The coming years are expected to bring multiple challenges for all actors within the energy sector. For the Swedish utility company Tekniska verken AB, one of the upcoming tasks is to adapt their energy technologies to enable renewable, plannable and efficient heat and power production. At the same time as the share of renewable energy increases, the demand grows for technologies that can cover for the intermittency and align with policies and goals for sustainable energy. Part of Tekniska verken’s work is therefore focused on investigation of potential solutions for their heat and power production, that also agrees with the municipality’s vision to become “the World’s most resource efficient region”. One of the current projects within the area regards installation and tests of a of a biofueled top cycle (BTC) with high electric efficiency. The project is carried out together with the owner of the technology: Phoenix Biopower AB. This thesis is part of the pre-study to the pilot project, which is aimed to examine the feasibility of installing a pilot unit of the Phoenix Biopower BTC technology in Tekniska verken’s combined heat and power plant KV62, Linköping, Sweden. The thesis is meant to examine the site feasibility through evaluation of how the operation of KV62 will be influenced by the pilot unit’s operation. The work consists of a mapping of necessary interfaces between KV62 and the BTC pilot unit, followed by an assessment of the impact of the pilot unit on operation of KV62. The feasibility is evaluated with respect to operational limits of KV62 and the study includes both quantitative and qualitative evaluation of the impact from the interfaces between the two units. The study has special focus on the impact from the pilot´s flue gases on the flue gas handling system in KV62 which appeared to be a critical interface with respect to the operational limits. The resulting operational changes in this work indicate that the pilot unit can be installed and run in connection to KV62, but that normal operation of KV62 cannot be sustained during steady state operation of the BTC pilot. This is mainly due to the pilot unit’s load in terms of steam withdrawal, and additional heat to the heat recovery system, that cannot be fully managed with the current capacity for feedwater in KV62. However, there can still be potential solutions to run test campaigns of the BTC pilot simultaneously as KV62 delivers both heat and power. It should be taken into consideration that the pilot units’ behavior during transients are not investigated in this work and therefore need further investigation before a decision about the feasibility of the pilot unit installation can be made. Furthermore, some interfaces have multiple options for their placements, and therefore a detailed heat-and mass balance over KV62 would be suggested to investigate the effects of the symbiosis between the decided interface locations further. / Framtiden förväntas medföra många utmaningar för aktörer inom energisektorn, och för Tekniska verken i Linköping är en av de framtida utmaningarna att anpassa energisystemet till kraft- och värmetekniker som är förnybara, effektiva och planerbara. Samtidigt som andelen förnybara energikällor ökar, växer även behovet för energi som kan täcka för oregelbundenheten hos vind- och solkraft och samtidigt passa i Linköpings vision om att bli världens mest resurseffektiva region. En del av Tekniska verkens arbete är att utforska möjliga lösningar för deras framtida energisystem, och en gren i arbetet med forskning och utveckling är ett projekt med mål att bygga och testa en pilotanläggning av en biobränslebaserad toppcykel (BTC). Projektet genomförs tillsammans med teknologins ägare: Phoenix Biopower. Detta examensarbete är del av förstudien tillhörande pilotprojektet, som är ämnad att undersöka genomförbarheten i att installera en pilotanläggning av Phoenix Biopowers teknologi med ett av Tekniska verken i Linköpings kraftvärmeverk, KV62 som moderanläggning. Examensarbetet syftar till att undersöka projektets genomförbarhet genom utvärdering av hur driften av KV62 kommer påverkas av pilotenheten. Arbetet består av en kartläggning av nödvändiga gränssnitt mellan KV62 och BTC-piloten, vilket följs av en bedömning av pilotenhetens inverkan på driften av KV62. Genomförbarheten utvärderas med avseende på driftsgränser för KV62 och studien inkluderar både kvantitativ och kvalitativ utvärdering av pilotens påverkan på KV62 till följd av gränssnitten mellan de två enheterna. Studien har särskilt fokus på rökgasens gränssnitt, som visade sig kunna vara kritiskt med avseende på påverkan från pilotens rökgas på processerna i KV62. Resultatet från arbetet visar att det är möjligt att ansluta och driva pilotanläggningen vid KV62, men att normal drift av KV62 inte kan bibehållas vid drift av BTC-piloten, framförallt på grund av pilotanläggningens belastning genom uttag av ånga; som inte kan hanteras fullt ut av befintlig kapacitet för matarvatten, och tillskottet av effekt till rökgasstråket vid överhettarna. Innan en slutgiltig bedömning av BTC-pilotens genomförbarhet med avseende på påverkan på KV62 kan göras vore det lämpligt att genomföra en studie av påverkan på KV62 under pilotens transienter, samt en analys av värme- och massbalanser i KV62 för fastställda placeringar av gränssnitten.

