Submitted by Maria Aparecida (cidazen@gmail.com) on 2017-04-12T13:19:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jadeylson ferreira.pdf: 7872774 bytes, checksum: d317110bb9cada61e97d1ce7a7475d42 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-12T13:19:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jadeylson ferreira.pdf: 7872774 bytes, checksum: d317110bb9cada61e97d1ce7a7475d42 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / This dissertation is embedded in socio-environmental conflicts and object the experience of political mobilization of the cashew tree located in the village Rural II of São Luís do Maranhão, in the neighborhood of the complex Port of Saint Louis. Analyzes the resistance movement of the village threatened by the installation of the port Terminal of Saint Louis, the WRP Management company of ports and terminals LTDA. in this context, the study attempts to reconstruct the process of resistance that generated a series of class-action suits from alliances made with neighbouring settlements, institutions linked to the Federal University of Maranhão, Church Catholic actors local politicians, social movements and entities. The analysis turns to the issue of arena, mediated by power relations about space in dispute, having as focus, the proposed installation of the extractive reserve of Tauá-Mirim. Still, the analysis considers the repertories of collective action, accumulated by the actors throughout the process of social resistance in areas threatened by the process of expansion of logistics infrastructure describing the forms of action employed between the months of July 2014 and February 2015. 15 meetings were analysed, 03 public hearings, 04 08 interviews and demonstrations. In addition to magazines, reports, production reports, newspapers, TV programs, and master plan documents on the legal question of the cashew tree. We tried to give visibility to forms of mobilisation of actors and their performances that revealed the importance of movement formed around the community. / Esta tesis doctoral está incrustada en los conflictos socio-ambientales y objeto de la experiencia de movilización política del árbol de nuez de la India situado en el pueblo II rural de São Luís do Maranhão, en el barrio del complejo Puerto de Saint Louis. Analiza el movimiento de resistencia del pueblo amenazado por la instalación del puerto Terminal de San Luis, la empresa WRP de puertos y terminales LTDA en este contexto, el estudio intenta reconstruir el proceso de resistencia que genera una serie de acción de clase se adapte de alianzas con asentamientos vecinos, instituciones vinculadas a la Universidad Federal de Maranhão, iglesia Actores Católicos locales políticos, movimientos sociales y entidades. El análisis se convierte en el tema de la arena, mediado por relaciones de poder sobre el espacio en disputa, después de haber como enfoque, la instalación de la reserva extractivista de Tauá-Mirim. Aún así, el análisis considera los repertorios de acción colectiva, acumulada por los actores durante el proceso de resistencia social en las zonas amenazadas por el proceso de expansión de la infraestructura logística que describe las formas de acción empleada entre los meses de julio de 2014 y de 2015 de febrero. se analizaron 15 reuniones, 03 audiencias públicas, 04 08 entrevistas y demostraciones. Además de revistas, informes, reportes de producción, periódicos, programas de TV y documentos del plan maestro sobre la cuestión jurídica del árbol de la nuez de la India. Hemos tratado de dar visibilidad a las formas de movilización de actores y sus performances que revelaron la importancia del movimiento formado alrededor de la comunidad. / Esta dissertação está inserida na temática dos conflitos socioambientais e tem como objeto a experiência de mobilização política do povoado Cajueiro localizado na Zona Rural II do município de São Luís do Maranhão, nas circunvizinhanças do Complexo Portuário de São Luís. Analisa o movimento de resistência do referido povoado ameaçado pela instalação do Terminal Portuário de São Luís, da empresa WPR Gestão de Portos e Terminais LTDA. Nesse contexto, o estudo tenta reconstruir o processo de resistência que gerou uma série de ações coletivas a partir de alianças realizadas com povoados vizinhos, instituições ligadas à Universidade Federal do Maranhão, Igreja Católica, atores políticos locais, movimentos sociais e entidades. A análise se volta para a questão da arena, mediado por relações de poder sobre o espaço em disputa, tendo como enfoque, a proposta de instalação da Reserva Extrativista de Tauá-Mirim. Considera, ainda, na análise os repertórios de ação coletivas, acumulados pelos atores sociais ao longo do processo de resistência nos territórios ameaçados pelo processo de expansão da infraestrutura de logística descrevendo as formas de ação empregadas entre os meses de julho de 2014 e fevereiro de 2015. Foram analisadas 15 reuniões, 03 audiências públicas, 04 manifestações e realizada 08 entrevistas. Além de revistas, informes, relatórios de produção, jornais, programas de TV, plano mestre e documentos jurídicos sobre a questão do Cajueiro. Procurou-se dar visibilidade às formas de mobilização dos atores e suas atuações que revelaram a importância do movimento que se formou em torno da comunidade.

