京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第17938号 / 文博第629号 / 新制||文||596(附属図書館) / 30768 / 京都大学大学院文学研究科行動文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 松田 素二, 教授 伊藤 公雄, 教授 稲垣 恭子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

附屬於台鐵的《暢流》半月刊（1950~1991）是一本為火車乘客、鐵路員工發行的綜合性雜誌，講求「消閒」與「興趣」，內容五花八門，包括詩詞、遊記、書畫金石、人物軼聞、歷史掌故、文化探源、海外新知、文學創作等，堪稱一般大眾居家旅行必備良伴。本研究藉由細讀《暢流》，管窺戰後二十年間的文學文化生產的情況，一方面爬梳《暢流》的發展史及其週邊，一方面由文學研究的角度出發，指出《暢流》的特色、文學史上的定位，以及《暢流》所代表的美學取向。 　　本研究首先交代《暢流》刊史，分從：一、組織面上，說明《暢流》發行單位與歷任主事者的更迭與改組；二、經營面上，說明《暢流》的行銷方式、普及情形、售價調整、叢書出版等概況；三、編輯面上，點出編輯和作者的互動關係，闡釋編輯方針、刊物內容、讀者反應之間的交流與影響。接著，本研究聚焦《暢流》的形式與內容，追溯其承襲日本明治末期及中國民初以來鐵路附屬雜誌之脈絡，並在與同時代報刊的各種功能、類型對比下，照見《暢流》的綜合性。 　　本研究的第二部分，著重以「日常生活理論」分析《暢流》的旅遊書寫與生活新知。在外省人士以「由景點至風景線」的趨勢逐步認識台灣的同時，旅遊活動的頻繁複寫，使我們見到個體在現代的日常世界中，藉著「移動」所呈現的豐沛活力。另外，差異性不斷地展現在《暢流》的旅遊書寫中，展現在旅人對異地風俗、景觀的敏銳感知當中，於是，旅遊書寫的「非常」意義也由此展開。更重要的是，文本中橫貫公路、福隆海水浴場這些「地點神話」的建構過程裡可以得見，隨著五○年代中期以後台海情勢緊張、反共話語沸騰，同時期的《暢流》卻因為滿眼盡是遊山玩水的旅人，遂勾勒出一個現代化社會的輪廓：即連長年備戰的離島空間，都褪去反攻戰略跳板的色彩，而更接近於現代性不斷滲透、施展其神力的實驗場。另一方面，《暢流》的生活常識、科學新知則是時人在濃厚現代性的環境下，對「日常」萬象的期許與再現。 　　承上，本研究的第三部分由日常生活理論提示的「變動」、「流動」出發，析論《暢流》的文學作品內涵及其美學特徵。第一，本研究標舉「日常生活書寫」作為思考五○年代台灣文學的新框架，其具體文本內涵則包括購物活動、鄰里角力、社群關係的解散或重組、對愛情的質詰、以及寫實的社會百態等。第二，《暢流》的日常生活書寫顯示：所謂「反共」集體意識很可能是一種虛張聲勢，當脫去政治框架，「日常」仍將獲得普遍的關注。另外，在現代性的介入使日常不斷流變的歷程裡，「懷鄉」不再只是政治話語的附屬品，而成為日常書寫的同質異構體。 　　對《暢流》的全面探析，有助調校關於五○、六○年代社會實況的刻板印象。在看似政治掛帥、反共聲浪不斷的外象之下，現代性的滲透、現代生活的浮現，一一成為不宜忽略的面向。由此，五○、六○年代台灣文學的文藝美學、活動板塊、評價定位等，將再次走入評家論者的視野，亟待進一步的詮釋。 / With the research strategy of close reading and the methodology of Everyday life and culture theory, this thesis focuses on the Chang-Liou Fortnightly(1950-1991) to discover its developmental history, significant characteristics, and representative position in modern Taiwanese Literature. Aiming at the staff and the passengers, the Chang-Liou Fortnightly is an affiliated comprehensive magazine to the Taiwan Railway Administration, which includes classical poetry, travel notes, traditional Chinese painting, calligraphy, and graphic arts, anecdotes, general knowledge, science and technology, overseas experience, literary works and creative writings, etc. In the first place, this thesis explicates the developmental history of the Chang-Liou Fortnightly in three aspects: 1, at the organizational level; 2, at the management level; and 3, at the editing level. The second part of study borrows a lot from Everyday life and culture theory to analyze the travel notes and the common knowledge in the Chang-Liou. While the mainlanders build a gradual understanding into Taiwan by the sequence which is named as “from scenic spots to landscape”, the frequent replication of tourism activities shows rich vitality in the course of moving and commuting. In addition, we can indicate a strong “non-everydayness” from the observation on local scenery and customs out of the travel notes. Above all, the emergency of “location myth” surrounding the Central Cross-Island Highway and the Fulung Beach for example reflect a modern image and also reveal a modern atmosphere during the martial law period. On the other hand, general knowledge, science and technology, and overseas experience all together outline the “everydayness” in the Chang-Liou. The third part of this thesis, Chapter 4, discuss the meaning, the connotation and the text feature of the literary works especially those written by women writers. In view of “flowing” and “changing” hinted by Everyday life Theory, literary works in the