京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第22920号 / 文博第866号 / 新制||文||703(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科歴史文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 髙嶋 航, 教授 中砂 明徳, 准教授 村上 衛 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

越南與中國山海毗連，古來交通頻繁，華人或為謀生或為避禍，流寓至斯者不可勝數。如與其他華人移民社會相比，越南華人社會源遠流長，堪稱最為悠久的海外華人社群，是故越南華人研究於華僑華人研究、東南亞史、中外交通史，以及族群關係等領域皆有一定之學術價值。 越南華人的華語能力何以普遍低落？社會地位何以長期不振？凡此越南華人生活之樣貌，泰半歸因於早先越南政府其華人政策執行之結果。越南歷經君主、殖民、威權、共產政權的統治，在不同的歷史階段裡，華人扮演著不同的角色，他們或為當局開疆拓土的能臣、或為外交攻防的棋子、或為國家發展的障礙、或為繁榮經濟的夥伴，各政權與華人之關係固有良窳，其華人政策自有異同。 筆者擬視第二次世界大戰後越南之華人政策為一「(從屬)族裔政策」(policies vis-a-vis ethnic subordinates)，藉由二戰後越南華人政策編年史之重建，期解析歷任越南政府(法國越南殖民政府、越南民主共和國、越南共和國，乃至於越南社會主義共和國)華人政策之特質與導因，俾闡明越南華人政策自「強制性同化(Compulsory Assimilation)」趨向「包容(Accommodation)」之歷程。 就華人政策之特質而言，「政策意識形態」的內涵自然是一項重點(筆者將「(強制性)同化」或「包容」等主義皆視為一「政策意識形態」)，但如何對「政策意識形態」進行系統化分析，乃是關鍵所在。吾人將以「族裔互動指標」(亦即Gordon(1964)之「同化變項」)推論幾種不同「意識形態」取向的「政策原型」，進而以「政策原型」作為判斷實際「政策意識形態」之準據。 經由各章討論，本研究乃有以下發現：(一)第二次世界大戰以來，越南之華人政策體現了華人在族裔結構中之被動與羸弱，其從屬情境已然僵固；(二)就「政策意識形態」而言，第二次世界大戰後越南之華人政策原係以「同化」為主，迄1980年中期轉趨「包容」，惟無論同化抑或包容，乃至於在越南共和國時代對華人採取的「去特權化」，旨皆在造成越南華人之「在地化」；(三)二戰後歷任越南政府之華人政策側重於改造華人之社會結構與族裔意識；(四)二戰後歷任越南政府其「政體意識形態」與「華人政策意識形態」之相關性並不顯著：(五)綜觀二戰後歷任越南政府之華人政策，其導因主要包括「越南政府與中國政府之雙邊關係(越南對中國之依賴程度)」、「越南政府對華人之基本態度」，以及「越南政府之經濟戰略」三項。 (本論文榮獲2005年中研院亞太區域研究專題中心碩士論文獎助) / From the ancient time, ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese have been in contact with each other persistently since China and Vietnam are linked by mountains and rivers. Thousands of ethnic Chinese have flowed into and resided in Vietnam to earn a living and to run away from calamities in the past. Comparing with other overseas ethnic Chinese communities around the world, those in Vietnam have had a distant source and a long stream. Hence the study of ethnic Chinese in Vietnam has a number of academic benefits from understanding of overseas Chinese and ethnic Chinese, to the study of Southeast Asia history, to the study of the communication between China and abroad, and to the study of interaction among ethnic groups. How does the ethnic Chinese in Vietnam lose their Mandarin ability? Why do they have an inferior social status? All of these features of ethnic Chinese in Vietnam could be a result of the implementation of Vietnam's policy toward ethnic Chinese. In Vietnam's history, there were assorted political stages, including monarchy, colonialism, authoritarianism, and communism, to name a few. Vietnam's ethnic Chinese have been participating in varied roles during these political times, including a pioneer in exploring barren lands, a chess-man in the diplomatic board game, an obstruction to the national development, and a business partner. Because of this complicated relationship with ethnic Chinese, every authority in Vietnam has established different policies toward ethnic Chinese as well. In this thesis, the author assumes that Vietnam's policies toward ethnic Chinese equate to policies vis-à-vis ethnic subordinates. Through the process of reconstructing the chronicle of Vietnam's ethnic Chinese policies after World War Two, this author is going to analyze the characteristics and the factors of these various policies from each Vietnamese authority (i.e., the so- called Vietnamese authorities including the French authority in Vietnam(1945-1954), Republic of