家族企業是台灣企業的重要組織型態，近年來全球化市場競爭帶給台灣家族企業主及其後代極大的挑戰，而這些企業主後代之生活條件和教育程度迥異於創業業主，企業後代的接班狀況是否會因環境與個人條件的變化而與過去不同，進而產生有別於傳統的生涯選擇？為瞭解上述問題，研究者曾經以質性研究方法針對某本土組織為對象完成「台灣家族企業中三代業主經營理念之變遷」的探索性研究。此個案分析結果顯示該家族三代信念相同，完全建構出該企業的特色，且傳承使命感強烈，不分世代都顯示出利家、護家的行為。因此本研究之目的是以量化研究方式來驗証「家族主義認同與後代接班行為之密切關係」是否也存在於一般台灣家族企業中，即針對企業後代探討「家族主義的認同」與接班行為(意願與結果)的關係，並欲進一步瞭解「個人評估」和「環境評估」如何調節這兩者間的關係。 本研究採問卷調查法進行，樣本為台灣上市公司及規模近似之企業主之後代94人。結果分析所得的重要結論為：(一)企業家後代「家族主義認同」和「接班行為」有正相關。(二)「家族主義認同」與「個人評估」、「環境評估」對於「接班行為」並無交互作用效果。(三)「個人評估」中之「資源利益」因素對「接班意願」最具解釋力，「環境評估」中之「家族支持」因素對「接班結果」最具解釋力。(四)年齡層在四十歲以上者，在「家族主義認同」和「接班意願」上，均高於較年輕的企業家後代。(五) 不同性別在「家族主義認同」、「接班意願」以及「家族支持」上有所差異，但在「接班結果」上並無差異。 / Family business is an important organizational context among Taiwan entrepreneurs. Global competition brings a huge challenge to owners and the succession across generations for the family business. The second or third generation has a different living standard and educational background than the original business founder. Will the succession be influenced by environmental and personal characteristics? Will the family business heirs not follow the traditional career choices of the family business founder? A pilot study used a qualitative research methodology to explore these questions in a local family business organization in Taiwan, interviewing three generations of family members. Based on the family member’s characteristics and beliefs this business developed its own culture. Because of their commitment to the family, every generation protects and profits the family. The purpose of this research is to use a quantitative method to understand how familism and succession across generations are closely related among Taiwan entrepreneurs. Will personal and environmental assessment influence the relationship between familism and succession? This research uses a self-report questionnaire completed by 94 younger generation members of the family business stock companies. The findings of this research are: 1) Identification of familism and succession behavior is positively related. 2) Familism, personal assessment and environmental assessment are independent from succession and showed no interaction. 3) In the dimension of personal assessment, the resource-benefit can best explain the will to succeed and in the dimension of environment assessment family support can best explain the result of succession. 4) Those above 40 years of age were more likely to identify familism and had more willingness to succession. 5) Males and females are different in identifying familism, the will to succession, and family support, but not much different in the result of succession.