Chang-Liou present a distinctive array of themes including shopping, neighborhood wrestling, interpersonal relation restructuring, questioning love, and investigating social issue. Besides, under the framework of “Everyday life writing”, the widespread perspective on taking the 1950s Taiwanese literature as anti-communist literature requires further reading and revaluation. Therefore, so-called nostalgic prose is no longer the product of political discourse, but another type of practice on Everyday life writing. Studying the Chang-Liou on the Everyday life Theory basis improves the formation of railway magazine history and helps recognize how modernity influences everyday life during the first two decades in postwar Taiwan, so as to urge existing interpretations of 1950s Taiwanese literature and modern Taiwanese female literature to make certain alterations. Although purpose of the magazine is for leisure and for interests, the Chang-Liou expresses serious concern on literature, culture, and society, that is definitely a key notion for further research.

本研究應用分析的理論涉及女性主義對「性別（gender）」、「母職（motherhood）」的觀點、後現代女性主義強調「多元差異」的觀點、傳播效果研究的認知說服、沈默螺旋、Pierre Bourdieu的日常生活言行理論、Michael Foucault的自我技術等相關論點、黃光國的「人情與面子」理論等。根據本研究的研究興趣，以台灣都會地區作為本研究的文化場域，以在「坐月子」時期一邊補身、一邊瘦身的現代產婦為研究對象，欲釐清：在既有的社會結構（傳統醫療（中醫）鼓勵「坐月子補身」論述／媒體瘦身廣告鼓吹的後現代苗條論述）限制下，她們追求什麼樣的身體健康觀及身體美學觀？其身體主體如何成為「相對自主」的行動者（agency）？ 本研究獲得的啟發是：15位受訪產婦其實並沒有太大的自主性，只是可以引述場域中不同的論述、在論述之間做選擇，論述選擇本身範圍雖然變寬一點，但仍有社會結構的框架在。固然，她們追求生殖母體性感化的過程中，能獲得秀異的社會位置或是引以為傲的成就感，但畢竟瘦身場域是一個由資本主義商業邏輯所建構出來場域，這個場域所形塑出來的辣媽身體意象或是新的母親角色，還是不脫窄化女體價值觀、物化女性角色的作法，並且在瘦身場域所獲得的秀異也不一定保證能延伸到其他場域。因此，生殖母體不一定非得在主流論述場域（例如：傳統父權場域、資本主義商業邏輯場域）中追求秀異位置，也要開發在其它場域（小型、另類）中追求秀異位置的可能性。

本文以「都市」作為分析西西作品裡的切入點，探討西西創作歷程中以城 市作為主題或場景的作品，呈現出作家眼中的獨特城市風景，書寫與客觀環境 間的關係以及書寫對作家、城市的重要。香港作為一個現代化的城市，其殖民 經驗和九七回歸的政治、社會經驗刺激作家思考本地情感與文化認同。從西西 早期的作品，如《我城》、《美麗大廈》等作品，已呈現細緻流動的城市生 活，瑣碎平凡的文字間透露作家對香港本地的情感與記憶，並以個體實踐和生 命歷程為城市注入新的活力和風采。對城市生活的情感和記憶為香港主權回歸 中國帶來的文化認同思考，帶來穩固的基礎。西西在八○年代後的肥土鎮系列 作品，漸次地反思不同年代的政治、社會問題，看見作家思考問題時轉折的態 度和情感，直至九○年代的《飛氈》追述和想像香港歷史，確立西西對香港的 文化想像和認同情感。隨著時代之變遷，二十一世紀後的小說裡，其城市面貌 與過去有所區別，其因不免是由於政權更易、社會現象改變的客觀環境因素， 亦有作家個人境遇改變的主觀因素。在分析後期作品裡的城市時，西西以其女 性的生命情態與城市之間的思考、寫作對城市背後的政治、經濟思維系統的解 構作用，使西西看待城市時帶著敏銳又滿懷情感的眼光。

本文書寫的七位都市阿美族營造業板模師傅的勞動生命故事，將帶領我們走入一趟勞動社會學之旅。這些受訪的新店區阿美族資深板模工人，主要來自花東平原或縱谷不同的部落。目前他們有些居住於新店國宅內，有些居住於河濱部落，有些散居於安坑地區。他們都是技術工人，從事營造業板模工作也都有二十個年頭以上。他們豐富的板模工作經驗及長時期待在此行業，不僅提供我們重新認識台灣建築工人勞動過程的自主性及日常生活樣貌，也從他們口述史中知道整個營造業產業的變遷風向。雖然他們以個案方式被呈現，但我們借助這些個案也試圖超越這些個案，嘗試從具體工人個案敘述，走向抽象工人的理論論述與剖析。 這是一趟勞動社會學之旅，但同時也是一趟勞動生命史之旅。本文採取田野調查、深度訪談與歷史文獻爬梳的方式，試圖去貼近被研究對象。他們的勞動與都市生活，其實是具體地鑲嵌於母文化及其社會關係之中。當越是深入田野貼近都市阿美族的工作經驗及其日常生活，筆者就越想瞭解下列的疑問：「都市阿美族建築業工班是如何運作的？」、「都市阿美族人其原來的勞動文化，如何被帶入工地勞動之中的？」、「台灣營造業的剝削與不公平問題，更勝於其他行業，但為何沒有建築工人走上街頭呢？其中製造甘願的機制為何呢？」、「都市阿美族建築工人的抗爭，如何展現及其限制為何？」最後還有「都市阿美族人建築工人團結文化如何可能？」這些大問號，將引導本文的思考與書寫的方向。 本文的章節安排，扼要說明如下。第一章〈導論〉，包括研究動機與目的、文獻回顧與評析、研究方法及章節安排之說明；第二章〈近代阿美族的社會歷史及其時代變遷〉，探討阿美族自荷西時代到日本殖民時代的社會變遷；第三章〈當代阿美族的西部都會地區移工、族裔社區與日常生活〉，則試圖描繪當代阿美族的社會變遷面貌，尤其考察都市阿美族的形成、社群網絡、自願團體、貨幣使用及其日常生活樣貌；第四章〈阿美族板模工個案生命史〉，正式進入七位男性都市阿美族板模師傅個案勞動生命史自傳的書寫；第五章〈都市阿美族營造業工班組織與勞動過程考察〉，將由這七位板模師傅的勞動經驗出發，並將其放在台灣營造業鋼筋混凝土工法引進百年歷史、戰後台灣營造業外包制度、工班運作及其生產政治中考察；第六章，〈戰後台灣工地文化、營造技術及其社會變遷〉，我們將聚焦在台灣特殊的工地文化、營造業去技術過程及建築工人的勞動自主性之課題；第七章〈工地「階級」關係、勞動過程與市場專制/關係主義〉，試圖建立在上述個案研究基礎之上，並超越個案的侷限，從事抽象的建築工人勞動過程的理論討論與剖析。其中，特別指出及論證台灣營造業之「市場專制與關係主義複合體組合」勞動體制特色；最後第八章〈結論〉，扼要說明本研究的若干研究發現。 / In this book, the hardworking life stories of seven urban Amis template workers in construction industry will lead us to a journey of sociology of labor. These interviewed senior Amis template workers who live in Sindian District, New Taipei City, mainly come from different tribes in Huatung Valley or Plain. They chose to settle down in Sindian District of New Taipei City. Some of them live in Sindian public housing, some live in riverbank tribes, and others live scattered in Ankeng. They are all skilled workers who have experience in making templates in construction industry for more than twenty years. With their extensive experience of making templates and stay in this industry for a long time, we not only rediscover the autonomy of labor and daily life of construction workers in Taiwan but also learn the transformation of the construction industry with their oral history. Although it is presented with cases, we attempt to transcend the cases, and with these cases, we try to discuss and analyze the cases from concrete labour cases to abstract labour theory. This is a journey of sociology of labor, and also a journey of history of labor life. With the methods of field work, depth interview, and historical references, the writer tries to get close to the subjects and finds that their labor and urban lives are concretely embedded to mother culture and social relations. The deeper the writer gets into the field and urban Amis’ working experience and daily life, the more the writer wants to solve the following questions: “How does the construction shift of urban Amis works?” “How did Amis’ original labor culture be brought to the construction labor?” “The exploitation and unfairness of labor in Taiwan construction industry are more serious than those of other industries, but why there aren’t social movement of construction workers in the streets? What is the mechanism of creating consent?” “How should we express and what is the limit of the fight of urban Amis construction workers?” “What is the possibility of unity culture of urban Amis construction workers?” These big questions will lead the way of this essay’s thought and direction of writing. The chapter arrangement of the essay are as follows: chapter 1, “Introduction,” including the motivation and purpose of the research, reviewing and analyzing the references, research methods, and the arrangement of chapters; chapter 2, “Recent social history of the Amis and the change of its time,” discussing the change of Amis society from European rule to Japanese colonial period; chapter 3, “Present Amis’ migrant workers in Taiwan’s western metropolitan areas, community, and daily life,” trying to describe the appearance of present Amis’ change of the society, especially inspecting the formation, community grid, volunteer group, usage of currency, and daily life of present Amis; chapter 4, “Individual life history of Amis template workers,” beginning to write the biography of the history of labor life of the seven urban Amis template workers; chapter 5, “Inspecting the construction industry work organization and labor process of urban Amis,” starting from the personal labor experience of these seven template workers, it investigate the history of hundreds of years of reinforced concrete technique in Taiwan construction industry, post-war outsourcing system in Taiwan, operation of working shifts, and production politics; chapter 6, “Post-war culture of construction site, construction techniques, and change of society in Taiwan,” focusing on the special