Il existe en Colombie un réseau de discours qui cherche à contrôler la production discursive sur le sexe et à brider la sexualité des Colombiens. La Virgen de los sicarios de Fernando Vallejo (1994), répond de manière subversive à un tel conditionnement discursif et sexuel. La production discursive sur la sexualité en Colombie a été construite, principalement, à partir de la tradition catholique, des discours de l’État et de textes scientifiques. Par conséquent, les comportements sexuels que le discours institutionnel ne considère pas comme des comportements normaux sont soumis à un pouvoir qui leur confère une place abominable dans l’ordre sexuel en Colombie. La Virgen de los sicarios émerge de la production littéraire queer colombienne et propose une histoire subversive sur le plan discursif autant que sexuel. Ce mémoire décrit d'abord la présence inévitable du discours religieux en Colombie et sa forte relation avec l'État pour démontrer l'existence d'une norme discursive. Ensuite, l’analyse du roman de Vallejo permet d’observer comment cette norme est bouleversée en utilisant ses propres linéaments pour l'affaiblir. Finalement, à partir de concepts développés par Michel Foucault et Judith Butler, ce travail met en évidence l'existence d'une norme sexuelle en Colombie qui part des discours et qui se déploie vers les corps – norme qui est contestée à travers un processus selon lequel l'auteur libère la sexualité des personnages du pouvoir qui domine leurs corps. / In Colombia it can be found a network of discourse patterns that seeks to control the discursive production on sex and to restrain the sexuality of the Colombian people. La Virgen de los sicarios by Fernando Vallejo (1994) responds subversively to such discursive and sexual conditioning. The discursive production on sexuality in Colombia has been mainly created and influenced by the Catholic tradition, discourses originating with the State and scientific texts. As a result, sexual attitudes which are not consider as normal by institutional discourse are subjugated to a power that places them in an abominable place in what could be called the Colombian sexual order. La Virgen de los sicarios comes from Colombia’s queer literature, presenting a story that is both discursively and sexually subversive. This thesis first seeks to describe the inevitable presence of the religious speech in Colombia and its strong relation with the State in order to prove the existence of a discursive norm. Second, by analyzing Vallejo’s narrative in the novel, it shows how this norm is subverted by using its own ideological guidelines to weaken it. Finally, using various concepts developed by Michel Foucault and Judith Butler, it exposes the existence of a sexual norm in Colombia that is present in discourses and that extends to bodies. This Norm is disproved through a process in which the author releases the sexuality of the characters from the power that dominates their bodies. / Existe en Colombia una red de discursos que busca controlar la producción discursiva sobre el sexo y las realizaciones sexuales de los colombianos. La Virgen de los sicarios de Fernando Vallejo (1994), responde de manera subversiva a dicho condicionamiento discursivo y sexual. La producción discursiva sobre la sexualidad en Colombia se ha construido, principalmente, a partir de la tradición católica, de discursos estatales y de textos científicos. Como consecuencia de esto, los comportamientos sexuales que el discurso institucional no considera como normales son sometidos a un poder que los ubica en lugares ominosos dentro del orden sexual colombiano. La novela de Vallejo surge desde la producción literaria queer colombiana y esgrime una historia subversiva tanto de manera discursiva como de manera sexual. Esta memoria describe, en primer lugar, la presencia inevitable del discurso religioso en Colombia y su fuerte relación con el Estado para demostrar la existencia de una norma discursiva. En segundo lugar, al realizar un análisis de la novela de Vallejo, se observa cómo dicha norma es subvertida al usar sus propios lineamientos para desvirtuarla. Por último, a partir de conceptos desarrollados por Michel Foucault y Judith Butler, se pone de manifiesto la existencia de una norma sexual en Colombia que parte de los discursos y que se extiende hacia los cuerpos. Norma que es impugnada por medio de un proceso en el que el autor libera la sexualidad de los personajes del poder que recae sobre sus cuerpos.