本文旨在探討灌溉水資源系統中的「水圳」，在歷史的發展脈絡下如何成為農村不可或缺的依賴性治理制度。而都市化與工業發展興起後，水圳面臨了設施改造與治理困境，其制度本身所產生之變革以及新興治理機制對原有組織之影響。 本文透過美濃獅子頭水圳為個案研究，運用伊利諾‧歐斯壯(E.Ostrom)之「共用資源永續發展治理八大原則」為水圳資源有效治理之理論背景，檢視早期美濃獅子頭水圳的集體行動組織（地方水利會-農民），如何成功地在自主治理的機制中運作，並探討在現代化發展過程中宏觀的外在結構環境，包含農業轉型、停徵會費、派系競爭、水患問題等變化，對既有的共用資源制度產生的衝擊與弱化。以及民主化後由愛鄉協進會透過反水庫社會運動帶動社區總體營造對於水圳治理的創新模式。本文認為早期獅子頭水圳在資源邊界、集體選擇、對組織權最低限度認可與多中心治理等面向建立起維持永續發展之基礎。制度本身雖遭受外在環境變遷而呈現鬆散，但由於觀光休閒農業的推廣，吸引農村漂鳥回流，對灌溉水資源的參與治理渴望達到穩定的力量。並且，透過給予掌水工與水利小組的正式與非正式制度性誘因，可以有效調節灌溉用水並做為提供移轉調撥其他產業用水的基礎。最後，在地方性非營利組織「愛鄉協進會」進入水圳系統的治理後，挑戰由半官僚水利會所掌控的政治經濟功能掛帥水圳系統，更融入生態、文化、公民參與等不同的元素形成一共同治理新模式，除了延續後農業時代水圳的灌溉功能之外，也強化其制度韌性。藉由這些發現，本文進而提出實務與理論的研究建議，以做為後農業時代水資源灌溉系統的永續發展之借鏡。 / The subject of this essay is to explore the reason why an irrigation canal, in the process of historical development, became an indispensable governance institution in the villages. Also, in the advent of urbanization and industrialization, the irrigation canal faces a situation of the renovation of facility as well as the predicament of governance, in which the institution itself changes and newly governance system influences the original organizations. This study takes Shihtou Irrigation Canal in Meinung as the object. Using Elino Ostrom’s eight design principles of stable local common pool resource (CPR) management to review the successful self-governance mechanisms in operation performed by the early local collective action organization (mainly made by Taiwan Joint Irrigation Association and farmers). Also the paper explains the impacts of macro-environment, including the agricultural transformation, stop collecting fees, factional competition and flooding, on the existing system of CPR. And an innovational governance participated by a Meinung People's Association, a grass-roots organization from anti-reservoir activities to comprehensive community development in the era of post-democratization. Results of this study showed as follows: Firstly, early Shihtou irrigation canal maintain the basis for establishing sustainable development as result of clearly defined boundaries, collective-choice arrangement, minimal recognition of rights to organize, and nested enterprises. Besides, although it was weaken by the later change of external structure, the development of leisure agriculture attracted recurrent youth for agriculture, who was desired for reviving the power of appropriation in canal self-governance. Meanwhile, the institutional design of water-inspectors and water conservancy group arranged through formal and informal incentives can effectively regulate the right of water for irrigation and serve as providing the basis for the allocation of water for other industries. Finally, a local non-profit organization Meinung People's Association challenges the governance system originally controlled by a half-bureaucratic management of local Farm Irrigation Association. Compared with the mainly political and economic functions of water governance by the latter, the former emphasize the different elements of ecological, cultural, and civic participation. This formation of New model of shared governance in canal not only continue its irrigational function in post-agriculture, but also strengthen its institutional tenacity..With these findings, the paper puts forward practical and theoretical study suggests in order to learn as a sustainable development of water resources in the era of post-agricultural irrigation systems.

Cette recherche doctorale vise à comprendre et interpréter les conditions d’émergence d’un engagement chez des jeunes en situation de marginalité. Des études ont montré que cette situation peut-être un frein important à l’engagement, en raison d’un manque de ressources personnelles, organisationnelles, ou culturelles. Généralement, on a tendance à insister sur le fait que « les jeunes » ne veulent plus militer. Pourtant, d’importantes actions collectives (mouvements étudiants ou communautaires) ou initiatives citoyennes personnelles (écriture de blogues ou signature de pétitions) viennent contredire cette affirmation. En fait, certaines prises de position, dans la sphère privée notamment, échappent à toute analyse classique et sont prises pour un non-engagement, de l’individualisme voire de l’apathie. À partir d’une approche qualitative, exploratoire et interprétative, le dispositif méthodologique de cette thèse privilégie l’observation participante et les entretiens de groupe afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes et d’observer un certain nombre d’actions collectives. C’est par le truchement d’organismes communautaires de jeunesse (OCJ) montréalais qu’une centaine de jeunes ont été rencontrés, de septembre 2010 à décembre 2011. L’analyse itérative du corpus de données s’est inspirée des principes de la théorisation ancrée (grounded theory). Un premier niveau d’analyse descriptive a permis de mettre en exergue les contraintes et les conditions d’émergence de l’engagement ainsi que les performances des jeunes en situation de marginalité. Les différentes formes d’engagement ont ensuite été explorées puis mises en perspective dans différents espaces : « original », « intermédiaire » et « négatif ». L’espace original correspond, dans cette thèse, aux moyens d’actions traditionnels (vote, militantisme politique). Nos résultats montrent que le positionnement des jeunes dans ce cadre est très tranché. En fait, non seulement ces modes d’actions émergent rarement mais, s’ils existent, sont le plus souvent soutenus par des intervenants. Dans un autre espace, les jeunes développent parfois des postures particulières, plus radicales ou, au contraire, des postures de retrait, de non-engagement. Cela se rapporte à ce qu’il conviendrait d’appeler l’espace négatif. Dans ce cas, les contraintes de la situation de marginalité poussent certains jeunes à mettre à distance l’engagement et à se situer aux marges des espaces de participation. L’opposition à toutes formes traditionnelles d’engagement amène des jeunes à envisager des moyens d’action plus radicaux que l’on peut également circonscrire dans cet espace négatif. On trouve