Vietnam(1955-1975), Democratic Republic of Vietnam(1954-1975), and Socialist Republic of Vietnam(1975-2003))in order to enucleate the ideology of these policies that have been transformed from “Compulsory Assimilation” to “Accommodation.” As to the characteristics of ethnic Chinese policy of each authority, several questions are examined: “what is the ideology of each authority's ethnic Chinese policy?” is supposed to be a focus (The author is going to take “Compulsory Assimilation” or “Accommodation” as a sort of “ideology of policy”). Moreover, “how to analyze the ideology of ethnic Chinese policy that belongs to each authority?” is definitely a weight-bearing point. The author will use a so-called “index of interaction among ethnic groups (which was evolved from Gordon's (1964) variables of assimilation)”to theorize several “policy prototypes” dependent on each “ideology of policy”. According to these “policy prototypes”, we may analyze each authority's ideology of ethnic Chinese policy in detail. This research has five conclusions: 1. Vietnam's policy toward ethnic Chinese after WWⅡ embodies the passive and emaciated position in the Vietnam's ethnic structure; the subordinate status of ethnic Chinese has been enforced by the Vietnamese authority. 2. Speaking of the ideology of each authority's ethnic Chinese policy after WWⅡ, the main purpose of the policy had been “Compulsory Assimilation” in the very beginning; then it moved downwards to “Accommodation” in the middle of the 1980s; however, whether it was “Compulsory Assimilation” or “Accommodation”, these two ideologies of ethnic policy both caused Vietnamese ethnic Chinese's localization. 3. Vietnam's policy toward ethnic Chinese after WWⅡ specifically emphasized on reforming the social framework of ethnic Chinese and their ethnic awareness. 4. The extent of the interrelation between “the ideology of the authority” and “the ideology of the authority's ethnic Chinese policy” is low and unclear. 5. To make a comprehensive survey, this author has summed up three factors for Vietnam's policy toward ethnic Chinese after WWⅡ, and these factors are “the bilateral relationship between the Vietnamese and the Chinese governments (the extent of Vietnam's dependence upon China),”“the basic attitude of the Vietnamese authority toward ethnic Chinese,” and “the Vietnamese authority's economical strategy.” (This thesis has been rewarded a prize for MA Student Research Grants in 2005 by Center for Asia-Pacific Area Studies (CAPAS), Academia Sinica, Republic of China(Taiwan).)

馬來人、華人和印度人構成馬來西亞的三大種族，馬來人占馬來西亞總人口半數以上，華人和印度人屬少數族群。馬來族群享有憲法上的特權，在政治、經濟、文化、語文、教育上，華人則一直遭受不平等待遇，受到歧視。馬來西亞的報界也反映了這個多種族的不平等特質，馬來文報和英文報具有政治和語言優勢，在社會上具有影響力，而華文報的影響力只侷限在華人圈子。本研究所欲探討的便是：在這種大環境下，馬來西亞華文報記者角色的自我認知。 　　本論文以Cooley的「鏡中自我」和Mead的「概化他者」為理論基礎，再引用Strauss, Stone和Goffman強調的情境式identity，配合Hirsch提出的職業、組織、制度三個研究分析層次，來深入分析華文報記者在不同層次的工作場域，以及面對不同的概化他者，所型塑出的自我認知類型。 　　筆者以滾雪球的方式，訪問了18位在吉隆坡的華文報記者，每位做了一至二小時不等的深度訪談，本研究發現，在職業層面，面對華文報同行，記者有糊口飯吃和受同行認同與賞識的自我認知，而這種自我認知則受記者在報館地位和新聞組別的影響。當面對外文報同行時，有的記者的自我認知是高人一等和承認自己弱點，而有的記者則頗負面，有不屑與卑微的自我認知。 　　在組織層面，本研究發現，記者面對報館這個概化他者時，出現三種情況：在主流與非主流報章的差異方面，非主流記者的自我認知受到報館地位的影響小，反而因為在報館享有較少的規範與約束而產生高自我認知；相反地，主流報章記者的自我認知，則因為報館地位和規範與約束的影響，產生正負兩種自我認知。此外，記者也會因報章風格而影響自我認知。在大報方面，記者的自我認知不會受報章銷售量滑落影響，反而因為報館的名聲、影響力、地位以及悠久的歷史而產生高自我認知。 　　在制度層面，本研究將記者與報業環境作連結，發現記者都將造成自我認知卑微的原因歸咎於外在的結構因素，包括華文報業結構和政治環境，卻沒有發現本身語言能力、專業素質和態度的不足，也是出現卑微的自我認知的因素之一。