Cette recherche, par une approche deleuzienne – mais aussi inspirée des écrits de Guattari, Foucault, Bergson et Massumi –, vise à approfondir le bagage théorique associé au concept de résistance. En abordant les notions de néolibéralisme, de démocratie et de société de contrôle, une conceptualisation particulière du pouvoir est développée : non pas un biopouvoir – ayant force sur la vie – mais un ontopouvoir – ayant force de vie. À travers l’étude micropolitique du mouvement de contestation Occupy (2011), les concepts d’affect, d’événement, de préfiguration, de devenir, de structure et de consensus sont travaillés, et des possibilités résistantes sont cartographiées et théorisées. En somme, cette synthèse conceptuelle élabore une forme de résistance radicalement autre que celles préconisées par la démocratie (néo)libérale représentative ou la politique identitaire : une résistance intrinsèquement créative tournée vers ce qui n’existe pas encore. / This research takes a Deleuzian approach, also drawing on the work of Guattari, Foucault, Bergson, and Massumi. Its aim is to deepen the concept of resistance. The notions of neoliberalism, democracy and control society are addressed toward developing a renewed concept of power, not as biopower – the power over life – but rather as ontopower – the power of life. Through the micro-political study of the social movement Occupy (2011), the concepts of affect, structure, event, prefiguration, becoming, and consensus are explored, and potentials of resistance are mapped and theorized. The conceptual synthesis arrived at conceptualizes a form of resistance radically different to those advocated by representative (neo)liberal democracy or identity politics: a intrinsically creative resistance turned toward what does not yet exist.

The thesis aims to give an overview of the treatment of media in texts that have formed modern dystopian writing and to which new additions in the genre necessarily relate. This set of texts consists of George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World and When the Sleeper Awakes by H. G. Wells; first chapter substantiates this selection and proceeds to define the concepts of "media" and "dystopia". Second chapter is concerned with the understanding of history in dystopian societies and shows that the very concept of historicity is undesirable for a totalitarian state, which seeks to blur history and reduce it to a three-point schema "before the Event - the Event (revolution) - after the Event". Closer analysis then shows that the Event itself can be divided into a further triad that has to be completed in order to pass into eternal post-Event society. Third chapter describes the use of citizens as media and shows that while Huxley's society uses what Michel Foucault calls "biopower" to achieve this goal, Orwell's society rather uses the concept of "discipline". Fourth chapter turns to printed media a the privileged role they are ascribed in the novels: The authors see literature as an embodiment of individuality and, at the same time, as a guarantee of tradition established by an...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Pereira Leuterio.pdf: 838505 bytes, checksum: a7414fa464ac399804446b7e123f8acc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-10 / This research objectives at the investigation of the state of emergency in the light of the work of Giorgio Agamben, in the sense of an instrument capable of, by law, stop the life and rights inherent to it by its own suspension in empty space of law, a zone of anomie. Thus, Agamben historically reports the zone of indifference from institutes of Roman law that produced the stoppage of the law and therefore a legal loophole. Given this finding, Agamben correlates such institutes to the state of contemporary Exception, which is, in fact, permanent, put that in this vacuum, standard and life are connected by force-in-law, which applies, diapplying. Will point out that Agamben begins his argument by examining the political power and its relation to biological life (zoé), analysis of biopower and the movement of inclusive exclusion of biological life in the field of politics and law. Then, we stress that the political work of Giorgio Agamben records the infamous debate between Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin, about the sovereign power, from which it extracts the state of permanent exception and the field are paradigms of contemporary politics - like Auschwitz , "homo sacer" and "Muselmann - legitimized by the founding violence of law, the considerations discussed here is done on biopolitics, bare life, the state of exception and force of law, whose solution, for Agamben, is a new form of life, achieved by the desecration, which reflects a community coming, endowed with the ability to disable biopower mentioned, creator of a-bando-ned, and not necessarily linked to the law. In conclusion, upon the concepts and profanation inoperosidade the proposed Agamben turns out something totally new, since this community requires that comes a new ethos, a new use, a shutdown of the old use, rendering them inoperable, since being any will be neither a