au final une tout autre dynamique selon laquelle des jeunes prennent position au sein de ce que l’on a appelé l’espace intermédiaire. Les territoires et les modes d’action sont alors aussi éclectiques que la rue, l’entourage personnel, ou la création artistique underground. Si les rapports à l’engagement des jeunes rencontrés sont complexes, parfois ambivalents, ils révèlent toutefois la recherche d’une alternative, la construction de modes d’action particuliers. Une analyse dynamique des contraintes et des conditions d’émergence de l’engagement des jeunes en difficulté montre que leurs prises de position dépassent la simple dialectique engagement/non-engagement. Ainsi, ce que l’on pourrait appeler un « alter-engagement » se dessine à travers les prises de position de ces jeunes, particulièrement au sein de l’espace intermédiaire. Ce concept est développé pour mettre en évidence les formes d’engagement plus intimes, plus communautaires ou plus artistiques. L’alter-engagement se définit alors comme une forme de prise de position critique, impolitique, en réaction à la fois à l’engagement traditionnel, à une posture de retrait et à une posture plus radicale. / This doctoral research attempts to outline the understanding and interpretation of the conditions leading to the emergence of engagement of young people on the fringe of society. Studies have shown that being on the fringe is a serious obstacle to engagement, due to a lack of personal, organizational and cultural resources. The general tendency is to emphasize the fact that young people do not want to be activists, when in fact, significant collective actions (student or community movements) or initiatives led by individual citizens (blogging or signing petitions) contradict these assertions. In fact, in some cases, taking a standpoint, particularly within the private sphere, elude all analyses and are mistaken for non-involvement, individualism or even apathy. Based on a qualitative, exploratory and interpretative approach, the methodological process of this research favors participative observation and focus groups in order to collect the point of view of young people on the subject of their engagement or non-engagement, as well as observing a certain number of collective actions. Through the intervention of community organizations for young people (OCJ) in Montreal, we were able to meet with about hundred young people between September 2010 and December 2011. The iterative data analysis is based on the principles of Grounded Theory. The first level of descriptive analysis allowed us to highlight the constraints and conditions of the emergence of involvement, as well as performances of youths on the fringe of society. Various forms of engagement have been explored, then put in perspective of the following spaces: “original”, “intermediary” and “negative”. The “original” space corresponds, in this research, to traditional means of action (voting, political activism). Our results show that the positioning of young people within this frame is much divided. In fact, not only do these modes of action rarely emerge, but when they do, they are mostly supported by social worker. In another space, young people sometimes develop particular, more radical positions or, on the contrary, positions of withdrawing and non-involvement. This reflects what could be called a negative space. In that case, constraints inherent to their marginal situation push some young people to distance themselves from engagement and to position themselves at the margin of the spaces of involvement. Opposition to all traditional forms of engagement leads some young people to consider more radical forms of action that may also be included in that negative space. Finally, one finds totally different dynamics as to how some young people position themselves within what we have called the intermediary space. The scope and preferred means of action are as eclectic as the street itself, the personal social circle or the underground creative production. More complex and sometimes ambivalent, the positioning of the young people we have met towards engagement demonstrates a search for an alternative: the elaboration of particular means of action. The dynamic analysis of the constraints and conditions of emergence of engagement of young people shows that their positioning youths go beyond the simple dialectics of involvement vs. noninvolvement. Thus, what could be called “alter-engagement” emerges through the positioning of these young people, particularly within the intermediary space. This concept is developed to outline forms of engagement that are more intimate, more linked to the community or to artistic forms of expression. Alter-engagement therefore defines itself as a critical, a-political standpoint, in reaction at the same time towards traditional engagement, positions of withdrawing and more radical positions.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RainolenesMS_DISSERT.pdf: 2942907 bytes, checksum: 5c9161e3e9ad850202c86adb4b846590 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-21 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This research proposed to question the development of what was defined as historical practices (commercial, social and political institutions), of the economic activity of the real estate brokerage in the Rio Grande do Norte from the progressive institutionalization of economic agents - individuals (realtors) and legal (real estate) - based on two main approaches: a) the development of economic activity as an integral segment of a fraction of capital (POULANTZAs, 1985; LESSA, 1981). This work set out from a socio-historical approach of the historical practices development the of real estate brokerage in Brazil started in the Southeast, especially in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and S?o Paulo as a result of the "expansion of capitalist relations by the housing sector" (RIBEIRO , 1996). especially the real estate capital ; b) the historical development of relations between labor and capital within the activity, in