當記者面對政治力量和法令時，產生三種類型的自我認知，包括敢於挑戰、自我設限和反感。 　　本研究也發現，受到了馬來西亞各種族不平等的政、經、社、教情境的影響，華文報記者有既自大又自卑的自我認知。本研究係質性的「厚描」，將來如有人做量化的社會調查，當能使我們對馬來西亞的華文報與華文記者有更全、更深的認識。 / Three main races, Malays, Chinese and Indians, compose of Malaysia’s population with the majority Malays enjoying special constitutional privileges while the Chinese suffering political, economic, cultural, linguistic and educational inequality. Such state is also reflected in the Malaysia press. While the Malay and English language newspapers wave greater social and political influences, those of the Chinese language press are limited within the ethnic Chinese. This thesis is aimed at finding out the self-identity of Chinese language newspaper reporters in this unequal multi-racial Malaysian context. Conceptually, this research is constructed on Cooley’s theory of “looking glass self” and Mead’s “generalized others”. The “situational identity” proposed by Strauss, Stone and Goffman also forms a basis on which the thesis examines the identity of Chinese press reporters on institutional, organizational and individual levels as theorized by Hirsch. By a snowballing method, this author interviewed 18 Chinese language newspaper reporters in Kuala Lumpur. Each in-depth interview took from one to two hours. On the occupational level, the generalized others are found to be other Chinese language newspaper reporters, whose self-identity ranges from making a living to wanting to be recognized or appreciated by colleagues. The latter is influenced by the status of newspapers and different kinds of newsgroups. When compared with Malay or English language newspaper reporters, the Chinese language press reporters perceive themselves possessing a higher social status while at the same time admitting self’s weakness. On the other hand, there are Chinese language newspaper reporters who show an identity of disdain and humbleness. On the organizational level, three situations characterize the interviewed reporters. First, while non-mainstream newspaper reporters are less influenced by the status of newspaper, they have higher self-perception due to less restriction and higher autonomy in their work. Meanwhile, these reporters express both positive and negative self-perceptions influenced by the status and restriction of their newspaper. Second, reporters show different self-perception when the style of newspaper acts as one of the prominent factors. Thirdly, reporters at quality newspapers are less influenced by sales of the newspaper. Their higher perception self-identity is found to derive from the reputation, influence, status and history of the newspaper. On institutional level, this study has found that the interviewed reporters attribute their humble self-identity to such structural factors as Chinese language newspaper’s internal structure problems and external political environment while circumventing their own insufficiency in language command and professionalism. When faced with Malaysia’s unequal political and legal realities, there are three kinds of self-identity: daring to challenge, practicing self-censorship or showing resentment. This study adopts a qualitative method of “thick description” in its analysis. Future research shall reveal more by adopting a survey of statistically sampled reporters.

