O trabalho focaliza as controvérsias que se seguem ao evento da epidemia de cóleramorbus deflagrada na província de Pernambuco no ano de 1855, em torno de práticas e terapias que foram mobilizadas no combate à moléstia. O fio condutor da análise são os embates que se estabeleceram entre a medicina acadêmica e outras formas terapêuticas - particularmente de homeopatas, leigos, negros e índios. Adicionalmente, o trabalho procura pontos de intersecção entre a emergência de um projeto moderno de medicina e a religião, acompanhando a reflexão e a prática produzidas pelos missionários capuchinhos italianos sobre a epidemia. / The work focuses on the controversy following the event of the epidemic of choleramorbus triggered in the province of Pernambuco in the year 1855, around practices and therapies that have been mobilized to fight the disease. The guiding thread of the analysis are the shocks that have been established between academic medicine and other therapeutic methods - particularly of homeopaths, lay people, blacks and indians. Additionally, the work searches points of intersection between the emergence of a modern project of medicine and religion, accompanying the reflection and practice produced by italian capuchin missionaries on the epidemic.

In the midst of Frances revolution, and the shockwaves it sent all over Europe and further, another revolutionary change took place. It was the threat of literature. This paper studies certain political actor’s solutions to the challenges that faced but also shaped politics and the technologies themselves, such as reading, in England during the 1790’s. For many the spreading of literature was an end in itself. It held the enlightenment promise of a world runned by reason. But it was also a means. The intellectuals typically associated with the revolution in France, and the welcoming of it in England, – say Voltaire and Thomas Paine – were all well versed in the workings of literature. Pitted against the revolutionaries we usually find political actors such as Edmund Burke. This paper argues for more nuanced and historical understanding of the conflict, one that doesn’t give literature any inherent properties, as an a priori radical tool. We need to understand these technologies as something that there could be a different kind of solution to than repression, that Burke and his fellow hostiles to the revolution rather shaped these technologies in a mould that would fit their political cast. In this way there was, besides the ideological disputes, a struggle for the nature of literature. This took shape through a renewed interest in educating the people in institutions such as Sunday schools, and by press efforts like the magazine Anti-Jacobin; or, the weekly examiner, which form the basis of the study. This paper argues that they changed the rules of literature. Therefore it is not the immediate introduction of a technology or media that necessarily is revolutionary – not Gutenberg, nor Arpanet – but when it is spread to the people and when certain protocols for the media is shaped, that is, when they are assigned a function. This paper is a study of the shaping of literatures protocols and with that the anti-Jacobins themselves.

Cette thèse étudie un corpus de romans anglais, encore peu étudiés en France et jamais étudiés collectivement, publiés entre 1782 et 1805 par des écrivains et des écrivaines se rattachant par leurs idées et, pour certains, leur militantisme actif, au mouvement radical qui se développe en Angleterre dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, s’amplifie et s’organise sous l’impulsion de la Révolution française, puis, sévèrement réprimé par le gouvernement de William Pitt, s’effondre à la fin de la décennie. Cette séquence historique laisse des traces profondes dans l’œuvre des romanciers radicaux, dont beaucoup, comme William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft et John Thelwall, sont philosophes ou polémistes avant d’être romanciers et prennent la plume pour défendre les droits de l’homme (et de la femme) dans le débat anglais sur la Révolution française qui oppose Edmund Burke à Thomas Paine. En croisant l’histoire des idées politiques, l’histoire sociale et culturelle du mouvement radical, l’histoire du livre et la narratologie classique, ce travail s’efforce de mettre en lumière la façon dont les romans encodent une certaine idéologie politique dans leurs formes – du discours des locuteurs au format de publication des romans, en passant par leurs narrateurs, leurs intrigues, leurs personnages, leur style et leurs silences signifiants. Un tel examen fait ressortir, plutôt qu’une idéologie radicale unifiée, une tension récurrente entre deux versions, libérale et jacobine, bourgeoise et plébéienne, du radicalisme, dont l’articulation conflictuelle revêt différentes formes d’un auteur à l’autre et d’un terme à l’autre de la période étudiée, à mesure que la réaction conservatrice enterre les espoirs radicaux de réformes. / This dissertation examines a corpus of English novels which have been little studied in France as yet and never as a whole. The novels were published between 1782 and 1805 by a group of writers who, by their ideas and in some cases active political commitment, belong to the radical movement which developed in England in the second half of the eighteenth century, gained impetus and structure in the wake of the French Revolution, and collapsed at the end of the decade when faced with repression from the government of William Pitt. Radical novelists, many of whom, like William Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft and John Thelwall, were philosophers and pamphleteers before they took to novel-writing, flew to the defence of the rights of man (and of the rights of woman) in the revolution controversy which pitted Thomas Paine against Edmund Burke – and their work bears the mark of the rise and demise of the radical movement. Combining intellectual history with classical narratology, book history, and the social and cultural history of radicalism, this dissertation seeks to highlight the way in which political ideology is built into the very forms of the novels – in the characters’ speech and the characters themselves, in the novels’ plot and narration type, in their style and publishing format, as well as in their meaningful silences. Such a study brings to light, rather than a coherent radical ideology, a recurring tension between two versions of radicalism, liberal and jacobin, bourgeois and plebeian, whose partly conflicting conjunction assumes different shapes from one novelist to the other and between the early 1780s and late 1790s, as radical hopes of reform sink under the conservative backlash.