other words, the development of the relationship between realtors and Real Estate in relation to "group of interests" and their "collective actions" (OFFE, 1984). These historical practices are defined in this research as: 1) mercantile practices, times when there was no distinction between the activity of real estate brokerage and other forms of mercantile capital; 2) social practices, which began in the 1930s, when agents of real estate are to be distinguished from each other within the activity through Taylorist division of labor between workers realtors and developers of real estate; 3) political and institutional practices, initiated in 1962, characterized by State action, in the individualization and distinction of the agents of real estate brokerage as socioprofessional category regulated throughout Brazil by Law 4.116/62 and 6.530/78. The results achieved by the present study showed that in Rio Grande do Norte, due to the specifics as to the peripheral processes of urbanization of the constitution of the land market, as well as the process of conservative modernization of the oligarchic State from the 1960s (CLEMENTINE, 1995; FERREIRA, 1996, 2010, TRINDADE, 2004), the State was led to the development of a late manifestation of the historical practices of real estate brokerage. In other words, it was a process in which historical practices, in particular social practices, not fully developed, mitigating, thus the perception of realtors from his position in the process of exploitation of labor by the Real Estate. And, as a result, of their collective interests front of them. / Esta pesquisa se prop?s a perquirir o desenvolvimento do que foi definido como pr?ticas hist?ricas (mercantis, sociais e pol?tico-institucionalizadas), da atividade econ?mica da corretagem de im?veis no Rio Grande do Norte a partir da progressiva institucionaliza??o de seus agentes econ?micos pessoas f?sicas (corretores de im?veis) e jur?dicas (imobili?rias) com base em dois enfoques principais: a) o desenvolvimento da atividade econ?mica enquanto segmento integrante de uma fra??o de capital (POULANTZAS, 1985; LESSA, 1981), em especial da fra??o imobili?ria do capital ; b) o desenvolvimento hist?rico das rela??es entre o trabalho e o capital no interior da atividade, ou seja, o desenvolvimento das rela??es entre corretores de im?veis e imobili?rias no que tange aos grupos de interesse e de suas a??es coletivas (OFFE, 1984). Este trabalho partiu de uma abordagem socio-hist?rica do desenvolvimento das pr?ticas hist?ricas da corretagem de im?veis no Brasil iniciadas no Sudeste, especialmente nas cidades do Rio de Janeiro e S?o Paulo como resultado do processo de expans?o das rela??es capitalistas pelo setor habitacional (RIBEIRO, 1996). Tais pr?ticas hist?ricas est?o definidas no presente trabalho como: 1) pr?ticas mercantis: momentos em que n?o havia distin??o entre a atividade da corretagem de im?veis e outras manifesta??es do capital mercantil; 2) pr?ticas sociais: iniciadas nos anos de 1930, momento em que os agentes da corretagem de im?veis passam a se distinguir entre si, no interior da atividade atrav?s da divis?o taylorista do trabalho entre trabalhadores corretores de im?veis, e empres?rios das imobili?rias; 3) pr?ticas pol?tico institucionalizadas: iniciadas em 1962 caracterizadas pela a??o do Estado na individualiza??o e distin??o dos agentes da corretagem de im?veis, como categoria socio-profissional regulamentada em todo Brasil pelas Leis 4.116/62 e 6.530/78. Os resultados alcan?ados pelo presente estudo mostraram que no Rio Grande do Norte, em decorr?ncia das especificidades quanto aos processos de urbaniza??o perif?rica da constitui??o do mercado de terras, assim como, do processo de moderniza??o conservadora do Estado Olig?rquico a partir da d?cada de 1960 (CLEMENTINO, 1995; FERREIRA, 1996; 2010; TRINDADE, 2004), o Estado foi levado ao desenvolvimento de uma manifesta??o tardia das pr?ticas hist?ricas da corretagem de im?veis. Em outras palavras, um processo no qual as pr?ticas hist?ricas, em especial as pr?ticas sociais, n?o se desenvolveram plenamente, mitigando, dessa forma, a percep??o dos corretores de im?veis de sua posi??o no processo de explora??o do trabalho pelas imobili?rias. E, como consequ?ncia, de seus interesses coletivos frente ?s mesmas.

The present article discusses the enviromental conflicts related to the mining during the recent past years, with the purpose of identify the limits and the difficulties that have been present in the articulation of a national anti-mining social movement in Peru. The questioning about the reach of the anti-mining movement arises from the constants outbreaks of conflicts that are determinate by local dynamics. The confrontation between the mining company and peasant´s communities has been occurring in different areas of the country, and that is why the analysis focuses in the cases of the ‘Aymarazo’ in Puno, Conga in Cajamarca, and the contrast of informal mining in Madre de Dios. The analysis of the cognitive frameworks, the structure of organization, the window of opportunities, allow this work to recognize the character of the anti-mining mobilizations that occurs in every conflict. / El presente artículo aborda los conflictos socioambientales relacionados con la minería sucedidos en los últimos años, con el propósito de identificar los límites y las  dificultades  presentados  en  la  articulación del movimiento antiminero nacional en el Perú. El cuestionamiento sobre el alcance del movimiento antiminero surge a partir de los constantes estallidos de conflictos determinados por la dinámica local. La confrontación entre la empresa minera y las comunidades rurales se ha dado en diferentes áreas territoriales del país, por lo que se analiza los casos del Aymarazo en Puno, Conga en Cajamarca y el contraste de la minería informal en Madre de Dios. El análisis de los marcos cognitivos, la estructura de la organización, las ventanas de oportunidades permite dar  cuenta  del  cáracter  de las movilizaciones antimineras realizadas durante cada conflicto.