在中共政權成立的前夕，中國國民黨與中國共產黨都為了爭取東南亞華人華僑的支持而努力。即使東南亞各國尚未承認中共，許多華人支持它，甚至有人為了參加新祖國的建設而歸返大陸。 不過到了文革時期，歸僑及其眷屬被視為．「帝國主義的走狗」，遭到迫害的人甚多，也有人逃到國外。 自從鄧小平掌握實權，推行改革開放政策以來，華僑和華人逐漸被平反，他們對大陸的投資也跟隨著增加。如今，中共為吸引華僑華人的資金，推出各種優待措施。 本論文的主要目的是探討中共改革開放以來的僑務政策，進而試將僑務政策在整個改革開放政策中定位。

「信心建立措施」(CBMs)屬於單純的政治命題？或是一個文化與政治的關聯命題？若將其用於解決兩岸問題上，可能就不是單純的政治命題。因為，兩岸從1949年起雖處於敵對狀態，但並沒有因敵對而影響民間經濟活動的交流發展，而且這種政治冷、經濟熱的特殊現象，還是沒有使得中共方面放棄以武力解決台灣問題的選項。但是，自1958年「八二三金門砲戰」後雙方又沒再發生過軍事衝突，同時也默守互不逾越「海峽中線」的規範，這種不同於西方軍事互信的概念似乎又存在於兩岸之間。因此，有人認為是美國與兩岸間構成的和平穩定架構發揮功效，或因經濟因素的介入使然，唯少有從「文化」這個面相來研究解讀的。事實上，英國哲人羅素(Bertrand Russell, 1872-1970)曾說：「中國的軍人是一個有理性的人。」可謂道出華人文化的特質。由於，兩岸文化系出同源，所以在相同文化邏輯涵泳出的國民性格，不僅有著共通的語言、思想觀念和行為模式，而且是一個極為重視人情、面子和關係的生活世界，與奠基於民主法治的西方社會大異其趣。 由於，CBMs畢竟係西方文明的產物，雖有完善堅實的理論基礎及實踐經驗，但逕自套用或作為兩岸軍事互信機制的理論，不僅不能解決問題，也因為缺乏對文化差異的理解，從迄今懸而未決的結果足以證明西方理論未必全然適用。因此，興起於1980年代末的建構主義，因蘇聯解體後，東歐與南歐共產國家產生的「認同政治」(identity politics)問題的研究，促使建構主義逐漸成為國際關係理論研究的重要理論之一。而且，著名的建構主義論者溫特（Alexander Wendt）認為：當具有共用觀念的集體認同建立後，國家可以超越自助特性，相互間構築起高度信任，彼此以和平途徑解決衝突，而不是訴諸武力，從而實現洛克(John Locke)文化向康德(Immanuel Kant)文化的轉變。由於，華人文化本就具有建構主義的精神，運用於具有共通文化背景的兩岸軍事互信機制的建構，理應是合理的選項與嘗試。

本文使用中央研究院調查研究中心所提供之＜華人家庭動態資料庫＞用華人家庭動態資料庫中的RI1999、RI2000 與RI2003 三期資料作為主樣本。並利用RII2000、RII2001、RR2006等追蹤資料，篩選出首次進入婚姻者，分析在2007調查中是否改變婚姻狀態，進而探討是何種因素影響婚姻解散決定，包括結婚當下的個人特質、婚後的婚姻品質以及對於婚姻的資本投入，在實證分析上採用probit迴歸模型。 　　本研究結果顯示，個人心智隨著時間增長而逐漸成熟，初婚年齡越早，對於婚姻越可能有著不切實際的期待，使得婚姻解散風險與初婚年齡呈現顯著的負相關。過去中高年齡層進入婚姻的時間較早，當子女成年、離家後，中高年齡層夫妻生活的焦點開始從子女轉向夫妻關係，若發現彼此不再有許多共同之處，就有可能選擇走上婚姻解散一途，使得中高年齡層成為離婚的高風險族群。另外，傳統華人家庭觀念仍深深影響夫妻雙方的婚姻品質，婚姻生活依舊是以男方家庭的文化規範為基礎，女性必須適應男方家族，夫妻雙方若因為家族事務爭吵的頻率越高或是受到來自上一輩的生男壓力越大，婚姻解散風險也就越大。過去兩性分工一直是華人家庭夫妻的相處模式，但時代變遷，一旦職業婦女職場家庭無法兼顧，或是丈夫無法給予妻子經濟上的安全感，若繼續把過去性別分工的框架套用在現今夫妻的相處模式，容易增加婚姻解散的風險。

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(教育学) / 甲第24354号 / 教博第284号 / 新制||教||215(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院教育学研究科教育学環専攻 / (主査)教授 佐藤 卓己, 准教授 福井 佑介, 教授 南部 広孝, 教授 中村 元哉 (東京大学) / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Education) / Kyoto University / DGAM

