deficiency of the current Announced Current Land Value system. Keywords: the separation of improved property price, Announced Current Land Value, Land Value Benchmark, vacant land value, District Land Value.

血液資源的有效利用一直是各國捐血機構努力的目標，但由於血液提供者的來源有限、捐血法規的限制、又常受季節性波動影響；捐入之血液必須經過嚴格的檢驗與品管、短暫的產品效期、又必須維持安全庫存量；對於醫院端病患的需求無法事先掌握、必須配對使用等特性，使得這資源的取得與耗用在維持動態平衡上具挑戰性，如何藉助資訊技術，提升需求端與供應端資訊的透通性與即時性，是本研究探討的主要議題。 由於血液的品質攸關用血人的生命安全，各國都訂定捐血相關的醫療政策與法規，以防止傳染性疾病藉由捐血傳染，並遏止捐血人藉由捐血檢驗疾病的危險行為。捐血法規的重重限制，影響部分捐血人持續捐血的意願；科技的進步使血液的篩檢項目持續增加，有助於血液品質的提升，但相對的也增加了血液機構財務面的負荷； 捐血人口通常是由年輕且健康的個體組成，而大部份需要輸血的病患都是老年人口；在已開發國家的未來人口變化，少子化社會使得年輕血源捐血比率下降，老齡化社會將有用血量增加的趨勢，所以統計人口的趨勢將會成為未來的血液供給的關鍵因素。 台灣地區的醫療院所用血需求由台灣血液基金會統籌負責，血源的企劃、採集、檢驗、血品分離、供應，整個流程均已電腦化作業，滿足各醫療院所的用血需求，但仍無法避免季節性缺血的現象。醫療院所與血液機構只透過傳真或電子郵件等方式訂血及資料交換，並未有即時交換訊息之機制。 本研究運用捐血機構資料庫中捐血人資料，並藉由資訊科技的方法，將用血需求與血源招募鏈結，在這有限的資源與用血需求間建立一套機制，使其供應與需求達到動態的平衡，將有助於血液的有效利用，也提升了血液機構與醫療院所間資訊的即時性與透通性。將來更可擴充與醫療院所間之即時互動功能，如高危險群通報作業、輸血不良反應通報作業、細菌檢測通報作業等加值服務，達到血液預警平台之效益。

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.

將公營事業民營化已非口號而已，它已成為許多國家既定的政策之一，我國也不例外。鐵路交通運輸事業亦屬公營事業之一環，為改善台灣鐵路的經營效率低落與服務品質欠佳及財務狀況不良等問題，將其民營化似乎是唯一途徑。 本研究之主要目的為探討台鐵為何必須民營化、如何民營化及其方式；另外並以事後回溯研究之方法舉出已民營化十餘年的日本國鐵為例，概略說明其民營化之經過，且也對其做了一番檢視，俾作為台鐵民營化時的參考，於探討台鐵民營化相關課題時，先就其組織與人事、營運策略、財務狀況等三方面說明台鐵目前所面臨的經營困境，進而導入其民營化之課題，最後並說明改善經營困境之作法，以為其後之民營化鋪路。 本文所獲之主要結論如下： 一、 以不完整財產權的觀點，「民營化」與「私有化」是兩個不同的名詞，兩者間係本質上之差異，亦即以公營事業所有權的移轉與否為區分。 二、 改善公營事業的財務狀況應是民營化的目的之一，非其原因，公營事業的盈虧狀況無關乎是否將其移轉民營的問題。 三、 民營化後的日本國鐵並未達成改善原國鐵財務虧損之目的，其主要原因應為（一）舊有債務未歸零；（二）經營安定基金成效尚待斟酌；（三）私有化方式欠妥。 四、 台鐵應可考慮採車路分離之方式民營化，將所有權與經營權分開，並分為兩階段進行：第一階段為組織之調整及其公司化；第二階段為將鐵路公司之營運項目透過特許權授與之方式移交給民間經營，政府仍保有其所有權，由鐵路公司擁有經營權，各司所職，以明權責。 第一章 緒論…………………………………………………………………… 1 第一節 前言與背景…………………………………………………………… 1 第二節 研究動機與目的……………………………………………………… 2 第三節 研究方法與限制……………………………………………………… 3 第四節 本文架構……………………………………………………………… 3 第二章 文獻回顧…………………………………………………………………4 第三章 理論基礎……………………………………………………………… 8 第一節 民營化之意義………………………………………………………… 8 第二節 公營事業與民營化………………………………………………… 19 第三節 民營化之方式……………………………………………………… 25 第四節 公用事業與公營事業……………………………………………… 35 本章註釋……………………………………………………………………… 37 第四章 國外實例：日本國鐵之民營化…………………………………… 39 第一節 引言………………………………………………………………… 39 第二節 日本國鐵民營化之經過…………………………………………… 41 第三節 檢視日本國鐵之民營化…………………………………………… 50 本章註釋……………………………………………………………………… 59 第五章 實務檢討：台灣鐵路之民營化…………………………………… 61 第一節 台鐵經營現況分析………………………………………………… 62 第二節 台鐵民營化之主客觀優勢………………………………………… 99 第三節 台鐵的車路分離……………………………………………………106 第四節 台鐵經營困境之改進………………………………………………113 第五節 本章結語……………………………………………………………121 本章註釋………………………………………………………………………123 第六章 結論與建議……………………………………………………………126 參考文獻………………………………………………………………………… 129