本研究之目的在探討台灣生技產業科技政策推動過程中所引發之爭議：臨床試驗(clinical trials)產業化，並以台灣地區自1960年代末期至2010年臨床試驗發展的制度變遷為研究標的，尤其是其中之生技產業政策推動及臨床試驗制度變遷，以說明該爭議如何發生及為何發生。 為發展台灣生物技術產業，行政院於2005年起推動生醫科技島(biomedical technology island)計畫，將原先為生物技術產業發展基礎設施的臨床試驗作為政策推動的主體，引發臨床試驗產業化的爭議。一般認為，此爭議是來自於促進產業發展與維護國民健康之間的利益衝突。 本研究經由制度變遷(institutional change)的觀點，探索台灣地區臨床試驗發展的歷程，認為上述臨床試驗產業化的爭議不只是產業推動與國民健康間的衝突，而是與台灣地區自1960年代末期至2010年生技產業政策推動與臨床試驗制度變遷有關。 台灣地區推動生物技術的科技政策始於1982年行政院修訂「科學技術發展方案(science technology development program」，明訂生物技術為八大重點科技之一，而後有1995年的行政院「加強生物技術產業推動方案(biotechnology industry promotion program」，2005年的行政院「生醫科技島計畫」等科技政策，本研究發現不同時期的科技政策賦予臨床試驗不同的意義，而不同時期臨床試驗的發展，其不同時期的行動者【產、官、學、研、醫】-- 包含政策決策者與政策參與者 -- 在臨床試驗制度變遷的過程中產生行動的差異；而在不同時期臨床試驗的發展階段，不同的官方行動者 -- 治理機構（governance agency）【衛生署、國科會、經濟部、科技顧問組等】，對於臨床試驗議題有不同程度的涉入。 台灣地區臨床試驗的發展在生技產業政策的型塑下，由原先之學術研究，階段性轉向協助產業發展。2005年行政院生醫科技島計畫，將臨床試驗作為政策推動的主體，擴大醫界參與生物技術產業發展，而醫界主要以醫療服務為主的制度邏輯（institutional logics）與科技政策形塑下產業發展的制度邏輯不一致（contradictions），因而引發臨床試驗產業化的爭議。 本研究發現對於科技政策的意涵為：在制訂與推動科技政策的過程中，唯有同時瞭解產業發展的歷史脈絡，才能避免產生非預期的結果（例如爭議）。本研究除探討生技產業政策推動過程中臨床試驗的制度變遷與變遷過程中所衍生的爭議，並將探討未來可能的研究方向。 / The study is intended to explore a controversy derived from the Taiwan biotechnology industry promotion by government policies, industrialization of clinical trials. The study targets the institutional change of the clinical trials and the policies for biotechnology industry promotion in Taiwan from the late 1960’s through 2010 to explain why and how the controversy was incurred. In order to develop the Taiwan biotechnology industry, the Executive Yuan implemented a Biomedical Technology Island program beginning 2005 to focus on clinical trials -- supposedly the infrastructure of biotechnology technology development -- but resulted in the controversy about the initiative of industrialization of clinical trials. It is reputedly because there is a conflict of interest between industry development promotion and how to maintain national healthcare. From the perspective of institutional change, the study explores the evolution of clinical trials in Taiwan, holding that the aforementioned controversy is not only a conflict of interest between industry development promotion and how to maintain national healthcare but also a consequence of the institutional change of the clinical trials and biotechnology promotion by government policies from the late 1960’s through 2010. The biotechnology industry promotion in Taiwan began with the Executive Yuan’s revision of its Science Technology Development program in 1982, designating the biotechnology as one of the eight strategic industries. The Executive Yuan followed through with a Biotechnology Industry Promotion program in 1995 and the Biomedical Technology Island program in 2005. The study finds that science and technology policies in different periods of time endowed clinical trials with different meanings while discrepant actions on clinical trials were taken by both policy makers and policy executors including the industry, government organizations, academia, research institutes and the medical community in different periods of time. The study also finds that different governance agencies, such as the Department of Health, Ministry of Economic Affairs, National Science Council as well as Science and Technology Advisory Group of the Executive Yuan, had different levels of involvement with the development of clinical trials in different periods of time. Molded by the government’s biotechnology policies, clinical trials in Taiwan have evolved from the nature of academic research to assistance to industry development. The Biomedical Technology Island program beginning 2005 focuses on clinical trials and strengthens the medical community’s participation in biotechnology development, but the institutional logics of the medical community is primarily about medical service and its contradictions with the institutional logics of biotechnology industry development have resulted in the controversy about industrialization of clinical trials. A science and technology policy implication identified by the study is that unexpected outcomes, such as the controversy dealt with herein, can only be avoided by understanding the historical context of an industry when the government develops and promotes the relevant policies for the industry. Moreover, the study will explore possible research directions in the future.