2008年，作為大陸勞資關係領域最重要的一部法律，「中華人民共和國勞動合同法」正式實施，這部法律將重構大陸勞資關係，影響到產業投資等實體經濟領域，並對社會關係、政治進程產生明顯影響。雖然，「勞動合同法」的意義在大陸官方被極力宣揚，但其在民間卻獲得兩種不同的聲音。普通勞動者以及他們的代言人均高度贊揚這部法律的救濟作用，將扭轉普通勞動者目前的弱勢地位；而企業主、資方代表和他們的擁護者則嚴厲批評法律的矯枉過正的做法，聲稱對勞動者的過度保護將極度損害企業投資方的利益，也有可能造成勞動者的惰性，實際上是一種不當保護，最後將會造成勞動者和企業主的雙輸局面。 因此本文的主要目的就在於通過對勞動合同的立法背景、理由、主要內容的梳理，探討新頒「勞動合同法」對企業微觀經營管理、人力資源管理實務以及宏觀的營運戰略的影響，並提出筆者的建議。構成本文的主體內容將包括四個部分，即背景、內容、影響與應對策略。在背景部分，將主要闡述新頒「勞動合同法」的立法背景及社會政治經濟環境等內容，了解「勞動合同法」的立法理由和目的。隨後，將著重分析「勞動合同法」相對於以前的「勞動法」在規範勞動關係方面的重要變化和其主要內容。在第三部分，將是為應對「勞動合同法」企業人力資源管理實務方面進行的調整。當然這種調整會對企業的多方面造成影響，因此在詳細評估這種影響後，本文提出了企業經營管理三種策略調整模式：「改革模式」、「創新模式」和「保守模式」，並認為台資企業目前可以選擇的是改革和創新模式。

德教會為一個自1939年於中國潮汕傳至東南亞各國的一種教派的宗教團體，在新加坡、馬來西亞、印尼、香港、越南等國俱有屬於德教自身信仰體系的團體和信仰者存在。此宗教團體的派系計有紫、振、濟、贊化、明、緣等支系之分別，主要供奉的神明不分道佛，計有：觀音、關帝、濟公、太上老君和八仙等，其中心教義主要是以民間宗教信仰和儒、釋、道三教合一的思想與價值觀為其主幹。儘管德教所標榜的是五教（除了以上三教之外，另外兩個是基督教和伊斯蘭教）同宗且主張五教之間存在著互不相違悖的原則。本文以此宗教團體為研究對象，企圖去論述此信仰團體具備著特定的族群色彩之性質存在，在探索此信仰團體的性質、在馬來西亞當地的發展歷史過程同時，和它與當地海外華人社會的互動性關係，以進一步理解德教會此宗教組織為上述社群所帶來的若干意義性之存在，和在當地社會和特定社群當中所做出的貢獻和互動性關係。在釐清德教何以能夠在馬來西亞的華人和當地社會中以不同的程度在國內盛行及發展此關懷下，以東馬沙巴州斗湖的紫辰閣為例子，從觀察其組織、成員、模式和神學思想中去省討其在糾集當地華人之方法，思索和觀察其所主張的「五教同善」之號召下與所在的大環境之影響下所產生的因應變化及可能性，和達到跨越潮人省籍之社群和服務當地社會之目的。 / De-Jiao Hui, Moral Lifting Association（德教會）is a religious sect that origins from China, Teo-Chew（潮州） to South-eastern asia. Its believers and organizations spead to Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Hong Kong and Vietnam. This sect separate with few branches. Their main worshipers are included Buddhism and Taoism deities. The belief which the Moral Uplifting Society composes with Chinese folk religion, Buddhism, Taoism and Confucius. Although this association makes a syncretic faith called Five Traditions or Teachings share the same origin. The teaching is included religion of Islam and Christian, propaganda for others. Through this religious group and Che Hsing Khor Moral Uplifting Society（紫辰閣） in Tawau of Sabah, by the activities which their started and launched, trying to determine the reasons and methods of this belief association become popular and successfully attaching local believers in Malaysia. With the history and social factors of Malaysia, Moral Uplifting Association become a matchmaker between a different Chinese native province, professions, social status, educational background to gather their believers. It tried to attach not only the local Chinese society group but also obtained approving from the other ethnic community in that nation. Its believers take part in this belief group to share the same vision of future and the pursuit of harmony.

