University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

This thesis examines the politics of history education, collective memory and identity in contemporary Taiwan through a qualitative case study of the high-school history curriculum reform and controversy from 2002 to 2012. Through eight elite interviews, the evaluation of an extensive amount of primary sources, and the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the relevant history curricula and other official documents, I find that the most visible part of the controversy is a conflict between advocates of a “China-centered historical perspective” and the representatives of a “Taiwan-centered historical perspective”, who both try to reclaim the territory of national history to have their collective memory represented in it. Furthermore, my analysis of the relevant history curricula indicates that all of them are representative of the collective memory of more than one group. This demonstrates that the influence political parties can exert on history education is constrained by competing versions of collective memory. The thesis also shows how the strong tendency towards Taiwan-centered view on history within society has been translated into the history curriculum after the DPP created conducive conditions for meaningful change. Subsequently, the KMT tried to exert influence on the revision process, but continuous attention from the public prevented major changes. In the final analysis, it is very difficult for any political party or powerful group within contemporary Taiwan to impose one exclusive version of the past as national master narrative on the whole society. Competing collective memories of sub-national groups continue to co-exist within civil society, which demands for a more pluralist history curriculum that incorporates smaller “memory communities” in the national narrative to forestall social disunity and further controversy.

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過去二十多年來，不論是OECD或非OECD的會員國，都致力於所謂的「管制改革」，以確保政府具有高品質的管制治理能力，然而反觀我國的情況，對於管制改革的觀念多半停留在解除管制階段，並且普遍缺乏解除管制後的專責管制機關。因此，本研究希望透過歐美經驗的比較分析，試圖釐清下列的問題： 一、管制改革真正意涵為何？與傳統的政府管制有何不同？ 二、管制治理的主要興起背景為何？當中有何特色？ 三、各國政府如何提升管制政策的治理能力？有無共同的制度設計？ 四、歐美等國所呈現的運作經驗，對於我國有何種啟示？以及學習之處？ 此外，本研究藉由檢閱相關文獻與比較分析，期望能達成以下的研究目的： 一、經由文獻分析，說明歐美各國為何要進行管制改革的原因、管制改革的實質意義，如何透過相關制度的設計，提升本身的治理能力與政策品質。 二、以歸納分析的方式說明管制治理意義，建構民主取向的良善管制治理所必須具備的要件。 三、藉由比較分析，參照英美與歐盟在此方面的運作經驗，針對我國再進行相關制度設計與實務運作，提出一些省思與建議。 總之，本研究主要是探討在管制改革風潮下，所呈現的政府治理型態轉變，以及詳述英、美與歐盟等國的運作經驗，以比較方式分析出當中的異同，並且對照我國的發展情況，提出相關的建議，並且大致上可以分為三個部分：首先、說明管制治理模式的興起背景，發現1980年代末期因財政困境所導致的政府失靈，以及人民對於政府的不信任，兩者是管制治理模式轉變的重要背景因素；其次、歐美的管制治理運作經驗分析，並且分別從發展歷程、課責機制、諮詢制度，以及影響分析等四個角度，詳述其主要內涵與可能遭遇的問題；最後、透過比較分析與經驗對照，分別說明對我國產生何種啟示，以及未來在制度設計與發展上有那些值得學習與參考之處。 經由文獻的分析、歐美等國的經驗說明，以及闡述我國的現況與問題，本章先針對前述治理模式背景與歐美運作經驗等部分，歸納整理相關的研究發現；其次，參照歐美等國的發現，就我國目前所進行的革新作法，提出一些思考方向與建議；最後，針對本研究的不足之處進行檢討，指出後續可行的研究方式與重點。

