一九四九年國民黨政府遷臺後﹐在臺灣所實行的統治型態是介於民主與極 權之間的威權體制。它的特徵包括有限的政治參與、一黨支配、低度的政 治動員等。臺灣在國民黨的執政下﹐以三民主義為統治的意識型態基礎﹐ 具備政治、軍事強人身份的兩位蔣總統為統治核心﹐而國家建構(na- tion building )的終極目標則是：在國共鬥爭中重新奪回歷史正統的地 位。這樣的統治企圖影響了往後中央政府的組織架構﹐除了國會長期不改 選之外﹐行政體制的發展也遭受不同程度的扭曲：在官僚系統方面﹐黨政 關係的糾葛使行政無法中立；常任文官的考選違背公平公正公開的原則﹐ 另為外省籍人士與軍人開方便之門；政務官無法進入國民黨中央的決策核 心﹐重要政策的決定權仍由老一輩的革命菁英所把持( 唯一例外的是財政 、經濟政策﹐國民黨的威權控制此地便顯得力不從心﹐因此具專業背景的 技術官僚得以獲得較大的自主權 )﹐使得決策品質粗糙且不符社會需求。 在政府組織方面﹐初期國民黨因為並無長久居留的打算﹐所以政府內出現 許多臨時性機構﹐而且以「委員會」型態出現的一級單位特多﹐疊床架屋 的情況非常嚴重﹐尤其組織規範多半是以行政命令取代法律﹐成為不折不 扣未法制化的「黑機關」；其次﹐因為經濟建設是國民黨政府進行國家建 構過程中的發展主軸﹐因此負責設計經濟建設計畫的機關成為政府組織中 最重要、權力最大的部門﹐其職權範圍甚至超過負責經濟行政事務的經濟 部與主管金融政策的財政部。從一九四九年成立的生管會起至目前的經建 會止﹐雖然今天其功能與地位已不如從前﹐但基本上它仍是政府組織之中 相當重要的機構。隨著強人已逝與威權體制的解體﹐轉型期中的中央行政 體系正面臨一個新的發展階段。唯有調整「大有為政府」的牧民心態﹐消 除行政權的篡奪性格﹐「國民政府」的民主行政才有實現的一天。

Der vierte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher bringt erstmals den klassischen Text der Politikwissenschaft zum Thema diktatorische Herrschaftssysteme in deutscher Sprache. Juan Linz reflektiert darin die Debatten um Totalitarismus und Demokratie und beschreibt die autoritäre Herrschaft als eigenständige Form politischer Machtausübung. Es ist eine exzellente Auseinandersetzung mit den politischen Phänomenen des 20. Jahrhunderts, die sich durch theoretische Tiefe, empirische Fülle und methodische Klarheit auszeichnet.

While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

Diploma thesis, titled " Comparison of theory and practice of authoritarian regimes in cases of Austria and Portugal between the world wars" deals with authoritarian Austria in 1934 - 1938 and authoritarian Portugal in 1926 - 1940. Diploma thesis is focused on theory of authoritarian regimes, also aimed at ideological base and authoritarian tendencies in both cases, trying to approximate Austrian and Portuguese authoritarian model. The most important part is focused on juxtaposition of theoretic concepts and their practice usage, confrontation of establishing authoritarian regimes in Austria and Portugal, also comparing regimes structures. Foreign policy connotations, which have influenced both regimes is also mentioned.

Notre recherche interroge les modalités selon lesquelles une pratique artistique peut constituer un vecteur de contestation en contexte autoritaire. Elle se situe à l’intersection de deux aires de questionnement. D’une part, elle examine les multiples rapports qu’un monde de l’art peut entretenir avec un monde politique, éclairant les enjeux politiques qui traversent un champ cinématographique fortement dépendant de l’État, ainsi que les pratiques contestataires spécifiques qui y ont court. D’autre part, elle explore des formes de contestation qui se déploient à la marge d’un espace politique verrouillé, mettant au jour certains mécanismes de l’autoritarisme observés dans les négociations, arrangements et conflits entre acteurs du monde cinématographique et acteurs de l’appareil bureaucratique et étatique. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment les relations sociales qui se tissent autour de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la production cinématographique polarisent et réfractent certaines pratiques et enjeux spécifiques au champ politique tout en les reformulant. Nous plaçons ensuite l’analyse au cœur des films afin de repérer et de décrire, à partir des différents procédés propres au langage cinématographique, des thématiques, des catégories et des objets qui relèvent du politique, sur lesquels les cinéastes posent un regard critique, alors même que l’expression d’une opinion contestataire dans l’espace public s’avère problématique / Our research investigates how an artistic activity can also be a vehicle for contention within an authoritarian context. It relies at the crossroad of two areas of questioning. On the one hand, we explore the various interactions between an art world and a political world, shedding light on the political logics at stake in a cinematographic field greatly dependent upon the state, as well as on the contentious practices emerging from this particular configuration. On the other hand, we scrutinize contention expressed at the margin of a locked political space, unveiling some mechanisms of authoritarianism produced by negotiations, arrangements and conflicts between actors belonging to the cinematographic world and actors of the bureaucratic apparatus. At first, we examine how the social relationships woven around the organization and the functioning of film production polarize and refract practices and issues proper to the political field while reformulating them. Then we shift the focus of our analysis on the very heart of the films to locate and describe, from the specific tools of the film language, subjects, categorizations and objects dealing with politics, upon which filmmakers cast a critical eye, whereas contentious expression in the public sphere proves to be problematic

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.