台灣與其中華文化並不像伊斯蘭人民將回教有很強的宗教關聯性。然而歷史上回教和穆斯林在中華的歷史中扮演著一個重要的角色。從1990年代初期，從東南亞有一批勞動者移民來到台灣，並在當地工作。近期，印尼籍的工作者已達到20萬人，他們成為台灣外籍工作者中數量最大的一群。在這當中，絕大部分的印尼籍勞動者都是穆斯林。為了保留自己的身分認同與文化，這群身在台灣的印尼籍穆斯林竟而形成了以宗教為主的許多社群，並因應在地差異與台灣的華人穆斯林進行社會適應上的交流與互動。 此篇研究的目的在於為台灣的回教與穆斯林研究踏出第一步，尤其是印尼穆斯林與當地的華人穆斯林如何進行社會適應，以及在台灣這樣一個異地環境，身為少數族群的他們如何保有自己的身分認同。此研究採用質性研究方法進行資料蒐集，並以集中性的田野調查中第一手資料的蒐集與觀察進行文獻探討，這些調查資料來自臺北、桃園、中壢、台中以及高雄等地。 此研究發現印尼籍穆斯林聚集並在台灣形成特定的印尼穆斯林組織，並與華人穆斯林有著積極互動，形成他們社會適應過程中的一環。然而，由於文化背景的差異，這些印尼穆斯林社群更需要改變他們社會中的生活習慣以因應在台灣的生活。 / Taiwan and its Chinese culture is not associated with Islam as religion and Muslim people. However, historically Islam and Muslim play an important role in Chinese history. Starting in early 1990s, there was a growing number of immigrant worker, mainly from South East Asian countries to Taiwan to work in informal sector. Currently Indonesian numbered 200,000, and become the biggest in terms of foreign workers in Taiwan. Majority of these Indonesian workers are Muslim. In order to preserve their identity and cultural life, the Indonesian Muslim in Taiwan formed various religious-based community, do a social adaptation with their environment and interact with Chinese Muslim in Taiwan. The objective of this study is to initiate the study of Islam and Muslim development in Taiwan, specifically how the social adaptation of Indonesian Muslim with Chinese Muslim in Taiwan, as well as how they preserve their identity as ethnic minority in Taiwan. Qualitative approach on data collection was undertaken, using literature review followed by collecting primary sources from intensive field research and observation in Taipei, Taoyuan, Chungli, Taichung and Kaohsiung. It’s found that Indonesian Muslim gathered and formed some Indonesian Muslim organizations in Taiwan, and they actively interact with Chinese Muslim as the part of their social adaptation. However, due to some differences in cultural background, those Indonesian Muslim communities need to adapt their habit and social life in Taiwan.

本文以馬來西亞近代發展沿革為經，華人族裔金融機構的組織變貌為緯，同時援引社會學族裔經濟（ethnic economy）之理論及概念，作為歷史詮釋的張本，嘗試勾稽華人族裔金融機構的發展梗概，論析砂拉越華資銀行在此脈絡下的發展與侷限。進而回答何以全馬僅大眾、豐隆等少數繼續茁壯，更大多數的華人金融機構卻陸續退出市場？及其所蘊寓的華人族裔經濟意涵為何？ 本文指出，在英人殖民時期，華人移民因創業謀生之所需，同族互助而有華資銀行等族裔金融機構的誕生，隨著華人逐漸融入當地生活而在戰後初年達到發展高峰。嗣後馬來西亞聯邦成立，華資銀行則在國家大力扶持土著資本的影響下趨向邊緣化；1997年東南亞金融風暴後，馬國政府力促銀行整併以回應全球化競爭，過程中華人資本被迫淡出，多數的華資銀行也因而走入歷史。總體而言，華資銀行歷經「在地化」及「土著化」進程，反映出馬來西亞華人經濟的質量變化，就社會學的領域，即是華人在馬國金融業的參與，已由早期族裔擁有的經濟（ethnic ownership economy），朝族裔控制的經濟（ethnic control economy）方向演化。 在企業史的層次，個案研究顯示：馬國絕大多數的華資銀行屬中小型規模，發展深受在地政商脈絡及華人族裔特性之影響。砂拉越的華資銀行脫胎於傳統的族裔金融機構，專注於當地業務及同族市場，有著穩健成長的特色，雖對華人經濟作出貢獻，卻難以應付一再增加的族群政策鉗制及市場競爭壓力。本文也發現，隨著時間過去，華資銀行的族裔色彩逐漸淡化，幫權結構也不斷崩解，惟有家族經營始終強韌，顯示族裔特性依然存在，但其內涵早已今非昔比；而主導銀行的家族不願向外發展，擴大規模，以免流失控制權的保守心態，亦侷限其進一步發展的可能性。 / This paper studies the history of Chinese ethnic financial institutions in Malaysia, and explores its implications of the “ethnic economy” theory. Following this context, this article aims to explore the societal changes resulting from the adaptation of Chinese communities to the local host population, and gradual transformation of family-controlled Malaysian Chinese banks and ethnic financial institutions. Meanwhile, I also uses case study to discuss the development and limitation of a Sarawak bank. In this paper, I try to answer the reasons why a few Chinese banks in Malaysia thrived while other ethnic financial institutions eventually went out of business. And how do the evolution of ethnic financial institutions and the related turning point reflect the meaning of the ethnic economy? I pointed out that ethnic financial institutions were created under a particular time period and background, ethnic entrepreneurs fined-tuned their resources for applicable business strategy, and their strategy allowed Chinese