culture of construction site, process of construction techniques, and the labor autonomy of constriction workers in Taiwan; chapter 7, “The ‘class’ relations of construction site, process of labor, and despotic marketism / relationalism,” trying to establish the above basics of mentioned individual case research, transcending the limitation of individual case, and conduct the abstract discussion and analysis on the theory of labor process of construction workers. It especially points out and demonstrates the features of labor regime of the complex of despotic marketism and relationalism in Taiwan construction industry; chapter 8, “Conclusion,” briefly elaborating the findings of the research.

本文從社會、經濟、物質、科技、文化交流等層面探討鐘錶自十六世紀起傳入中國，並逐漸在中國社會中流傳和普及的情形，並藉此討論明清時期中國人的時間觀念和日常生活是否因鐘錶傳入而有所改變。

本研究從廣義的社區傳播觀點出發，探討傳統社會結構限制下的社區已婚女性，如何展現她們的能動性從家庭「走出來」，並且成為社區大學和在地社區產生連結的中介角色。在已婚女性的個人能動性方面，研究者發現根據女性所擁有的資源差異，會影響她們自我定位協商的方式。其中自主性內隱的女性，使用了「以退為進」的戰術，有意識或無意識地鬆動了傳統「賢妻良母」的自我定位。而在女性發揮能動性的過程裡，她們也展現出一種默會知識樣貌──同理心和禮物經濟。這些默會知識的運用，使她們得以在家庭和社大的場域，扮演橋樑般的角色，在情感層面上建立起對班級、社大與社區的集體認同，以及可被用於即時動員的人際網絡。而她們也會以自己的知識經驗為基礎，將社大的理念轉化為她們所認可的具體行動。 / The idea of "Community Communication" is not limited to the use of community media. In a broader perspective, interpersonal communication in everyday life should also be identified as a sphere of community communication. Therefore my research focused on the interpersonal communication of four married women who took courses in Chi-Mei Community University. From their cases, the agency of married women who lived under traditional social restraints was distinctively uncovered. As long as these female students found their own way out of domestic life, they voluntarily became mediators in community communication. They helped Chi-Mei staff not only in running courses more smoothly but also in building rapport with local inhabitants successfully. All these female students identified themselves with the roles of "wives and mothers." However, based on the different resources they acquired, they developed various tactics in the re-negotiation of self-identities during the post-parental period. In one case where the husband had more power over his wife, the wife swiftly came up with strategic approaches that instead helped her gain the advantages over her husband (sometimes even without his knowing it). With this kind of wit cultivated from daily communications, while studying in Chi-Mei Community University, these married women even foster certain tacit knowledge which can be defined as "empathy" and "gift economy". By making use of tacit knowledge, these women translated the concepts advocated by Chi-Mei staff into real actions. And they were able to mobilize their family members and friends in taking these actions as well. Yet they did not associate their voluntary contributions with the abstract concepts, but attributed the actions to their sense of belongings as a community with Chi-Mei and the people whom they admired. These female students actually underestimated their importance in community mobilization. In fact, after Typhoon Morakot seriously damaged southern Taiwan in August 2009, the community networks fostered by women’s interpersonal communication played crucial roles in delivering materials to those victims in need. This was a good example of how the loosely connected networks could be activated at some critical moment while community mobilization is urgently required.