台灣地區自從一九八○年代以來，產生了一連串的社會運動與自力救濟事件，而其中有甚多是與公共政策的運作有關，這些頻繁發生的運動和事件，常使得民眾感覺似乎社會變得無秩序，亂象叢生。進而對國民黨政府的施政能力產生了質疑，也引發了「信心危機」。因此，為求瞭解其發生原因、影響以及思考如何減少類似事件發生，故從威權政體民主轉型過程中參與者互動情形來探討。並進而透過歷史性觀察，找出國民黨維繫政權的基本理念，以及運作的方法。在本論文亦經由反核四環保自力救濟事件個案分析，以明瞭在國內外政治、經濟、社會環境的影響下，政策參與者呈現出何種的互動情形和結果，和引用的理論與分析，作一對照。從論文分析中，吾人看到了一種內戰態勢下的互動。在中共軍事上、外交上、政治上及近年年來經濟上的威脅，使得國民黨政府為維繫其政權，戮力追求國家安全與生存，如加強國防戰備、維持外交關係、採行威權統治以及促進經濟發展等方面。而其中，經濟發展隨著國內外環境的變遷，更成為國民黨政權生存維繫的核心政策。在研究發現中，吾人看到了政策參與者互動關係的轉變，如：(1)失去絕對權威的總統。(2)感受立委壓力的行政院。(3)泛政治化的政黨競爭。(4)突破言論管制的大眾傳播媒介。(5)遊說活躍的利益團體。(6)權力意識高漲的民眾。而對於政策建議方面，由於經濟發展是國民黨決策階層的核心施政理念，但此種理念容易導致泛經濟化的決策模式，呈現出由上而下的菁英取向的政策制訂模式。為彌補其不足，有必要採取以由下而上的諮商系統，贏得多數民眾的政治支持。另外，從核四個案分析中，得知反核乃是由於不信任國民黨政府的行政決策。因此，國營事業單位在推動重大早邀集社區居民參與議題的決策過程，以減低民眾的疑慮慮、恐懼及被剝奪感。

在社會漸趨多元化的情勢下，我國政府與企業之間的關係發生了許多變化 ，其中最主要的變化尤以利益團體的影響活動為最。而自政府播遷來台後 ，政治統治由強硬的威權政體轉型為軟性的威權政體，企業所處的政策制 定環境也產生了變化。在現代國家體系中，企業不免會影響政治機器的運 作，再者社會日趨多元化，政策考量越來越專業化，尤其關於財經方面的 政策問題，更是有賴企業業者提供政府相當的資訊，以利作出較具可行性 的政策。是故，企業確有必要參與政策制定之過程。檢視我國企業參與政 府政策制定過程之關係，本研究之主要目的在於瞭解企業如何影響政策之 制定，為此，本文討論之內容如下:第一章緒論，主要在探討筆者為此文 之動機及目的，同時就研究範圍界定文中之重要名詞，並據此提出本文之 流程架構。第二章企業參與公共政策制定之基礎理論，主要探討包括有政 策問題之形成、政策規劃、政策合法化等三階段的政策制定過程，並說明 企業在政策制定上的影響動力來源及原因，以及企業參與政策制定的途徑 。第三章我國企業政策制定環境概說，主要探討我國政治環境之轉變，以 及在當前環境下我國政府體制和政黨政治影響政策制定之情形，期冀藉由 對企業經營所面對環境變遷之分析，瞭解企業對政策制定所應採用的各種 策略以及所應施用的對象所在。第四章我國企業對政策制定的影響策略， 主要探討我國企業在特殊的政府體制及政黨政治下，企業參與政策制定之 主要接近管道及影響策略，接近管道包括有：行政機關、立法機關、政黨 及監察機關；而主要的影響策略則包括有政治性的策略、遊說活動策略、 組織策略聯盟及關係網絡的建立。第五章個案分析: 以中華民國全國工業 總會為例，主要探討全國工總之組織及權力架構，並透過深入的訪問以明 瞭該會對於政府政策制定過程之影響策略，以進一步檢視筆者就所得之資 料及個人觀察所得的結果，同時對於企業參與政策制定之影響策略及活動 作一番之推論。第六章結論，就以上各章節之研究結果提出筆者之發現， 並提出建議供相關機關、人員作為政策制定之參考，並提出未來相關研究 之建議，期冀未來之相關研究者能對我國企業與政府間關係作更進一步的 研究。

The recent growth of social media and other internet technologies is believed to diminish the control of political elites over information flows and enable citizens to be active participants of political processes. Practice shows, however, that this general tendency acquires different forms in different geopolitical contexts. This master thesis intends to investigate how social media are used for the purposes of daily communication of political opposition in Belarus, where dominant traditional media channels are monopolized by the government. The analysis involves mixed approach methodology, which combines content analysis of Facebook posts of Belarusian opposition representatives and qualitative interviews with them. The research articulates an important role of social media in Belarus as one of a few mediums where opposition politicians can exist without pervasive control of authorities. However, the results show that the presence of opposition on social media doesn't necessarily increase their chances to gain political weight or activates civic participation in the country. The effectiveness of their communication is to a large extent predefined by social and political environment in the country. A practical implication of the study is that potentially effective directions for political communication of Belarusian opposition have been outlined.

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.