O intenso processo de urbanização da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo na segunda metade do século XX foi diretamente influenciado pela propriedade privada e pela legislação urbanística. Enquanto as classes dominantes logravam influir sobre a legislação e sobre o direcionamento dos investimentos estatais em infra-estrutura em seu favor, restou às classes dominadas ocupar áreas invadidas ou se instalar em loteamentos de periferia, muitos em áreas de proteção ambiental. A legislação de proteção aos mananciais, editada nos anos setenta, procurou ordenar a ocupação destas áreas, porém é justamente lá que tem ocorrido o maior crescimento da região. A falta de eficácia da norma e a necessidade de garantir o abastecimento de água tornaram necessária a revisão da legislação, objetivando a composição do conflito entre direito à moradia e direito ao meio ambiente, que não devem ser vistos como antagônicos, e sim como conciliáveis. É necessária a implantação de políticas públicas de regularização fundiária sustentável, capazes de garantir a segurança da posse sem provocar danos ambientais. Incumbe à União, Estados e Municípios adotar medidas para possibilitar a regularização fundiária. A regularização administrativa de loteamentos pode ser promovida pelo Município, ainda que com prejuízo a seus padrões urbanísticos. O usucapião especial urbano, individual ou coletivo, permite a regularização fundiária de ocupações em áreas particulares. Nas áreas públicas, a regularização poderá se dar através da concessão especial de uso para fins de moradia, que também poderá ser individual ou coletiva. Caso seja necessária a remoção da população, deverá ser assegurado o exercício do direito à moradia em outro local. Poderá, ainda, ser celebrado termo de ajustamento de conduta perante o Ministério Público, atribuindo-se obrigações a todos os envolvidos na implantação do loteamento, com previsão de penalidade para o caso de descumprimento. A presente dissertação analisa essas questões por meio do estudo de casos inquéritos civis, ações civis públicas e julgados de quatro municípios da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo. O estudo de casos demonstra que houve muitas falhas do poder público no processo pelo qual a implantação das ocupações nas áreas de proteção aos mananciais ocorreu, contudo, mostra também que, quando todos os responsáveis se interessam, é possível encontrar soluções criativas e viáveis para os problemas. / The intense process of urban development in the Metropolitan Area of São Paulo on the second half of the XX Century was directly influenced by private property and urban law. While the upper classes succeeded in influencing urban law and the direction of state investments in infra-structure in their favour, the lower classes had to occupy public and private land or suburban subdivisions, most of which in areas of environmental protection. Watersprings protection laws, issued in the seventies, aimed at organizing the occupation of these areas, however it is exactly there that the area has grown most. The lack of efficacy of the law and the need to ensure the water supply created the need to review the laws, targeting conflict resolution between housing rights and the right to environment, which should not be seen as antagonistic, since they can be conciliated. It is necessary to promote sustainable land tenure regularization programmes, able to ensure the security of land tenure without environmental damages. The Union, the States and the Municipalities must adopt measures to attain this goal. The administrative regularization of subdivisions may be promoted by Municipalities, though with losses to its urban patterns. The special urban usucapiao (adverse possession), individual or collective allows the regularization of private areas. In public areas, regularization may occur through the concession of the real right of use, which can also be individual or collective. If the removal of the occupiers is necessary, housing rights should be ensured somewhere else. It is also possible to celebrate a conduct adjustment agreement with the Prosecution, in which obligations will be granted to all parties related to the subdivision, including sanctions fines in the case of noncompliance. The current dissertation analyses these matters through the case study of investigations, law suit and judicial decisions from four cities in the Metropolitan Area of Sao Paulo. The case study shows that authorities made many mistakes during the process of occupation of the watersprings protection areas, however it also shows that, when all parties are involved, creative and viable solutions for the problems can be found.

La doctrine internationaliste a accordé une attention notable au dommage depuis l'apparition de la responsabilité internationale en tant que discipline au sein du droit des gens. Toutefois, depuis plusieurs décennies, elle a délaissé les analyses transversales pour se concentrer sur des dommages précis subis soit par l’État, soit par les particuliers. Ce clivage a laissé subsister un angle mort dans l'analyse de la pratique internationale : l'étude des lésions dont la victime n'est ni une personne publique ni une personne privée, mais une entité collective composée par les unes et/ou par les autres et qui ne peut être réduite à l'addition de ses composantes. La prise en compte des lésions dont peuvent être victimes des entités comme la famille, les peuples, l'humanité ou la communauté internationale est l'un des principaux défis auxquels sera confrontée la responsabilité internationale à l'avenir. Afin de proposer une catégorie qui rende possible une analyse d'ensemble de ces atteintes, il est indispensable de clarifier le cadre conceptuel des lésions prises en compte par la responsabilité internationale. Cette réflexion conduit à constater qu'en plus du dommage, celle-ci tient compte d'une deuxième forme de lésion, purement juridique et inhérente au fait internationalement illicite. Les dommages et lésions juridiques peuvent être regroupés dans la catégorie des «lésions collectives» lorsqu'ils portent atteinte à des droits, des intérêts ou des biens collectifs. Des conséquences particulières découlent des lésions collectives ainsi définies dans le cadre de la responsabilité internationale. Elles se manifestent notamment au regard de son invocation et de son contenu. / The emergence of international responsibility as an autonomous field of study in International Law has compelled the international legal doctrine to devote considerable attention to damage and injury. However, during the last decades, scholars have progressively abandoned the cross-sectional analysis of these concepts in order to further focus on specific injuries and damages suffered by States or individuals. This rift has thus Ieft a blind spot in the analysis of international practice: the study of injury and damage whose victim is neither a public nor a private person, but rather a "collective entity" integrated by either, or both, public and private actors; an entity which cannot be simply reduced to the addition of its components. To take into account the injury and the damage -suffered by entities such as the family, peoples, humanity or the international community - is indeed one of the main challenges that faces international responsibility in the near future. In order to suggest a new category which allows for an overall analysis of such injuries and damages, it is necessary to clarify the conceptual framework of both, injury and damage, within the framework of international responsibility. This clarification leads to the conclusion that, in addition to damage, international responsibility also takes into consideration a purely legal injury which is inherent to the internationally wrongful act. Damage and legal injury can be qualified as "collective whenever they infringe collective rights, interests or goods. Specific effects result from this kind of injuries and damages in particular with regard to the invocation as well as to the legal consequences which arises from international responsibility.