本文主要討論在日常生活中，以智慧型手機和社群網站Facebook打卡為主的媒體實踐所扮演的社交角色以及實踐者的空間經驗感受，試圖描繪科技帶來社交網絡的連結，並且透過現代科技漫遊者的實踐，混淆日常性和觀光凝視的界線。從媒體實踐取徑，觀察生活中各種實踐行動，試圖勾勒媒體實踐如何定錨社交關係，以及人為主體的媒介消費複雜性。 研究以民族誌法為研究方法，結合線上觀察、線下田野、深度訪談，研究三個身處不同社交圈位置的個案；研究者以參與觀察的方式進入研究對象的生活、工作、休閒場域，期以從實踐者的生活方式，理解日常生活中細瑣行動的動態關係。 研究發現，作為新科技的Facebook打卡和智慧型手機，身處社交圈不同位置的實踐者在近用之後能發展機會，包括鞏固意見領袖地位、晉升為領導者、創造與他人的連結；而Facebook的標籤功能、打卡時機的調整、省略打卡位置等實踐，成為實踐者挪用以建立社交關係。 實踐者是為現代的科技漫遊者，在漫遊城市時透過打卡找到新空間經驗感受，這些經驗包括：(1) 日常生活與觀光凝視的界線流動，實踐者凝視平凡的日常找到非比尋常，將之轉化為打卡題材；(2) 打卡實踐是實踐者既地方性又全球性的文本生產，讓地標賦予了既真實又虛擬的混合空間意涵，實踐者於其中觀展表演而自我揭露；(3) 打卡鞏固了觀光凝視的空間經驗，實踐者的空間感受並非固定，而可能既溫暖有情感又陳悶的儀式，打卡實踐添增了生活中面對鏡頭的觀光客姿態。實踐者面對科技物質特性、社會關係、監視構成的結構性限制，能找到方式因應，但其能施展的自由與機會也有局限性。 / The aim of the research investigates Facebook’s check-ins as a media practice that plays a crucial social role in everyday life. While walking in the city nowadays, a practitioner can convey his/her feelings, uploading stories and photos to social network websites through mobile technologies. A practitioner’s gaze upon spectacle of the city brings him/her complicated media experience in the media-drenched world, which turns a practitioner into a tourist and a flâneur. The study explores practitioners’ media consumption in everyday life. My empirical study focuses on three cases, who are heavy users of smart phones and in favor of check-ins on Facebook. The three cases situate in different social status and develope different social relationships through Facebook. By choosing ethnography as my method, I am a participant-as-observer who immerse in on-line and off-line field work. My findings indicate that smart phones and check-ins on Facebook provide opportunities and resources for practitioners. A keen adopter of technologies becomes an opinion leader, and her practice of check-ins brings her a fashionable image. The person who owns ordinary fellowship becomes an opinion leader in his peer group by acquiring technology skills. The practitioners use tagging and adjust the timing of check-ins to create social connection with friends. A practitioner, who is also a tourist and a flâneur, finds new feelings through mobile technologies when walking in the city. (1) The boundary between everyday life and tourism is not fixed, but weaves in a flow instead. (2) Geo-tagging symbolizes a hybrid space, in which contains virtual and physical information. (3) The practices of check-ins embody the tourist gaze. The sense of place is a flow, and practitioners may find warm or chill places through different media practices. However, the tension of interaction between people and technologies brings several unexpected troubles. The practitioner combats these problems by using tactics with agency, while he/she faces the power of structure which limits agency at the same time.