people united by their similarities (aryans, africans, indians) or divided groups or subgroups, shredded by differences singularity without identity, common and absolutely exposed, the actual path of contemplation of the evangelicmessage of zoé aiónios, of eternal life / Este trabalho tem por objetivo a investigação acerca do Estado de Exceção à luz das obras de Giorgio Agamben, no sentido de um instrumento capaz de, pelo direito, deter a vida e os direitos a ela inerentes pela sua própria suspensão, em espaço vazio de direito, uma zona de anomia. Assim, Agamben reporta historicamente a referida zona de indiferença a institutos de direito romano que produziam a paralisação da lei e, consequentemente, uma lacuna jurídica. Diante desta constatação, Agamben correlaciona tais institutos ao Estado de Exceção contemporâneo, o qual é, em verdade, permanente, posto que, neste vácuo, norma e a vida estão ligadas pela força-de-lei, que se aplica se desaplicando. Apontaremos que Agamben inicia seu raciocínio pelo exame do poder político e sua relação com vida biológica (zoé), pela análise de biopoder e pelo movimento de exclusão inclusiva de vida biológica no campo de vida política e direito. Em seguida, ressaltase que a obra política de Giorgio Agamben registra o famigerado debate entre Carl Schmitt e Walter Benjamin, acerca do poder soberano, donde se extrairá que o Estado de Exceção permanente e o campo são paradigmas da política contemporânea - assim como Auschwitz, homo sacer e Muselmann -, legitimados pela violência fundadora do direito, aqui discutidos nas considerações que se faz sobre biopolítica, vida nua, estado de exceção e força de lei, cuja solução, para Agamben, está em uma nova forma de vida, alcançada pela profanação, que espelha uma comunidade que vem, dotada da capacidade de desativar o mencionado biopoder, criador de a-bando-nados, e não vinculada necessariamente ao direito. Em conclusão, mediante os conceitos de profanação e inoperosidade, a proposta de Agamben revela-se algo totalmente novo, posto que essa comunidade que vem exige um novo ethos, um novo uso, uma desativação do velho uso, tornando-os inoperantes, porquanto o ser qualquer não vai ser nem um povo unido pelas suas semelhanças (os arianos, os negros, os índios) nem grupos ou subgrupos divididos, retalhados pelas diferenças, singularidade sem identidade, comum e absolutamente exposta, a caminho da contemplação efetiva da mensagem evangélica da zoé aiónios, da vida eterna

Submitted by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2017-09-19T13:10:03Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Lúcia Torres (bfmhuap@gmail.com) on 2017-09-19T14:12:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T14:12:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE_MARCELO.MAYERNYIK_VERSÃO.FINAL.pdf: 2684171 bytes, checksum: 0f58c64a11267f042717eaad623a6249 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Universidade Federal Fluminense. Instituto de Saúde Coletiva / A judicialização da política de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, fruto da complexidade da vida e das relações humanas, suscita questões de ordem econômica, social e política, que efluem de uma cadeia de eventos que envolvem o cidadão, o sistema de saúde e o sistema de justiça, no contexto da microjustiça de medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo, que, por sua vez, perpassa todas as etapas sucessórias de um contencioso, ou seja, desde o início do conflito, o manejo, até o seu desfecho, mobilizando diversos protagonistas que agem e deliberam, em uma dinâmica consecutiva de decisões que impactam diretamente e determinam o cuidado produzido com o cidadão-vulnerado. Neste sentido, tornou-se relevante a operacionalização de uma pesquisa que procurasse desvelar, compreender e contrastar as distintas percepções, sentidos, argumentos e modos de agir, dos diversos protagonistas envolvidos nesses litígios, bem como as suas intencionalidades e contribuições para a defesa da vida e para a promoção de um cuidado resolutivo em saúde. O objetivo geral deste estudo foi investigar a ideia de cuidado estabelecido com o cidadão-vulnerado, na perspectiva dos representantes do Judiciário e do Executivo, à luz da biopolítica, para compreender a dinâmica entre a política da vida e a política sobre a vida, e, entre a biopotência e o biopoder, que se expressam na microjustiça de medicamentos. Os participantes dessa pesquisa são profissionais, do sistema de justiça ou do sistema de saúde, envolvidos, direta ou indiretamente, nos cinco processos-casos selecionados entre os anos 2012 e 2014, julgados em segunda instância pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Rio de Janeiro, cujo pleito era medicamentos oncológicos de alto custo. A operacionalização desta investigação contou com três etapas distintas e sucessivas: a exploração inicial dos argumentos processuais, categorizando as partes de acordo com a afinidade argumentativa, através da dialética, para a elaboração e personalização do roteiro de entrevista; o trabalho de campo, com a aplicação do roteiro para entrevista semiestruturada junto aos participantes; e, a apresentação dos