communities to expand in every aspect of the economy at the early colonial era. Banking systems in Singapore, Malaya and Sarawak were originally introduced by the British; later Chinese communities became involved and the financial industry reached its peak in the first few years after the World War II. The Chinese banks played a great role in the local financial industries/enterprises at the time were owned by single or multiple families. The industry then underwent a series of events, such as the sovereign separation of Singapore and Malaysia, implementation of New Economic Policy(NEP), and ongoing mergers since the millennium, resulting in only two Chinese banks, Public Bank and Hong Leong Bank, remaining in the industry with a continued decline in the proportion of their stockholding. Malaysian Chinese with significant amounts of capital were once highly involved in the banking and financial industry, but with the passage of time, the development of Chinese financial institutions was subject to the phenomenon of “indigenization” and “bumiputraization”, which both hindered their ongoing development and later drove them out of business. In the light of the ethnic economy theory, Participation of Chinese financial institutions in Malaysia were moving from an "ethnic ownership economy" towards an "ethnic controlled economy". The analysis of the Sarawak case indicates the development of Chinese banks was subject to the influence of political and local business relationships, and the distinctive ethnic features of the Chinese communities. The majority of the Chinese banks in Sarawak evolved from ethnic financial institutions, small and medium-sized business within the family control, they focused on local businesses and markets of the same ethnicity. Even though these banks contributed to the ethnic economy and saw constant growth, they were swept aside by the tide of history once the political and economic environment began to change. This article also discovered that as time went by, Chinese bank gradually changed their image as ethnic banks. The structure of “dialect groups” began to collapse as well; this was a distinctly ethnic concept whereby only family management could maintain the existence of a corporation. The major limitations which restricted the development of ethnic financial institutions were conservative family management and a reluctance to expand outward in the hope of preventing the dispersion of power.

本論文中國與馬來西亞合作的雙向園區作為例，為全球首創雙向合作的工業園區，探究中國與馬來西亞藉由兩國雙園產業配置的政治運作邏輯。本文發現中馬兩國雙園中設置不只是雙邊國家利益的展現，更是雙邊在地利益團體的結合，因此以「複合互賴理論」作為分析方法，觀察中國和馬來西亞如何透過產業園區的設置，把雙邊國家利益轉化成雙邊國家政策，並結合在地利益團體的目標，最後消弭中馬兩國雙邊矛盾，實行中馬兩國的國家合作計畫。最後，雙園的合作不在只是雙邊經濟的交涉，更是雙邊國家外交戰略的實行，變相成為在地利益團的建立、強化，甚至到雙邊國家關係的聯繫。 / In this paper argues that the China-Malaysia Twin Industrial Parks as an example, is first two-way cooperation of the industrial park in the world. It explore that China and Malaysia's the political operation logic through the each industry park. This thesis finds that the China-Malaysia Twin Industrial Parks are not only the show of bilateral national interests, but also the combination of bilateral interest groups, this research conducts classification analysis called Complex Interdependence Theory.This approace is used to observe how China and Malaysia through the industrial park set up the interests of bilateral countries into bilateral policy, combined with the interests of the interests of groups, and finally eliminate the bilateral contradictions between China and Malaysia, the implementation of the two countries of the national deevelopment program. The last part is the conclusion of the thesis not only for the bilateral economic relations, but also for the implementation of bilateral countries diplomatic strategy.