Définies comme des procédures juridictionnelles visant à la prévention, à la cessation ou à la réparation des dommages infligés à des individus en nombre indéterminé, les actions collectives ont profondément modifié la place du juge et celle de l'administration dans la concrétisation des normes générales en droit brésilien et en droit colombien. Contrairement à la doctrine pour laquelle ces actions témoigneraient de l'existence d'une catégorie d'intérêt située entre l'intérêt individuel et l'intérêt général, cette recherche révèle que les actions collectives ne peuvent être comprises qu'en prenant en compte l'évolution du contentieux administratif. Elles s'inscrivent en effet dans un mouvement où les compétences de l'administration sont progressivement dévolues au juge et permettent à ce dernier de prendre une décision à la place de l'administration même en l'absence d'une atteinte portée à un individu déterminé. Elles invitent par-là le chercheur à établir une classification des comportements susceptibles d'être prescrits par le juge. Ces derniers se rapportent en effet toujours à des individus en nombre indéterminé, mais ce rapport peut être direct ou indirect. Quand il s'agit d'un rapport indirect avec des individus en nombre indéterminé, les comportements se rapportent directement à certains objets ou à certains individus parfaitement identifiés. Quand les comportements se rapportent directement à des individus en nombre indéterminé, ceux-ci peuvent être de qualité indéterminée ou déterminée. Et si ces individus sont de qualité déterminée, ils peuvent être en nombre illimité ou en nombre limité. / Defined as judicial proceedings aiming to prevent, to stop or to compensate damages to an indefinite number of human beings, collective actions have deeply changed the role of the judge and the one of public administration in enforcing general norms in Brazilian and Colombian Law. Instead of analysing these actions using the concept of collective interest considered by many as an interest located between individual and public interests, this research shows that collective actions can only be understood in the context of judicial review of administrative decisions. Indeed, these procedures represent a step further in the process of giving judges powers traditionally conferred on administrative authorities and allow judges to take a decision in place of these authorities even when there’s no violation of an individual right. Collective actions invite to question the classification of behaviours that might be prescribed by the judge. These behaviours always refer to an indefinite number of human beings, but this relation of one person's behaviour to other persans can be direct or indirect. When it is indirect, the behaviour refers directly to some abjects or to identified individuals. When behaviour refers directly to an indefinite number of human beings, these ones might be identifiable or undetermined individuals. When they are identifiable, they might be in limited or unlimited number.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser et de comprendre la dynamique de la controverse autour de l’adoption en 2009 du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux principaux enjeux, c'est-à-dire aux questions à l’origine de cette controverse ainsi qu’aux stratégies mises en place par les différents acteurs sociaux (les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés, d’une part, et d’autre part, les organisations féminines et les leurs) afin d’infléchir le processus. En plus du pourquoi et du comment de cette controverse, notre recherche visait à comprendre le bilan du processus tiré par les acteurs eux-mêmes, le sentiment qui les anime à l’issu de ce long processus, leur appréciation de leur expérience, et leur vision de l’avenir. Pour étudier cette problématique, nous avons choisi l’approche de l’action collective protestataire, laquelle s’inspire à la fois des théories de l’action collective, et de celles des mouvements sociaux et des dynamiques contestataires. Afin d’analyser les enjeux au cœur de cette controverse, les stratégies utilisées par les acteurs ainsi que leur bilan du processus, nous avons opté pour une démarche qualitative. En plus de la littérature grise, des articles de presse, documents audio et audiovisuels sur le sujet, notre travail de terrain de quatre mois dans la capitale malienne nous a permis de réaliser plusieurs entrevues auprès des acteurs impliqués dans ce processus. S’étendant de 1996 à 2011, soit seize ans, l’élaboration du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali fut un processus long, complexe, inhabituel et controversé. Les résultats de notre recherche révèlent que plusieurs enjeux, notamment sociaux, étaient au cœur de cette controverse : le «devoir d’obéissance » de la femme à son mari, la légalisation du mariage religieux, l’« égalité » entre fille et garçon en matière d’héritage et de succession et la reconnaissance de l’enfant naturel ont été les questions qui ont suscité le plus de débats. Si durant tout le processus, les questions relatives à l’égalité de genre, au respect des droits de la femme et de l’enfant, étaient les arguments défendus par les organisations féminines et leurs alliés, celles relatives au respect des valeurs religieuses (islamiques), sociétales ou socioculturelles maliennes étaient, par contre, mises de l’avant par les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés. Ainsi, si le discours des OSC féminines portait essentiellement sur le « respect de l’égalité des sexes » conformément aux engagements internationaux signés par le Mali, celui des OSC islamiques s’est, en revanche, centré sur le « respect des valeurs islamiques et socioculturelles » du Mali. Quant aux canaux de communication, les OSC féminines se sont focalisées sur les canaux classiques comme la presse, les radios, les conférences, entre autres. Les OSC islamiques ont également utilisé ces canaux, mais elles se sont distinguées des OSC féminines en utilisant aussi les prêches. Organisés généralement dans les mosquées et autres espaces désignés à cet effet, ces prêches ont consacré la victoire des OSC islamiques. Les radios islamiques ont joué elles aussi un rôle important dans la transmission de leurs messages. Pour ce qui