resultados, análise e discussão, que integra, metodologicamente, a dialética, a análise da retórica, o fluxograma descritor e a abordagem qualitativa em profundidade. De acordo com os resultados, observa-se a adoção de distintos parâmetros éticos, contrários ou complementares, tais como os parâmetros de uma ética biomédica, centrada na medicalização; uma ética de mercado, centrada na mercantilização da doença ou da vida; uma ética utilitarista, centrada na maximização do bem-estar comum; ou, propriamente, uma ética de cuidado, centrada na defesa da vida e do direito à saúde; os quais fundamentam a argumentação e orientam o agir deliberativo dos protagonistas envolvidos, podendo promover a potência da vida pelo exercício de uma política em defesa da vida, quando o cuidado produzido é reconhecidamente resolutivo, expressando um compromisso ético com a vida qualificada; ou, podendo promover a potência de morte pelo exercício de uma política sobre a vida, quando, em defesa de interesses avessos a um cuidado singular, os atos resultam em uma assistência insatisfatória e ineficiente ou, na pior das hipóteses, resultam em desassistência, acelerando ou contribuindo para a finitude da vida. Deste modo, conclui-se que todo cuidado é ético, pois toda a ação dos envolvidos, comprometidos com o cuidado, é orientada por parâmetros éticos, mas nem todo cuidado é reconhecido como ético, pois pode resultar na satisfação de interesses divergentes aos propostos nos pactos de cuidados estabelecidos entre os profissionais e o cidadão. / The judicialization of politics of high cost oncological drugs, result of the complexity of life and human relations, raises issues of an economic, social and political order, which emanate from a chain of events involving the citizen, the health system and the justice system, in the context of the microjustice of high cost oncological drugs, which, in turn, runs through all successive stages of a litigation, that is, from the beginning of the conflict, handling, until its denouement, mobilizing several protagonists who act and deliberate, in a consecutive dynamics of decisions that directly impact and determine the care produced with the vulnerable citizen. In this sense, it became relevant to operationalize a research that seeks to unveil, understand and contrast the different perceptions, meanings, arguments and ways of acting, the various protagonists involved in these health litigations, as well as their intentions and contributions for the defense of life and for the promotion of resolutive health care. The general objective of this study was to investigate the idea of care established with the vulnerable citizen, from the perspective of the representatives of the Judiciary and the Executive, in the light of biopolitics, to understand the dynamics between politics of life and politics about life, and, between biopotency and biopower, which are expressed in the microjustice of drugs (medicines). The participants in this research are professionals, the justice system or the health system, involved, directly or indirectly, in the five lawsuits-cases selected between the years 2012 and 2014, judged in the second instance by the Court of Justice of Rio de Janeiro, whose demand was high cost oncology drugs. The operation of this investigation had three distinct and successive stages: the initial exploration of arguments of lawsuits, categorizing the parts according to argumentative affinity, through the dialectic, for the elaboration and personalization of the interview script; the fieldwork, with the application of the script for semi-structured interview with the participants; and, the presentation of results, analysis and discussion, which integrates, methodologically, the dialectic, rhetorical analysis, descriptive flowchart and qualitative approach in depth. According to the results, it is observed the adoption of different ethical parameters, contraries or complementary, such as the parameters of a biomedical ethics, centered in the medicalization; an ethics of market, centered on the commodification of disease or life; a utilitarian ethics, centered on the maximization of the common welfare; or, properly, an ethics of care, centered on the defense of life and the right to health; which ground the argument and guide the deliberative action of the protagonists involved, being able to promote the power of life by the exercise of a policy in defense of life, when the care produced is recognized as resolutive, expressing an ethical commitment to a qualified life; or, by promoting the power of death through the exercise of a politics about life, when, in defense of interests that are averse to singular care, the acts result in unsatisfactory and inefficient care or, at worst, result in lack of assistance, accelerating or contributing to the finitude of life. That way, it is concluded that all care is ethical, since all the action of those involved, committed to care, is guided by ethical parameters, but not all care is recognized as ethical, as it can result in the satisfaction of interests divergent from those proposed in the pacts of care established between professionals and the citizen.