本文所稱「海事留置權」，係指兩岸海商法、台灣民法、大陸擔保法與合同法及兩岸其他特別法所定，與廣義海事上有關之船、貨和其他動產之留置權而言。詳言之，海事留置權之種類包括：依台灣民法物權編留置權章及大陸擔保法留置章取得之留置權、建造或修繕船舶人之船舶留置權、運送人或承攬運送人之貨物留置權、運送人或船長對於未清償共同海損分擔額之貨物留置權、船舶出租人之留置權、承拖人對被拖物之留置權、救助人對獲救船舶、貨物及其他財產之留置權、倉庫營業人之留置權、行紀人之留置權、信託法之留置權。有鑒於台灣民法物權編修正草案已作大幅度之增修，近年來大陸又積極推動研訂統一民法典工作，並已審訂通過民法（草案）其中第二編物權法（草案）部分之第二次審議稿，且大陸亦有學者對其海商法作出修改建議，值此新舊過渡現行法理論與實務多所歧異之際，藉機綜合研析，並作兩岸擔保物權領域的法制與實務之比較，此外，將來兩岸開放三通後，日後涉及債權擔保之民事事項與海事事項勢必與日俱增，船、貨留置之事件，亦將層出不窮，兩岸法院、仲裁機構、法學專家及人民適用彼岸地區規定之情形尤當頻繁，此時以兩岸海事留置權為中心，就可能衍生之相關實體與程序問題，予以深入比較探討，並發表所見，期能有助於國人就此一論題之瞭解，兼可供作兩岸法學研究、司法實務及立法之參考，此乃本文研究之主要目的。茲說明本論文之主要章節架構如次： 第一章 緒論 本章乃就研究本論題之動機、範圍與方法作一說明。 第二章 兩岸海事留置權之取得 本章首先就海事留置權之意義與海事留置權之種類予以概述後，再就依一般規定取得之海事留置權，其成立之積極要件與消極要件加以說明，接著就非依一般規定取得之海事留置權，其成立所須具備之要件按各種海事留置權分款予以析述。以上論點並就兩岸之異同為比較。 第三章 兩岸海事留置權之效力與消滅 本章就海事留置權之效力，按海事留置權對債權之擔保效力、海事留置權對留置物之支配力及海事留置權對留置權人之約束力分項予以論述，最後則就海事留置權之消滅略作說明。以上論點並就兩岸之異同為比較。 第四章 兩岸海事留置權之實行 本章分別就台灣與大陸關於海事留置權實行之條件、海事留置權實行之方法及海事留置權實行之程序予以論述，並作兩岸法制比較，以明其實行之條件、方法及程序之異同。 第五章 涉彼岸海事留置權爭議處理及認可執行之法律適用 本章分別就台灣及大陸對涉及彼岸海事留置權爭議處理之法律適用，及相互對在彼岸取得拍賣留置物之裁判或仲裁判斷等執行名義為認可執行之法律適用予以論述，以明就涉及彼岸海事留置權爭議處理之準據法，及相互認可彼岸執行名義並予執行之法律依據。 第六章 建議（代結論） 本章綜合研究所得，對於兩岸關於海事留置權及相關法制規範，以及學者之理解或司法實務所持見解，認為有欠妥適之處，提出檢討，並作出立法、修法或變更見解之建議方案，以代結論，俾有助於兩岸海事留置權及相關法制規範與解釋之修正與完善。 關鍵字：海事留置權、船舶留置權、貨物留置權、人保物保責任平等說、物保責任優先說、中華人民共和國海事訴訟特別程序法、中華人民共和國拍賣法、區際法律衝突、區際私法、民事確定裁判與仲裁判斷之認可執行、船舶優先權催告程序、臺灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例。

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

本研究は、冷戦期と黒人公民権運動期という二重の文脈が交差するなかで、中国系アメリカ人の運動に作用した多様なダイナミズムを歴史的に解明することであった。これにより、従来のような「同化」と「モデル・マイノリティ」の視点から語られがちであった中国系アメリカ人という歴史観とは異なる視座から、当時の中国系アメリカ人の歴史を捉えることを試みた。さらに、チャイナタウン内で発行されていた中国語新聞と中国共産党の資料の分析により、中国共産主義が中国系の左派活動家を通して、いかにアメリカ合衆国の黒人公民権運動に影響を与えたかとのことも検証した。 / This dissertation provides an overview of Chinese American activism during the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement period. At the same time, it re-examines the history of Chinese Americans from the perspective of Chinese American activism. By employing a transnational approach to Chinese American activism and carefully analyzing various primary resources, this project attempts to clarify the dynamic process through which Chinese American activist movements changed from engaging in spheres of transnational Chinese struggles to fighting for justice and the interests of their own community in the United States, and finally to becoming an integral part of the Asian American Movement. / 博士(アメリカ研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University