本研究利用台灣2001年資料以Ramsey與OLG假設分別建立區分四部門別與八部門別之動態可計算一般均衡模型，進行「提高間接稅（消費稅、環境稅）、降低直接稅（資本、勞動所得稅）」之稅制改革模擬分析。結果發現若以單一時點比較靜態方式分析可能迥異於動態長期分析結果；其次以Ramsey分析所欠缺的代際分配影響結果在OLG分析中可以察見，特別是進行以消費稅或環境稅替代資本所得稅模擬時；再者OLG因代際傳遞效果可能較Ramsey假設下反應緩慢，故也可觀察到Ramsey模型面對衝擊後若干變數增減幅度會較OLG模型陡峭。最後特別在環境稅替代所得稅模擬中經由替代稅率變化發現，活在初期世代雖可享受所得稅下降好處但卻也面臨排放稅課徵，因此福利水準增減變化不大，惟屆至排放稅課徵瀕至臨界點需使用原所得稅來平衡稅收時，此為另一波必須為減量政策付出代價的時點與世代。 / Based on a thorough comparison of the basic assumptions and economic underpinning of the Ramsey and Overlapping generation (OLG) model, this study builds both static and dynamic computable general equilibrium tax policy models to analyze the effect of tax reform on Taiwan’s economy. The new tax structure considers mainly a replacement of some parts of direct tax - labor and capital income taxes by indirect tax- consumption tax or environment tax. The benchmark year of the model is 2001, and the economy is divided into four and eight sectors. The modeling framework is implemented on top of MPSGE, which is a special module within the General Algebraic Modeling System (GAMS).Our simulation results show differential outcomes for static and dynamic models. The slower speed of transition inherent in OLG model has caused variables such as welfare, capital stock, and replacement consumption tax rate change less than that in the Ramsey model when the tax reform policy is imposed. And the intergeneration effects of different tax burden between young and old generations can be found in the OLG model but not in the Ramsey model. Finally, we find as the income tax rate coming lower and the environment tax going up when simulation of tax replacement, causing the welfare does not change much at the beginning of shock, and generations especially born in the near future when environment tax does not grow and revenue neutrality needs to be meet are another cost payers of abatement policy.

台灣社會瀰漫一股不信任、不滿電視新聞的氣氛，但為什麼不見民眾起身改革電視新聞呢？循著此問題意識，本論文擬定兩個研究目的：「瞭解台灣閱聽人改革電視新聞的態勢與情況」與「探究何種因素影響閱聽人改革電視新聞」。根據過去媒介改革運動發展和媒介素養的相關文獻，並考量研究資源的限制，本研究選定「社區大學」作為研究樣本，並於全台各地16所社區大學發放問卷，共獲得有效問卷552份。 研究結果發現，實際參與電視新聞改革行動（投書報章雜誌、上網留言批評、向電視台反應、參與社會團體）的受訪者人數稀少，改革電視新聞意願低落。 本研究尋找影響民眾參與改革行動因素時，發現「使用與滿足」、「媒介懷疑」和「無力感」無法預測民眾改革電視新聞行動。雖然我們從台灣社會與調查結果觀察到民眾對於電視新聞的不滿、不信任、懷疑、和對電視新聞改革的無力感，但這些負面認知並沒有影響民眾參與電視新聞改革的可能性。 本研究發現「第一人效果認知」與「媒介公民素養」為預測台灣民眾改革電視新聞行動的顯著因子。首先「第一人效果認知」與改革電視新聞行動的發現，證實唯有當民眾認為電視新聞對自己產生影響時，才願意起身改革電視新聞。此項實證結果挑戰了「第三人效果認知」中行動成分的假說。 其次「媒介公民素養」越高的民眾，參與電視新聞改革行動的機率也越高。此發現鼓勵社區大學與媒介改革運動人士持續開設「媒介公民素養」相關課程，藉由課程培養民眾參與電視新聞改革、關心電視新聞內容品質的意願和動力。

日人領台後，以母國利益為最高統治方針，積極從事殖民地治理，為獲取殖民地資源與利益，在台從事資本主義化經濟發展。領台之初，首先宣佈維持台人私有土地權利，承認原有交易舊慣，並以律令排除日本民事不動產法在台實施，建立私有地權制度。1898年9月，後藤開始進行土地調查事業，劃分公、私所有權；收買大租權，將複雜地權關係，轉變為單一性土地所有權，建立現代性地權制度，成果非常豐碩，對台灣發展甚具貢獻。1910年後開始辦理之林野調查事業，因未經詳細籌備規劃，加上經費人力不足，草率進行調查，致成果有限，由於林野調查時土地產權歸屬之查定不當，引發地權爭議，延續至今仍未解決。 1905年首創土地登記制，以土地調查時申報手續及所製作之地籍圖冊，視同完成土地總登記程續，頒布「台灣土地登記規則」，規定業主權、典權、胎權、贌耕權之得喪變更，非經登記，不生效力，此期屬強制登記時期。1922年受到內地延長主義統治方針影響，決定從1923年起，日本內地民法、不動產登記法在台實施，改採任意登記制，規定不動產物權之取得、設定、移轉變更，只要當事人間書面契約簽定後，即生物權變動效力，但登記則可對抗第三人。另外，允准祭祀公業繼續存在，得為土地登記之主體，讓祭祀公業土地續存下來。 台灣總督府獎勵資本主義化經濟發展的結果，導致地權分配不均，形成小佃農大地主結構，租佃制度盛行，更由於租佃關係惡化，引發農民運動，要求政府從事地權改革，但因受台共份子滲透，導致被嚴厲鎮壓，台灣農民運動因而終止。 1945年日本宣布無條件投降，台灣改由國民政府接收，接收時，保留土地私有制度，承認台人原有土地權利，但排除日人於外，將日人及官有土地，一律收歸國有。將土地登記制度加以變更，由任意登記制改為強制登記制。經土地清理之後，就著手租佃制度改善，實施三七五減租，保護佃農權利，將租佃關係徹底改良，然後再推行耕者有其田，扶持自耕農，對日人所留不良地權重新調整分配，戰後地權改革成功，具有時代重要意義，對台灣爾後發展有所貢獻。 本文以歷史研究法，透過對地權制度變遷之考察，探析台灣地權制度形成與變遷之要因，進而掌握日治時期地權制度之主要面貌。研究發現整個制度之變遷，是緩慢逐漸進行，非遽然大改變；整個制度的變遷屬強制性，由台灣總督府主導推動，引進日本近代化地權概念與現代性民事法，對台灣舊地權制度進行改革，這種具現代化地權制度與法規，對當期經濟有所裨益，更對台灣百年來發展具深遠意義。 / After the Japanese rule in Taiwan, safeguard national interests of Japan ruled Taiwan as the highest policy and actively engaged in colonial governance. To obtain the resources and interests of the colonial, capitalist engaged in Taiwan's economic development. When Japan began to rule in Taiwan, was first announced to maintain private ownership of land rights to the people of Taiwan and recognize the original trading habits. Civil law and real estate law to exclude Japan in Taiwan to implement the establishment of private land rights system. September 1898, after the vines begin investigating the cause of the land, dividing the public and private ownership; buying large rental rights, the complex relationship between land ownership, land ownership into a unity, establishing a modern system of land ownership, the results are very fruitful, Taiwan development of a great contribution. Because of the investigative career of forest land which implementation at 1910 years. Owing without detailed plan and lack of funding on the procession. Cause had a bad result, It have lead to land ownership disputes, continues to this day remains unresolved. In 1905 the first land registration system in order when the land survey reporting procedures and the production of cadastral atlas, deemed to have satisfied the total land registration procedures, promulgated Taiwan land registration rules require owners the right to have funeral lien rights, fetal rights, farming rights change, and by the registration, not take effect, this is a mandatory registration period. 1922 by the mainland to extend the principle of domination influence decisions from 1923 onwards, the Japanese mainland civil law, real estate registration law implemented in Taiwan, shift to any registration system, made of real property provisions, setting migration changes, as long as between the parties in writing after the contract was signed, that the effect of changes in biological rights, but may be registered against a third party. In addition, the public sector continues to exist authorized worship, was the subject of registration of land for public sector land ritual survives. Results of the Taiwan Governor award capitalist economic development, resulting in uneven distribution of land ownership, structure formation sharecroppers Squires, tenancy system prevailed, but due to the deterioration of the tenancy relationship, causing the peasant movement, asked the Government to engage in land tenure reform, but because by the Taiwan Communist infiltration, resulting in back harsh repression, Taiwan peasant Movement terminated‧ Japan's unconditional surrender in 1945, Taiwan changed files received by the national government, to retain private land ownership receive, recognize Taiwan original land rights, but the Japanese are excluded, the Japanese and the Crown all the land, should be nationalized . To change the land registration system by any registration system to a mandatory registration system. After the land is cleared, proceed tenancy system and land ownership reform, the implementation of rent reduction, protection of the rights of tenants, the tenancy relationship completely modified, then the implementation of land to the tiller, to support farmers, bad for the Japanese left re-adjust the distribution of land ownership, land rights reform postwar success, the era of great significance for the future development of Taiwan's major contribution.