Cette thèse consiste en une analyse de l’État sénégalais en actes et de ses processus de gouvernementalité tels que ceux-ci sont déployés en Casamance. Au travers de la lutte contre le paludisme, comme objet ethnographique, ce travail mène une analyse de la fabrique de la légitimité étatique dans une région où celle-ci est remise en question. Il s'agit, au travers des actes d’État, d'interroger les relations entre les appareils d’État (idéologiques et coercitifs), les partenaires de l’État et les communautés. Les ajustements structuraux des années 1980, la décentralisation qui en découle et la mise en place des appareils communautaires ont participé, auprès de la population, de la dégradation de l'image d'un État fort. Cette dégradation, en contexte casamançais, fut exacerbée par une crise de la légitimité étatique trouvant son origine dans un conflit social. Celui-ci est survenu suite au sentiment éprouvé par les populations d'un État vécu comme pilleur et incapable d'assurer le bien-être de ses administrés. Aujourd'hui, alors que la Casamance reste en proie à un conflit de basse-intensité, l'imaginaire d'un État ayant « abandonné » la région subsiste. Comment, dès lors, l’État fabrique sa légitimité alors qu'il n'apparaît majoritairement aux yeux des Casamançais qu'au travers de ses prérogatives violentes ? Alors que ses appareils coercitifs sont très visibles (contrôles militaires et policiers réguliers), comment apparaît-il sous ses formes bienveillantes lui permettant de légitimer sa présence ? Ainsi, par une analyse du déploiement du biopouvoir, au travers de la mise en place des politiques de lutte contre le paludisme, cette thèse interroge la fabrique de l’État en Casamance. Cette recherche constitue ainsi une anthropologie politique. / This thesis consists in a Senegalese State analysis in its works and its governmentality process deployed in Casamance. Through the combat against malaria as an ethnographic field of investigation, this work analyses the fabrication of the State legitimacy in a region where it is challenged. It's about the investigation into the relations between the political apparatus (ideological and coercive), the government collaborators and communities through the State works. The structural adjustment of the 80's which has led to the decentralization and the community apparatus setting up, contributed to deteriorate the State's image for the people. A crisis of the legitimacy of the State rooted in a social conflict, exacerbated this deterioration in a Casamance context. This conflict appeared because the people felt that the State was a looter and was unable to provide for their well-being. Today, the imaginary of a State which has "given up" the region still goes on when Casamance still knows a weakened conflict. Consequently, how does the State build its legitimacy when it mainly reveals itself to the Casamances through its violent prerogatives? How does it appear by its benevolent forms allowing to legitimate its presence when its coercive apparatus are so obvious (military control and legitimate police)? Thus, this thesis questions, through an analysis of the deployment of the bio-powerand through the setting up of the policies to combat malaria, the fabrication of the State in Casamance. This research constitutes in this way a political anthropology.