以探討銀行放款策略訂定的角度而言，在過去的文獻中， 要仍是在說明 於訊息不對稱下，產生逆選擇及道德危機，因 有信用分配的現象；而本 文所強調的重點則和Milde & Ril-y(1988)的精神相同，利用信號機能來 求出各種貸款申請人之抩A均衡契約，進而區分出各個貸款申請人債信品 質的高低。誘撠眾]在貸款額固定下，擔保品為投資計畫利潤函數中的正 袺鷌僂?A成功地導出擔保品可用來作為信號的指標，在銀行飢馴□v爭下 ，債信較高(違約風險小)的貸款申請人會願意接□U款利率低但須提供較 多擔保品的契約，而債信較低 (違約滅I大) 的貸款申請人則反之。對於 均衡時分離契約(separating contracts)的穩定性，畯怬Q用Cho & Kreps (1987)之sequential equilibrium觀念討出可能優於(dominate) 最適分離契約之pooling契約，是存在的；其原因來自於銀行間的層層牽 制，而不敢提出此契，使得上述的分離契約才是唯一均衡時的契約。由於 我國對於設立銀行所需資本額頗為龐大，因此仍僅限騚X個大財團與大企 業間共同籌資才得以完成，故在銀行的產~中若僅以完全競爭的情況來探 討，似乎仍不夠完善，在本文澈嵽b段，我們即以銀行是獨佔的角度來探 討均衡契約的訂定A並與完全競爭時的情況相比較。這亦使得銀行在不同 結構間A對放款契約的探討有了更完整的架構。

全球化使得軟體開發活動轉移至新興或開發中國家，快速變動的商業環境則趨使軟體開發朝向敏捷開發演進，然而軟體境外開發產生工作分離現象，負面影響軟體開發績效，此外敏捷開發法與境外開發環境存在衝突，本研究將軟體開發方法視為一連續漸變的光譜，包含規劃導向、風險導向及敏捷開發等三階段，探討在境外開發的環境下，哪一類型的開發方法能夠擁有較好的績效表現，並能減緩工作分離的負面影響，其中軟體開發方法光譜與績效表現呈現曲線關係，工作分離負面影響敏捷開發端之績效表現，需求變動則負面影響規劃導向端績效表現，結論將從工作分離與需求變動程度觀點，分別探討不同情況下所應採取的專案執行方式。 / Affected by globalization, software development activities have transferred to developing country. On the other hand, driven by turbulent business environments, software development methods have become more flexible like agile method. However, work dispersion derived from offshore software development has negative impact on performance. Besides, offshore environments have conflict with agile method in some aspect. There is a need to know the fit of between development methods and offshore modes. This research view development methods as a continuous spectrum, consisting of plan-driven, risk-driven and agile methods, and will probe which part of the spectrum perform better in offshore context and can alleviate the negative work dispersion effect on performance. The result shows that software development spectrum and offshore software development performance have curvilinear relationship. Work dispersion has negative impact on agile method, while requirements change has negative impact on plan-driven part. We’ll conclude from work dispersion and requirements change perspective, discussing how should practitioners conduct offshore project in different situations respectively.