馬來西亞至今已獨立58年，國內族群的問題一直備受矚。然而，回顧馬來西亞華人身份認同研究，主要從歷史脈絡結構下詮釋，缺乏經驗性研究。伴隨著世代的改變，馬來西亞華人身份認同亦可能隨之改變。本研究主要探究當今馬來西亞華人是否仍強調華人的概念以及在文化認同上是否認知為中華文化，以及影響該認同之因素。協商式認同是一種建構式認同，主要認為透過國家的主導以及社會環境可影響民眾的認同。有鑑於此，吾人認為不同世代華裔隨著國家政策與社會環境影響下，年長世代華裔與年輕世代華裔在身份與文化認同上有所差異。本文研究以馬六甲為例，在研究途徑上分成三種方式，分別是「非結構性訪談」、「內容分析法」、「參與觀察法」以探究該因果關係。吾人發現，在身份認同上，年長世代認為華人與中國人沒有差別，且他們較重視華人身份。反觀，年輕世代則認為兩者皆有差別，同時他們不太重視華人認同，傾向強調馬來西亞國家認同。至於在文化認同方面，年長世代認為中華文化等同於華人文化，且較重視華人文化，反之年輕世代則認為華人文化屬於馬來西亞文化一部分並不太重視華人文化。造成各世代認同的差異的因素主要是家庭教育、教育類別、接觸非華裔頻率、居住地區等。另一方面，倘若觀察年輕世代會館參與狀況，亦可顯現出年輕世代華裔缺乏華人文化認同，因而不投入會館，促使會館無法透過活動強化年輕世代對於華人文化的認同，並造成會館沒落的趨勢。最後，從馬來西亞報章脈絡變化，從早期偏中國化報章並於獨立時期轉向偏馬來西亞化，無論是編寫格式或內容版面差異，亦可了解年輕世代華裔缺乏華人身份與文化認同的原因。由於年長世代經歷中國模式報章，因此強化他們華人認同。反之，年輕世代則浸溺在馬來西亞模式的報章中，強化了他們的馬來西亞人認同。綜合而言，基於國家的政策主導與社會環境的影響，促使年輕世代的華裔產生新的認同，即：不太重視華人認同，反之被國族認同取代。反觀，年長世代則維繫著以往研究成果所指出，較強調華人認同。 / Malaysia had already independence for 58 years, but the ethnic problem is still the most important issue. When reviewing the research about the Malaysia Chinese identity, we can know that, most of the researches were from the historical structure annotation, therefore which lack of experience research. The main of this thesis is to explore the Malaysia Chinese will emphasize the Chinese identity or not based on the difference in generation and ideas. And what’s the reason affect the difference generation self-identity? Furthermore, in the idea of culture, what is the differences between Malaysia culture and Chinese culture thinking by Malaysia Chinese? And what’s the reason affect the difference generation thinking about the culture? Negotiating identity is an identity which constructs with civil society and political life, thus I think Malaysia Chinese in self-identity might be changed by the generation differences. This thesis use a case of Malacca city, in approaches, use the “nondirective interview”, “participant observation”, “content analysis”, to explore the relationship between Chinese identity and the affect reason. We found that, difference in generation who culture identity and Chinese identity are different, older generations think Malaysian Chinese & China people are the same and they will emphasize more on Chinese identity. On the contrary, younger generations think Malaysian Chinese & China people are different, and they won’t emphasize on Chinese identity conversely emphasize more on the national identity (Malaysia identity).The factor of affecting are family effects, educational effects, relationship with another ethnic, the region which stay, etc. Moreover, through observed the Chinese group also realized that, younger generations lack of participation in the Chinese group. This means younger generation scarcity the Chinese identity, thus Chinese group becomes wane. Finally, the analysis of Malaysian newspapers also ascertain that, older newspapers reported more on the news of China, thus strengthen older generations emphasize the Chinese identity. The other hand, newer newspapers reported more on the news of Malaysia, thenceforth created younger generations who are more emphasize on Malaysian identity.