冷戰結束後，中共藉由「和平與發展」的國際社會主流趨勢與脈動，以驟升的綜合國力崛起於國際舞台，且自詡為「一超多強」國際格局中的一極 ，尤在國家利益主導下，發展獨立自主的和平外交政策，因此「十五大」政治報告即強調，後冷戰時期的國際體系正面臨「大國關係深刻調」，遂運用元首出訪、經貿交流等外交作為，與美、英、法、德、俄、日及歐盟等主要大國或國家集團，建立傳統外交以外之各種友好關係，再舉辦政治 、經濟等具全球性議題的活動，表示對國際社會善盡義務，藉以型塑為體系中負責任大國之形象，另在「十六大」的政治報告中，更將「大國外交 」列為對外關係的首要主張。 中共遂行「大國外交」期間，結合韜光養晦姿態逐步融入國際體系，積極從事經濟建設，倡議「新安全觀」，主張「不對抗、不結盟、不針對三者 」，以期與主要大國建構平等、協作、互信、互利的夥伴關係，以創造其和平崛起的國際環境。 目前與中共建立夥伴關係的國家計有廿二國，世界主要大國中與俄羅斯的戰略性協作夥伴關係，在政治、經濟、軍事上最為密切；與英國、法國、歐盟，係以經濟利益為著眼，在二○○四年進而由全面夥伴關係提升為全面戰略夥伴關係。另與德國則成為具有全球責任的夥伴關係，與日本基於歷史因素、區域安全及經濟利益，仍維持友好合作夥伴關係，與美國在建立建設性戰略夥伴關係之後，雙方因「九一一事件」後，各自主張反霸與反恐，以建構單極體系或多極體系，而形成圍堵與遏制之對峙狀態。 中共一向堅持的獨立自主的和平外交政策，在執行方針上，現行的「大國外交」已由冷戰後初期的外交策略性手段，演變為後後冷戰時代的主要目的，起而代之與各大國建立「夥伴關係」，則成為外交策略的工具，並衍生為營造國際政治經濟新秩序、國際多極化體系的布局，惟對本區域及台海安全，形成另類形式的圍堵。

中亞地區國家，在前蘇聯解體後紛紛獨立，積極對原有的政治體制及經濟體制進行改革，以圖融入國際體系，確保其國家安全和國家利益。中亞位於歐亞大陸腹地，戰略位置重要，是連接歐亞大陸的走廊，被喻為「第二個中東」和「本世紀的能源基地」。 獨立後的中亞國家變為國與國間的關係，互相簽訂了友好條約及經濟文化等各方面的合作協定。五國亦分別與歐美西方大國建立良好的外交關係，因為唯有如此才能給它們帶來巨大的政治和經濟利益。中亞五國都奉行全方位的外交政策，雖然各國的外交重點並不完全一樣，但保持與世界各國友好關係的基本方向是他們的共同目標。 對中共而言，此地區更形重要，就地緣戰略、國家安全戰略、能源戰略與經濟戰略的角度看，都具有正面的意義。然而隨著911事件，美國以反恐怖戰爭為名，將軍事力量進入中亞地區，無異是在中共的後院部署了軍事力量，甚至對「上海合作組織」形成挑戰。不僅如此，世界各強權國家亦因中亞地區豐富的石油資源，爭相介入中亞地區事務及經濟援助，期能獲得利益，因而對中共的中亞政策形成衝擊。 本論文旨在探討中共在911後，因美國軍事力量進入中亞國家，另外世界和主要大國將勢力也伸入中亞地區，對中共形成一定程度的挑戰，在此一挑戰下，中共採取對中亞國家的外交政策為何？ / The countries in Central Asia region became independent one by one after Soviet Union crumbled. They tried hard to reform their original political and economic structures, seeking to integrate into international systems to ensure their national security and interests. Central Asia region is an area of strategic importance for connecting Euro-Asian continents, which has been so called as " the second Middle East: and Energy Base of the Century". As independent states, the five Central Asian nations signed treaty of friendship and economic and culture cooperation agreements with each other. They also established friendly foreign relationship with Western leading powers, bidding to bring about tremendous political and economic interests for their own countries. In addition, they all pursued comprehensive foreign policy. Although the keynotes of their foregin policy are not exactly the same, maintaining amicable relationship with global nations is their common goal. This region is vital for China's national interest in view of its geographical, energy and economic strategies. Nevertheless, in the aftermath of 911, the U.S. stepped in Central Asia region with its military force via initiating war against terrorism. China regarded America's act as deploying troops in its backyard, which even caused a threat to "Shanghai Cooperation organization". Moreover, the other big powers all over the world strived to intervene in Central Asian region affairs and offer their economic aids to gain profits from abundant petroleum resources in this area. Therefore these situations affected China's policy toward Central Asian. This thesis aims at discussing China's foreign policy toward Central Asian nations after 911 in the face of challenges made by Americans military force and other big power's intervention