宗教憲法因宗教本質上之先驗性與著重探討形而上之概念，故在概念定義上即有其困難。特別是我國宗教型態屬於普化、綜攝式之風貌與特殊之「游宗」宗教行為模式，且華人信仰態度屬多元包容型態，其信仰與世俗社會緊密結合，承襲傳統之價值理念與生活模式，呈現出一種遊走於寺院宮闕，著重信仰本質，忽略宗教形式，與宗教較無組織上聯繫，而僅有信仰上的來往，經由宗教儀式之操作來各取所需。由於多元、特殊之本土宗教型態，導致宗教定義更形困難，在宗教難以明確定義與宗教本質之超驗性、無法以科學理性論證特質之情況下，宗教自由之內涵界定與國家世俗法所生之扞格，國家行為之介入係屬侵害與否，此等議題相較於其他基本權而言則更形困難與難解。 我國宗教憲法的論述往往略過宗教學與社會學文獻之分析角度，僅單純直接從外國法的引進及法學層面的探討，忽略我國宗教型態面貌與外國宗教之差異性，反應在詮釋我國宗教憲法時，必須在本土宗教文化脈絡下討論，當援引國外學說案例之時，亦應做不同的法律解釋。 因此，本文嘗試從憲法學、宗教學、社會學三面向，來研究我國的宗教憲法內涵。從最根本屬於我國宗教風貌的瞭解，探討出符合我國宗教定義之解釋，再從比較法上觀察宗教自由的內涵與相關憲法案例的論證，再推導出我國宗教憲法之內涵，更進一步，去探討我國宗教平等、宗教寬容、宗教教育、政教分離等在憲法上所呈現的問題，與比較法上是否容有比附援引之處。最後，則檢視目前現行法規是否有背離憲法所保障的宗教自由之虞，並於文末對宗教團體立法提出些微建議。