est des stratégies d’actions, l’action collective qui a changé la donne en faveur des OSC islamiques (renvoi du code en seconde lecture, prise en compte de leurs idées), a été le meeting du 22 août 2009 à Bamako, précédé de marches de protestation dans la capitale nationale et toutes les capitales régionales du pays. Quant aux OSC féminines, elles n’ont mené que quelques actions classiques (ou habituelle) comme les pétitions, le plaidoyer-lobbying, les conférences-débats, au point que certains observateurs ont parlé de « stratégie d’inaction » chez elles. L’analyse a également révélé l’utilisation de stratégies inusitées de menaces et d’intimidation par certains acteurs du camp des OSC islamiques à l’endroit des partisans du code. Si chaque groupe d’acteurs a noué des alliances avec des acteurs locaux, les OSC féminines sont les seules à reconnaitre des alliances avec les acteurs extérieurs. Aujourd’hui, si la plupart des membres des OSC islamiques ne cachent pas leur satisfaction face à leur « victoire » et se présentent en « sauveur de la nation malienne », la plupart des membres des OSC féminines se disent, quant à elles, très « déçues » et « indignées » face à l’adoption du code actuel. Elles ne comprennent pas pourquoi d’un « code progressiste », le Mali s’est retrouvé avec un « code rétrograde et discriminatoire » envers les femmes. La thèse confirme non seulement la difficile conciliation entre droit coutumier, loi islamique et droit « moderne », mais également l’idée que le droit demeure l’expression des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. Enfin, notre recherche confirme la désormais incontournable influence des acteurs religieux sur le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques au Mali. / The objective of this thesis is to analyze and understand the dynamics surrounding the controversy following the adoption of the Code of Persons and Family in Mali in 2009. It is particularly interested by the main issues, that is to say, the questions at the root of this controversy and the strategies implemented by different social actors (Islamic organizations and their allies, on the one hand, and women's organizations and theirs, on the other) in order to influence the process. In addition to the “why” and the “how” of this controversy, our research focuses on the understanding of the process assessment made by the actors involved, the feeling that animates them at the end of this long process, their appreciation of their experience, and their vision of the future. To investigate this issue, we have chosen collective action protest's approach, which inspired both theories of collective action, and those of social movements and protest dynamic. In order to analyze the stakes of this controversy, the strategies used by the actors and their assessment of the process, we opted for a qualitative approach. In addition to the gray literature, newspaper articles, audio and audiovisual materials on the subject, our field work during four months in the Malian capital has allowed us to make several interviews with the actors involved in this process. Stretching from 1996 to 2011, namely for sixteen years, the redaction of the Persons and Family Law in Mali was a long, complex, unusual and controversial process. Our research findings reveal that several issues, notably those social, were at the heart of this controversy: "duty obedience" of the wife to her husband, legalization of religious marriage, gender "equality" with regard to inheritance, and recognition of the illegitimate child were the questions that have generated the most debate. If during the whole process, questions related to gender equality, respect for women and children’s rights were the arguments defended by women's organizations and their allies, those relating to the respect of religious (Islamic), societal or sociocultural values of Mali were, on the contrary, put forward by Islamic’s organizations and their allies. Thus, if the discourse of women's organizations focused mainly on the "respect of gender equality" in accordance with international commitments signed by Mali, the discourse of Islamic organizations has, however, focused on the "respect of Islamic and socio-cultural values" of Mali. As for communication channels, women's CSOs have focused on traditional channels like press, radio, conferences, among others. Islamic CSOs have also used these channels, but they have distinguished themselves from women's CSOs by using also sermons. Generally organized in mosques and other spaces designated for that purpose, these sermons have consecrated the victory of Islamic CSOs. Islamic radios have also played an important role in the transmission of their messages. Concerning the strategies of action, the collective action that changed the situation in favor of the Islamic OSCs (resending the code for a second reading, inclusion of their ideas) was the meeting of August 22nd, 2009 in Bamako, preceded by protest marches in the national capital and all regional capitals of the country. As for women's CSOs, they have only carried out some classic (or usual) actions like petitions, advocacy-lobbying, conferences and debates, to the point that some observers spoke of "inaction strategy" on their part. The analysis also revealed the use of unusual strategies of threats and intimidation by some actors of Islamic camp towards to the supporters of the code. If each group of actors has formed alliances with local actors, women's CSOs are the only ones to recognize alliances with external actors. Today, if most members of Islamic CSOs don't hide their satisfaction with their "victory" and present themselves like "savior of the Malian nation", most members of women CSOs, meanwhile, say that they are very "disappointed" and "indignant" against the adoption of the current code. They don’t understand why from a "progressive code ", Mali ended up with a "retrograde and discriminatory code" towards women. The thesis confirms the difficult reconciliation of customary law, Islamic law and modern law, but it also suggests the idea that the law remains an expression of power relations and domination. Finally, our research confirms the now unavoidable influence of religious actors on the public policy making process in Mali.