針對外界流傳已久的中國威脅論，中國於2003年底開始推出「和平崛起」論述，主張中國以和平的方式崛起，並且旨在維護和平、以和平為目的。除了基於國際環境給予的動力與壓力之外，中國決策者對中國崛起的自信，以及期望建立一套新的國家發展論述促使和平崛起戰略的出台。中國建立了以和平崛起為目標的國家發展戰略，其中對外建構了一套和平崛起外交戰略，具體落實在大國外交、睦鄰外交、與發展中國家關係及多邊外交上。本研究自中國崛起的背景著手，從國際環境、國家實力與決策者認知理解中國提出和平崛起的原因、目的與特色，並觀察中國相應而生的具體外交作為。最後，本研究指出和平崛起外交戰略面臨到中美權力競逐與矛盾問題、中日安全困境與衝突利益問題、領海與資源爭議以及台灣問題的嚴格考驗。 / This dissertation focuses on the “peaceful rise” argument brought by China in the end of 2003. By contending that China will rise by peace, for peace, and peacefully, the so-called “peaceful rise” argument tried to counter “China threat” argument, which distributed for a long time. The making of China’s “peaceful rise” national strategy is motivated and forced by the international environment. On top of that, the confidence of Chinese decision-makers for a rising China provides power to the formation of the new national strategy as well as the expectation for a new national development discourse. Following the national development strategy which aims at a peacefully rising China, the “peaceful rise” diplomatic strategy was built by a series of concrete foreign policies, including “Big-power diplomacy,” “Good-neighboring diplomacy,” “Relations with developing countries,” and “Multi-lateral diplomacy”. This dissertation starts from the background of a rising China, comprehends the reason, goal and character of China’s “peaceful rise” by international environment, national power, and decision-maker’s cognitive approaches. Moreover, concrete foreign policies accompanying its national strategy are analyzed. Finally, this research finds that the peaceful rise diplomatic strategy needs to deal with certain challenges such as Sino-U.S. power struggle with conflicting issues, Sino-Japan security dilemma with conflicting issues, peripheral territorial sea and land disputes, and last but not least, the Taiwan problem.

中國與東南亞之間有著深厚的地緣關係及無法切割的民族情感；但處於現今經濟快速成長的時代，在能源需求量急速擴張的競爭中，尋求能源供應、保護能源安全，已經是刻不容緩的手段，因此，利用各種外交方式及合作方案來達成此目的，是中國目前所採取的積極作為，冀望在最安全、便利的狀態下獲取、保護最大的能源需求及供應。 東南亞的能源儲藏及供應量，並非是中國能源需求的重要核心地區，但是它位處中國外圍，掌握麻六甲海峽的戰略要衝，以及豐富的天然氣存量，引發各國對此區域的爭奪。再面對此一局勢，中國便加速推動以「和諧世界」為理念，發展「與鄰為善、以鄰為伴」以及「睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰」的外交政策宗旨，進行能源外交及戰略，以爭取能源需求量和鞏固區域內的能源運輸安全及穩定雙方的合作關係。本文即從能源外交策略及作為的架構與理論，就中國對東南亞能源外交的挑戰與競逐做一研析，試圖觀察、探究從雙方的合作關係中所衍生出的問題及產生的困境，以及如何利用外交方式獲得解決之道，並營造出具有前瞻性的宏觀願景。 / Southeast Asia and China are closely connected to each other from the geographical and historical aspects. In the competitive time characterizing with fast economy growing and demands for energy expanded enormously, it has become an urgent measure for China to search for continuous energy supply and protect the energy resources. Today, the initiatives China seeks for is to achieve by means of diplomatic channels. It is hoped that the energy can be acquired by the safest and convenient ways, making sure the maxima energy supply can be assured. Frankly speaking, China did not deem the energy reserves and energy-provide ability of Southeast Asia seriously except that that area locates in the periphery of China, holds an important strategic point for the Strait of Malacca and its abundant natural gas reservoir, all of this attracting fierce competitions among nations. Being beware of this, China therefore based on the idea of “harmonious world” increasingly promotes the diplomatic policies, such as “Good-Neighbor Diplomacy” and “Good-neighborliness, Peaceful-neighborliness, and Prosperous-neighborliness,” engaging in energy diplomacies and strategies with an eye to expanding energy resources, fortifying energy transportation safety within the area, and stabilizing the corporative relationship with the area. Based upon application and theories of energy diplomatic strategies and actions, this thesis analyzes the challenges and competitions that China faces when carrying on energy diplomacy. By observing and exploring the problems and predicaments derived from the cooperative relations of the two sides, we hope that a workable resolution and a proactive vision on energy can be reached via diplomacy.

本論文以Quincy Wright與David A. Baldwin的以「經濟」作為「外交政策」的工具－經濟權術（Economic Statecraft）來分析新加坡在1990年代至現今在中國大陸的四個園區計畫。由於其中牽涉到新加坡對外經略的作為，並且帶有實質外交意涵，因此本論文將此稱作為新加坡對中國大陸的「園區外交」。自1978年中國大陸實施改革開放以來，「政左經右」成為中共戮力於中國大陸整體發展的道路，並且中國大陸的改革開放影響區域/國際體系。新加坡雖然相對於區域體系是個小國，但是她在區域/國際體系上合縱連橫，並且她的歷屆領導人均對中國大陸進行過「園區外交」，本論文即是探討整體園區外交的內涵與脈絡，以及其達成的外交效益。最後，不同於傳統上以現實主義理論分析新加坡外交政策，本論文嘗試從避險的角度進行解釋。

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