本文探究的主題為宗教教育之合憲性，這個主題在本論文中包含三個子題：一、公立學校可否實施具有宗教信仰內涵的生命教育？二、國家可否禁止私立中小學開設宗教教育？三、憲法是否賦予新約教徒有權拒絕接受牴觸其宗教信仰之教育，而選擇在家教育的權利？針對這些問題，本論文首先從歷史分析的角度，探討宗教教育之發展。其次，闡釋宗教教育之合憲性基礎。最後，基於上述的研究基礎，再進一步判斷宗教教育之合憲性。 　　在公立學校之宗教教育方面。若依據政教分離之限定分離說觀點，生命教育的實施，如果能對於各種宗教信仰廣為介紹，保障學校成為一個以學生自我實現為核心之多元、開放、中立而寬容之場域，尚不至於違憲；但若只提供某一特定宗教信仰的內涵，使學生沒有選擇的可能性，將會違反政教分離原則。若從徹底分離說的觀點，生命教育的教材內容，如果其內容蘊含一特定宗教信仰內涵時，將會違反憲法之政教分離原則。 　　在私立學校之宗教教育方面。在公立學校以外的宗教教育，由於並不涉及政教分離原則，而為憲法宗教自由之保障對象；而且，私立學校基於其辦學之目的，得自由選擇教師及學生，且已事先告知其應接受之宗教教育課程，故私立學校得自由開設宗教教育課程；因此，我國禁止私立學校開設宗教教育課程，實已違反憲法對於宗教自由的保障。 　　在新約教會之案例方面。當父母之宗教信仰與學校之價值體系有衝突時，為保障父母之宗教自由，應承認父母享有入學義務拒絕權，而可以主張在家教育；但為了保障子女之受教育權，此種取代學校教育之在家教育，必須除了宗教內容之課程外，也必須提供相當於一般公、私立學校所實施之國民教育內容及程度，使其子女享有與一般學校學生同值之教育。 / The motif of the thesis is to investigate the constitutionality of the religious education. This thesis includes three sub-thesis: 1. could the public schools enforce the education of the life with the significance of the religion?2. could the state forbid the private primary and junior high schools to establish the religious education? 3.does the constitution authorize the Xinyue Protestants to decline the general education which offends against their religious beliefs and choose to be educated at home? Aiming at these problems, this thesis sets out from the stance of the historical analysis to inquire into the development of the religious education. Then, the thesis explicates the foundation of the constitutionality of the religious education. Finally, basing upon the aforesaid results, then further discuss the constitutionality of the religious education. 　　With the respect of religious education in the public schools, if according to the standpoint of the separation of church and state, the enforcement of the life education should spread various religions, secure the schools to provide a place for targeting the self-realization of the students and for the diversified, broadminded, neutralism and tolerance sphere, the aforesaid religious education is unlikely to unconstitutionality. But if the schools provide the one and only religious education, make the students have no selective possibility, and then these schools have acted against the principle of the separation of church and state . If from the standpoint of thorough split, the content of the teaching materials of the life education includes the courses of the one and only religion, then it acts against the constitutionality of the principle of the separation of church and state . 　　With the respect of religious education in the private schools, because the schools don’t involve the principle of the separation of church and state , therefore, they are targets of protection under the constitution for religious freedom; furthermore, the private schools may depend on its own purpose of establishment to freely select instructors and students and because being notified them about the required courses of religious education in advance, they may freely set up religious courses; our country forbids their setting religious courses have violated constitution. 　　With the respect of the case study of Xinyue Protestants, when the parents’ religious beliefs and the value system of the schools generate the conflicts, to protect the parents’ religious freedom the state should acknowledge that the parents have the right to decline the registration of their children for the required schooling education and may have right to educate their children at home; while to protect the rights of children for education as well, the substitute schooling education at home should provide similar content and standard of the general civil education as offered by the public and private schools in general in addition to the courses of religious education to let their children may also accept the equivalent education in the general schools.

本論文以異作為分離相論的轉折這點為主軸，逐段解釋一些相關的段落來看異之相在晚期相論中的作用，主要涉及的對話錄是《哲人篇》與《巴門尼德斯篇》。 本論文的架構是從《巴門尼德斯篇》第一部分開始，看分離相論所會導致的問題，再從第二部分的回應中看到分離以外，假定諸相相互結合作為另外一種可能，以及在第五組假設中所顯現的異之相所具有的存有學上的重要性。而通種論中最高種間彼此的關係、在《哲人篇》中所引入的二分法以及篇中所連帶解決的問題則在二到五章中呈現。並於第五章節總結了異在《哲人篇》及通種論中的地位及作用。首先是異在《哲人篇》中達到了指出有一種虛假的言說存在的目的；並且異的存在解釋了諸相的基本結構，最高種的劃分必也是依據這種基礎，它們必分有「是」而是，分有異而得以相區別，而諸種屬必相連結構成那諸多被區別出的種或類；回返至《哲人篇》前半部和最後一部分所使用的分解法，此方法亦是立基於通種論和異的結構上。通過一個整體的連結能夠有一個包含其下所有類的最高種，其得以作為一個劃分的起點，而類差作為劃分的依據也因同異的存在而是可能的。 / The aim of this thesis is to show how the idea of difference works in Plato’s late theory of Ideas, and it is chiefly concerned with Plato’s Parmenides and Sophist. The theme of the first part of Parmenides is what will be caused by Chorismos, and of the second part might show another possibility from the Chorismos, that is, the communion of genera. And then the fifth hypotheses of the second part of Parmenides might show the importance of the idea of difference in Plato’s late ontology. In Sophist, since the theory of communion of genera might solve the problem of Chorismos, and the idea of difference as one of the greatest genera of the communion of genera, which might be the most important one, I deal with it and the relations between the fives greatest genera. There are also the problems that be solved by the idea of difference in Sophist, and which brings a new method (dialectics) of Plato’s late dialogues, for defining all of them clearly, I analysis those concerned paragraphs.