Esta Tese tem o objetivo de discutir como o Ensino Fundamental de nove anos está inserido em práticas de governamento da infância e, ainda, como essas práticas possibilitam um outro lugar escolar para as crianças de seis anos de idade. Utilizo os conceitos de governamentalidade, governamento e biopoder, a partir de algumas aproximações com o pensamento de Michel Foucault, entre outros autores que assumem uma perspectiva pósestruturalista. Utilizei como material de pesquisa alguns documentos que tratam da política de Ensino Fundamental de nove anos elaborados pelo Ministério da Educação e pela Secretaria de Educação do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, bem como matérias jornalísticas que estavam sendo publicadas sobre o assunto no período mais intenso da implementação do Ensino Fundamental de nove anos (2005-2008). Organizei o estudo em duas dimensões de análise da política de Ensino Fundamental de nove anos. A primeira dimensão aborda o nível institucional, a partir de três eixos: a inclusão, a gestão e a avaliação. A segunda aborda o discurso sobre os sujeitos, ou seja, como o sujeito infantil de seis anos é narrado no material coletado. Essa segunda dimensão foi analisada a partir de dois eixos: o esmaecimento de fronteiras e a infantilização e a desinfantilização da infância. A análise dos materiais me possibilitou compreender essa política educacional para além do discurso da universalização e da igualdade de oportunidades. Isso implica perceber que incluir “todas” as crianças de seis anos na escola de Ensino Fundamental, passa por uma estratégia voltada para a gestão do risco social e para uma gestão de resultados. Também procurei mostrar que a política de Ensino Fundamental de nove anos pode estar contribuindo para aproximar as crianças de seis anos da lógica escolar já instituída no Ensino Fundamental. No que diz respeito à infantilização e à desinfantilização da infância penso que ainda que esses processos pareçam contraditórios, não são excludentes, eles estão implicados numa mesma racionalidade governamental. É nesse cenário constituído de paradoxos e tensões que se configuram e se subjetivam esses sujeitos infantis de seis anos que estão começando a ocupar este novo lugar no espaço do Ensino Fundamental de nove anos. / This thesis aims to discuss how the nine-year primary education is embedded in practices of childhood government and how these practices allow another school place for six-year-old children. I use the concepts of governmentality, government and biopower, from some approaches to the thought of Michel Foucault, among other authors who take a poststructuralist perspective. I used documents about the nine-year primary education policy prepared by the Ministry of Education and the State of Rio Grande do Sul Education Department as research material, as well as news stories that were being published about the issue during the most intense period of the implementation of the nine-year primary education (2005-2008). I organized the study in two dimensions of analysis of the nine-year primary education policy. The first dimension addresses the institutional level, from three axes: inclusion, management and evaluation. The second deals with the discourse on the subject, in other words, how the six-year-old child subject is narrated in the gathered material. This second dimension was analyzed from two perspectives: the fading of borders and infantilization and disinfantilization of childhood. The analysis of materials enabled me to understand this education policy beyond the discourse of universality and equality of opportunities. This implies realizing that including "all" six-year-old children in primary education involves a strategy focused on social risk and results management. I also tried to show that the nine-year primary education policy may be contributing to bring six-year-old children closer to the scholastic logic which has already been established in primary school. Concerning infantilization and disinfantilization of childhood, although these processes may seem contradictory, they are not mutually exclusive; they are implicated in the same governmental rationality. In this scenario, consisting of paradoxes and tensions, these six-year-old subjects, who are beginning to occupy this new place in the nine-year primary education space, shape and subjectify themselves.

In this thesis ethnographical interviews with women in Buenos Aires are analyzed with discourse theory in order to examine how discourses of safe/unsafe and urban poor construct places and bodies. A central element of discourse is argued to be the partially fixed inscription of danger in territories and bodies of the urban poor. Neoliberalism´s impact on urban space has meant a transformation of public space and  impacts on constructing reality. This transformation of meaning is connected to the neoliberal transformation of the labor market, once invested with rights and security, now deregulated and precarious. Urban poor are visible in every interviewed woman´s everyday life, but the way of constructing them as subjects varies with level of closeness and identification. The Argentine historic construction of Europeaness, modernity and civilization as opposed to Latin Americaness, backwardness and barbarism can be found in many of the women´s constructions of urban poor. So is the othering of them in relationship to motherhood and citizenship. The constructions of the urban poor are also analyzed with the Foucaultian concept of biopower.