本論文之研究目的是企圖從前蘇聯文武關係研究途徑與克里姆林宮政治研究途徑來探討蘇聯解體後俄羅斯軍方之政治參與範疇與背後之動機。 就軍方政治參與之範疇而言，蘇聯於1991年底解體後，俄羅斯軍方在政治舞台上扮演了重要的角色。首先，我們可以從軍方在1993年俄羅斯新軍事準則成型的過程中，其強硬主張佔了主導的地位。第二、軍方在「近鄰」與前南斯拉夫維和行動的政策即便與外交部意見相衝突仍獲得最後主導權。第三、軍方在1993年10月政爭中並未完全保持中立，而最後軍方是站在葉里欽總統一方結束了此一政治危機。第四、軍方試圖從俄羅斯獨立後歷屆國家杜馬選舉中，藉由其投票行為或是主動參與競選來表達其政治態度與影響有關軍事方面之政策。 本論文以為，蘇後俄羅斯軍方的政治參與背後動機之主要原因有二。其一是蘇聯解體以後俄羅斯軍方制度利益嚴重惡化：蘇聯解體以後，軍方在軍事改革上無法有效進展、軍事預算嚴重不足、軍中生活條件惡化以及國防工業轉產上面臨了嚴重的問題。這些皆使得軍方為了自救不得不試圖從政治層面來解決軍隊之問題。其二是受到克里姆林宮政治互動之影響：葉里欽為了鞏固政軍大權，運用高超的政治手腕以及「分而治之」的統御方式，引用軍方的力量來打擊政治對手，另一方面也運用政治危機分化軍隊之團結性，使其無法在政治上形成對統治者之威脅。 / The purpose of the thesis attempts to analyze the scope and motives of post-soviet Russian military’s political participation by using former Soviet civil-military relations approach and Kremlin politics approach. As far as the scope of military’s political participation is concerned, since the dissolution of USSR in 1991, the Russian military has been playing an important role in Russian politics. First of all, during the process of formulating Russian new military doctrine in 1993, Russian military’s hard-line position dominated this process and its opinion finally won out. Secondly, peacekeeping operation took by the Russian military in the “Near Abroad” and former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo, usually conflicted the peaceful option hold by the Ministry of Russian Foreign Affairs, but the Russian military still took control of the final policy initiative. Thirdly, in October 1993, the Russian military didn’t remain neutral in the political struggle between president and Congress of People’s Deputies. It sided with president and therefore ended this severe political crisis. Fourthly, in each Duma election hold after Russia’s independence, the Russian military tried to express its political inclination and exerted its influence by voting, even actively took part in the election. This thesis is taking the position that the political participation of post-soviet Russian military is driven by two motives. First and foremost is the institutional interest of Russian military suffered great damage since the breakup of the USSR：military reform hasn’t made much progress; military budget received hasn’t sufficed the need of military; military faced the growing acute social problems within itself; the conversion of defense industry encountered difficulties. These problems made the Russian military try to preserve itself by political means. The second motive is affected by Kremlin political interaction：in order to strengthen his control over politics and military, Yeltsin used brilliant political art and managed the military by means of “divide and rule”. He used the military to attack his political opponent, on the other hand, he made use of each political crisis to split the military and therefore the military couldn’t constitute a political threat to the ruler of Russian polity.