Esta pesquisa discute como as tecnologias contábeis contribuem para construir decisões coletivas para gerenciamento de risco operacional ao longo das relações de suprimento. A construção das decisões é vista como um processo, e o coletivo formado por humanos e não-humanos. As tecnologias contábeis são abordadas como inscrições e objetos delimitantes. As inscrições mediam as ações à distância e simplificam objetos complexos tornando-os entidades separadas que atuam como objetos delimitantes (LATOUR, 1987; LAW, 1986; STAR; GRIESEMER, 1989). O conceito de risco na literatura apresenta ambiguidades. A forma de gerenciá-lo é problematizada na literatura contábil em relações inter-organizacionais. O estudo de campo foi conduzido nas relações de suprimento de gás liquefeito de petróleo que incluem a companhia petrolífera, os fornecedores de transporte e a companhia distribuidora. As informações foram obtidas sob a perspectiva deste último, por meio de etnografia que incluiu entrevistas, observações e shadowing de objetos e pessoas, e submetidos à análise narrativa permeada pela análise desconstrutiva. Inicialmente foram identificadas as ameaças que podem ocasionar falta de produto em unidades de produção da distribuidora. Nem todas as ameaças observadas são passíveis de se tornar objeto de gerenciamento de risco. Para isso, elas precisam estar inscritas e acumuladas na área responsável pelo suprimento que atua como um centro de cálculo. Porém, muitas estão interligadas com outros fatores e apresentam efeitos inesperados nas dimensões de espaço e tempo. As tecnologias de contabilidade padronizadas, tais como, planejamentos de longo prazo e orçamentos, quando usadas isoladamente não tem força suficiente para mobilizar ações que levem à redução do risco. Por outro lado, os conflitos gerados quando ambas são combinadas impelem para a busca de outras informações que resultem em um número mais preciso. Nas relações estudadas, os riscos acentuam-se no curto prazo em contraste com o longo prazo conforme preconizado pela literatura. As tecnologias construídas na prática exercem força para mobilizar decisões imediatas. Apesar de, contratualmente, a parceria para o fornecimento de gás ser firmada por duas companhias, em que de um lado está o fornecedor e do outro a distribuidora, o que se tem no dia-a-dia são múltiplas relações construídas entre as unidades de produção, refinarias e a área de suprimentos. Desta forma, inscrições, como a ordem de compra, são capazes de redefinir as fronteiras. Transladam para agir como instrumentos de gerenciamento de risco operacional. A confiança manifesta-se como um quase-objeto (MOURITSEN; THRANE, 2006) que ganha existência na circulação de informações entre as partes. Com isso, o risco de falta de produto se apresenta como um ,,fantasma\" que poderá ser materializado dependendo do fluxo de informações. Este estudo contribui empiricamente por mostrar os riscos envolvidos nas relações de suprimento de gás liquefeito de petróleo ao longo do território brasileiro, e como a contabilidade contribui para gerenciá-los. Além disso, estende o conhecimento relativo à forma como ocorre o fluxo de informações no cenário inter-organizacional, bem como a adoção de práticas híbridas para o alcance de ações coletivas que gerenciam os riscos de suprimentos e constroem relações. Teoricamente, o estudo contribui na discussão de conceito de risco e como a contabilidade está associada com este conceito. / This research discusses how accounting technologies contribute to construct collective decisions for operational risk management across the supply relationships. Decision construction is seen as a process and the collective is formed by humans and nonhumans. The accounting technologies are approached as inscriptions and boundary objects. The inscriptions mediate the action at a distance and simplify complex objects making them separate entities that act as boundary objects (LATOUR, 1987; LAW, 1986; STAR; GRIESEMER, 1989). The concept of risk in the literature presents ambiguities. The way to manage it is problematized in the accounting literature on inter-organizational relationships. The field study was conducted in liquefied petroleum gas supply relations which involve the oil company, the transport suppliers and the distribution company. The information was obtained from the perspective of the latter, through ethnography which included interviews, observations and shadowing of objects and people, and narrative analysis permeated by deconstructive analysis was employed. Initially we identified the threats that can cause shortage of the product in production unit in the distribution company. Not all threats found are possible to transform into an object to risk management. To do this they must be inscribed and accumulated in the management of suppliers that acts as a center of calculation. However, many are intertwined with other factors and have unexpected effects on the dimensions of space and time. The accounting standard technologies, such as long-term planning and budgeting, when used alone they do not have enough force to mobilize interventions to reduce risk. On the other hand, the conflicts generated when both are combined to propel the search for other information that results in a more precise figure. In the relations studied, the risks increase in short term in contrast to long term as seen in the literature. Thus, the technologies built in practice, exert force to mobilize immediate decisions. Although contractually the partnership for gas supply to be signed by two companies, which on one side is the supplier and the distributor on the other, in day-to-day activities multiple relations are built among production units, refineries and supply area. In this way, inscriptions such as purchase orders are able to redefine the boundaries. They translate to act as instruments of operational risk management. Trust manifests itself as a quasi-object (MOURITSEN; THRANE, 2006) which comes into existence when information is circulating between the parties. Thus, the risk of shortage of the product presents itself as a ,,ghost\" that can be materialized depending on information flows. This study contributes empirically by showing the risks involved in the supply relations of petroleum liquefied gas throughout the Brazilian territory, and how accounting helps to manage them. Furthermore, it extends the knowledge on how the information flows occur in an inter-organizational setting, as well as the adoption of hybrid practices to achieve collective actions to manage supply risks and build relations. Theoretically, the study contributes to the discussion of the risk concept and how the accounting is associated with this concept.