Il existe en Colombie un réseau de discours qui cherche à contrôler la production discursive sur le sexe et à brider la sexualité des Colombiens. La Virgen de los sicarios de Fernando Vallejo (1994), répond de manière subversive à un tel conditionnement discursif et sexuel. La production discursive sur la sexualité en Colombie a été construite, principalement, à partir de la tradition catholique, des discours de l’État et de textes scientifiques. Par conséquent, les comportements sexuels que le discours institutionnel ne considère pas comme des comportements normaux sont soumis à un pouvoir qui leur confère une place abominable dans l’ordre sexuel en Colombie. La Virgen de los sicarios émerge de la production littéraire queer colombienne et propose une histoire subversive sur le plan discursif autant que sexuel. Ce mémoire décrit d'abord la présence inévitable du discours religieux en Colombie et sa forte relation avec l'État pour démontrer l'existence d'une norme discursive. Ensuite, l’analyse du roman de Vallejo permet d’observer comment cette norme est bouleversée en utilisant ses propres linéaments pour l'affaiblir. Finalement, à partir de concepts développés par Michel Foucault et Judith Butler, ce travail met en évidence l'existence d'une norme sexuelle en Colombie qui part des discours et qui se déploie vers les corps – norme qui est contestée à travers un processus selon lequel l'auteur libère la sexualité des personnages du pouvoir qui domine leurs corps. / In Colombia it can be found a network of discourse patterns that seeks to control the discursive production on sex and to restrain the sexuality of the Colombian people. La Virgen de los sicarios by Fernando Vallejo (1994) responds subversively to such discursive and sexual conditioning. The discursive production on sexuality in Colombia has been mainly created and influenced by the Catholic tradition, discourses originating with the State and scientific texts. As a result, sexual attitudes which are not consider as normal by institutional discourse are subjugated to a power that places them in an abominable place in what could be called the Colombian sexual order. La Virgen de los sicarios comes from Colombia’s queer literature, presenting a story that is both discursively and sexually subversive. This thesis first seeks to describe the inevitable presence of the religious speech in Colombia and its strong relation with the State in order to prove the existence of a discursive norm. Second, by analyzing Vallejo’s narrative in the novel, it shows how this norm is subverted by using its own ideological guidelines to weaken it. Finally, using various concepts developed by Michel Foucault and Judith Butler, it exposes the existence of a sexual norm in Colombia that is present in discourses and that extends to bodies. This Norm is disproved through a process in which the author releases the sexuality of the characters from the power that dominates their bodies. / Existe en Colombia una red de discursos que busca controlar la producción discursiva sobre el sexo y las realizaciones sexuales de los colombianos. La Virgen de los sicarios de Fernando Vallejo (1994), responde de manera subversiva a dicho condicionamiento discursivo y sexual. La producción discursiva sobre la sexualidad en Colombia se ha construido, principalmente, a partir de la tradición católica, de discursos estatales y de textos científicos. Como consecuencia de esto, los comportamientos sexuales que el discurso institucional no considera como normales son sometidos a un poder que los ubica en lugares ominosos dentro del orden sexual colombiano. La novela de Vallejo surge desde la producción literaria queer colombiana y esgrime una historia subversiva tanto de manera discursiva como de manera sexual. Esta memoria describe, en primer lugar, la presencia inevitable del discurso religioso en Colombia y su fuerte relación con el Estado para demostrar la existencia de una norma discursiva. En segundo lugar, al realizar un análisis de la novela de Vallejo, se observa cómo dicha norma es subvertida al usar sus propios lineamientos para desvirtuarla. Por último, a partir de conceptos desarrollados por Michel Foucault y Judith Butler, se pone de manifiesto la existencia de una norma sexual en Colombia que parte de los discursos y que se extiende hacia los cuerpos. Norma que es impugnada por medio de un proceso en el que el autor libera la sexualidad de los personajes del poder que recae sobre sus cuerpos.