中國自第十一屆三中全會朝改革開放發展，住房制度改革前以前蘇聯為目標，透過工作單位制實施福利分房制度，然而實物配給制發展產生諸多問題，如：收租失衡、分配不公、住房存量不足等制度運作結果，因此隨著經濟改革的同時，住房制度也朝向透過商品化與市場化解決住房問題。中國於1998年正式停止福利分房制度，朝市場化轉型過程中，亦同步發展住房保障制度，包括：建設廉租房及經濟適用房等保障性住房、建立多層次保障性住房體系、推廣公積金制度等措施，試圖在市場運作之外保障人民安居權利。在中國住房制度轉型過程中，重慶於2010年以公共租賃住房為核心，建立一套保障性住房體系，整合既有的商品房市場，試圖保障性住房與商品房市場雙軌並行的體制，並在制度運作上以國有資產投入建設、由土地儲備中心提撥建設用地，透過諸多政策手段快速發展住房雙軌制，重慶的住房制度設計亦被稱為住房的「重慶模式」，在政策設計上體現「具有中國特色的社會主義市場經濟」的目標。 重慶的住房模式在短短幾年間引起學界關注，主因在於近年中國城市面臨高房價的困難，雖自1998年即開始推動各種保障性住房，但在各城市的運作中面臨許多困難，對社會弱勢保障效果有限。重慶近年在住房制度設計上形成住房保障與商品住房雙重運作體系，透過各種推動公共租賃住房及其他保障性住房，為中國各城市乃至世界各國面臨居住問題者所關注。有鑑於目前尚未有完整探討重慶住房制度改革的文獻，對住房的重慶模式也未有完整的討論，因此本文以中國住房制度改革做為背景脈絡，探討重慶住房改革歷程，分析重慶保障性住房政策與商品房市場的政策設計，進一步聚焦住房的「重慶模式」運作內容，整理分析重慶住房制度超越其他城市建立雙軌制的因素，並探討重慶住房保障體系能在幾年內快速建設的關鍵，為後續研究中國住房改革及重慶住房雙軌制者提供研究發現。 / As China went through the progress of economic reform during late 1980’s, the housing policy also started to change. It was used to be welfare housing distribution system in the past years, however, many problems raised in practice, such as insufficient charge in rent, unfair distributions, or insufficient housing units. Therefore, the housing policy started to practice commercialization and marketization, in order to resolve the old problems. Chinese government officially stopped the welfare housing policy in 1998. During the transformation to commercialized housing market, the Chinese government also developed indemnificatory apartments with multilayer protections, including the construction of low-rent housing, affordable housing and public housing accumulation fund. The government attempted to provide dual housing system by investing constructions, providing land for housing and other policies. The most well known case is the “Chongqing model” The goal of their policy is to realize “the socialism market economy with Chinese characteristics”. The “Chongqing model” drew a lot of attention in academia in very few years. The main reason is the rising housing price in the cities in China. Although indemnificatory apartments project formed since 1998, the practical operation is problematic with limited protection for people with lower social status. By having public rental housing and other secured housing, the city government of Chongqing has developed a dual system with both secured housing and commercialized housing. Their achievement is known by other Chinese cities and the rest of the world. This thesis will address the background of the reform of Chinese housing policy, the progress of the reform of the housing policy in Chongqing , the analysis of the policy design and the operation of their policy. The reason why the “Chongqing model” is better than other cities in China will be discussed as well. We hope that we will provide the key of the fast and growing development of the Chongqing’s housing system, to people who are interested in reform of Chinese housing policy and the dual housing system in Chongqing.

本文旨在評估所有本國銀行自 1999 年至 2011 年的績效，以檢驗我國兩次金融改革的成效。研究方法主要採用 Olley and Pakes (1996) 的三階段模型，再者運用差異中之差異法 (Difference in Difference，DID)。有別於相對於過去文獻中使用非計量的方式，或是以計量方式評估但卻未考慮到銀行進出的情況，本文考量因新設或是合併而解散所造成的銀行家數變化影響，並試圖歸納金融改革對於整體本國銀行之成效，以及對於同一本國銀行的生產力提升是否有所助益。