歐洲社會民主主義與共產主義皆源自馬克思的社會主義，俄羅斯無產階級革命成功後使得兩者在實際作為中開始分化。隨後社會民主主義在西歐議會制度中得以持續發展，而第二次世界大戰後東歐則被蘇聯納入共產主義陣營之中。然而，歷經近百年的實踐後兩者終究殊途同歸，其同歸的方式是由社會民主主義更新發展成為更符合現代政治價值的「第三條路」，尤其蘇東劇變後的20年間，東西歐的左派政治皆已趨於穩定，特別是東歐各國的共產黨繼承政黨在社會民主化後，更能相繼以聯合政府的方式取得上臺執政的機會。 其中最受國際關注的，便是摩爾多瓦共產黨於2001年2月2日在國會選舉中獲得眾多選民的支持，在國會101席中取得71席的絕對多數，令其有權單獨組成政府，更尤甚者，推舉出自家的共黨總統沃羅寧；2005年沃羅寧二度蟬連總統職位，並由摩共繼續組成政府。自2001年起至2009年已連續執政八年，從執政前摩爾多瓦的政治背景、摩共得以重新回朝的原因探究，到其執政後國內外政治的重要議題，皆是本文專章著墨的重點。 本文認為：第一，社會民主主義在後蘇20年中，積極從事理論與實踐的改革，在老左派與新右派之間已經走出新的「第三條路」；第二，研究摩共得以重新上臺的因素，除了本身對於政治制度的探索與改革之外，轉型時期的經濟危機與府會之爭，以及共產遺緒效應皆為主因；第三，摩共執政八年在經濟調息與外交政策的表現上成績斐然，但逐年下降的民主化評比卻突顯出共黨一貫僵化的政治思維，外加第二任期的經濟表現停滯，導致摩爾多瓦共產黨最終還是淪為最大在野黨。 / Both Social democracy and communism are derived from Karl Marx’s Socialism. However, they had come to a parting of the ways after the success of the proletarian revolution in Russia. Social democracy continued to develop under the parliamentary system in Western Europe, while communism thrived in Eastern European countries, which were controlled by USSR after WWII. Coming into the 21st century, however, the two reconciled and have once again merged and redefined themselves as “the Third Way”, which adapts itself to certain modern political values, and it had been growing steadily in the first two decades following the dissolution of Soviet Union. In Eastern Europe, successors of communist party have adapted themselves to this “Third Way”, which helped them come into power one after another by forming coalition governments. Among them, it was the Party of Communist of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), which attracted international attention. The PCRM has won an absolute majority, gaining 71 out of a total of 101 seats, in the 2001 Moldovan Parliamentary election, enabled it to form the government, as well as, electing its very own communist President Vladimir Voronin. In 2005, the PCRM has once again won the election, and made President Vladimir Voronin re-elected to a consecutive term. The PCRM was in government between 2001 and 2009 for 8 years, and this research will look into a wide range of issues including the political background of PCRM, accounts of its regaining of political power, and important decisions of domestic and foreign policies made by the PCRM government. The first part of this research argues that social democracy had been actively reforming both in theory and practice in the two decades after the dissolution of USSR and it has successfully created a “Third Way” as opposed to the Old Left and the New Right. The second part argues that PCRM’s return to office can be attributed to its self-reformation, economic crisis, confrontations between the President and the Parliament in the period of transition, as well as, the communist legacy. In conclusion, it is argued that, although, PCRM government has made great achievements in foreign policies and in restructuring economy, Moldova’s score on democracy has worsened during its time in government, reflecting the ossified political ideology of communist party. It is this ossified political ideology alongside with the economic stagnation in its second term that led to the defeat of PCRM in the 2009 election and sent it back to opposition majority in the Parliament ultimately.