Between 2002 and 2006, an ongoing conflict surrounding Umeå-based biotech company UmanGenomics and the Medical Biobank at Umeå University played out in the media. The conflict involved researchers, business leaders, politicians, the university board, journalists and the general public. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the public media-mediated conflict surrounding UmanGenomics and Medical Biobank from a media and communication sciences perspective and thereby contribute to research into Science Journalism and media-mediated science-related conflicts. The questions examined by the study are as follows: how was the conflict portrayed in local and national newspapers, respectively, and how did these portrayals change over time? Were there any similarities, or was there any relationship between the media-mediated conflict and the »internal« debate, which are able to be traced via the events registered in Umeå University’s journal of daily events? Which parties elected to involve themselves in the conflict and did their descriptions of what happened differ? Were there any particular aspects of the conflict that were portrayed by the media as »failures«, and if so, what was it that was considered a failure? In total, 654 texts from the local and national media were analysed, as well as the university’s journal. The study has largely been carried out using quantitative content analysis, supplemented by general argumentation analysis. The study’s theoretical bases are taken from research on the relationship between science and the media, from rhetoric research, but also from Science and Technology Studies (STS) in a broader sense. This dissertation shows that the conflict was reported on differently depending on the newspaper’s proximity to the conflict itself, and on which arena the conflict was played out in. This also demonstrates that the conflict, most especially as played out in local news coverage, can be divided into different phases. While the media reports include many instances of those involved laying blame at each other’s feet, it is the market and the conflict that are considered to have been the primary factors in UmanGenomics’ ultimate demise. This study presents five suggestions as to what lessons can be learnt from this media-mediated conflict. The first is that the conflict provides an example of mutual exploitation: the media exploited the events surrounding the conflict in order to produce newsworthy, sensational and descriptive stories. Whereas within the university, the main figures embroiled in the conflict used the media as a front to either introduce or support their own points of view. The second is that the conflict should have given the »university world« an inducement to discuss media strategies and its transparency policies in greater depth. The third suggestion is that the media’s ability to make citizens’ opinions on science-related questions heard is problematic. Fourthly, many of those involved used the conflict to try to position themselves in relation to a rival counterpart, rather than to try to provide the general public with a clear and accurate picture of the conflict. Finally, it is suggested that the use of the »goldmine« metaphor, used to refer to both UmanGenomics and Medical Biobank, may have played a part in limiting media debate on the issue within the confines of a certain type of rhetoric.

Throughout much of Christian history, the church had predominant control over religious ritual and belief. As early as the 1st Century, institutions representing "orthodoxy" were banning, forbidding or destroying the "heretical", separating it from what eventually would become canon and religious practice. The 21st Century provides new ways for spiritual knowledge to spread, bypassing traditional methods. Modern Martin Luthers can nail a manifesto to an internet door while the media's obsession with non-canonical texts provides no shortage of material for movies and television. A multi-media barrage challenges orthodox concepts and scriptural definition, often blurring the line between religion and entertainment. The initial clash between the churches and media has evolved over the last century to a point where the media may now produce beneficial results, educating many who may have either left the church or never joined it.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse à la portée et aux limites de la participation publique à la gestion des ressources naturelles. Plus spécifiquement, une étude du cas de la Commission Coulombe est réalisée afin de déterminer, d’une part, dans quelle mesure la participation délibérative a favorisé l’émergence de nouveaux discours et quels ont été ses effets politiques, d’autre part. L’argumentation se fonde sur une approche discursive-institutionnelle et, plus précisément, sur la notion d’arrangement politique développé par Bas Arts et Pieter Leroy. L’étude de la Commission Coulombe révèle que la participation délibérative a permis de renforcer la légitimité des institutions étatiques, elle a encouragé l’émergence de préoccupations et de notions nouvelles, elle a eu des effets sur l’élaboration des règles, des politiques et des programmes et a permis une certaine redéfinition des rapports de pouvoirs entre les acteurs du régime forestier québécois. Ses effets sont cependant ambivalents en termes de démocratisation de la gestion publique. Les pouvoirs publics ont utilisé la Commission pour rétablir leur crédibilité, justifier des décisions impopulaires et faire avancer les grandes orientations du gouvernement. De plus, les acteurs qui ont acquis le plus de pouvoir et les enjeux qui ont émergés de façon la plus marquée sont ceux qui étaient favorisés par le contexte politique de modernisation de l’État québécois. / This master’s thesis addresses the scope and limits of public participation in the management of natural resources. More precisely, a case study of the Commission Coulombe is made to determine, on one hand, how deliberative participation has encouraged the emergence of new discourses and what the political effects of this recognition were. The theoretical approach underlying the argument made in this dissertation is both discursive and institutional. It is based on Bas Arts and Pieter Leroy’s “political arrangement” notion. The analysis of the Coulombe Commission reveals that deliberative participation reinforced the legitimacy of state institutions, encouraged the emergence of new concerns and concepts, had effects on the elaboration of rules, policies and programs and fostered – to an extent – a redefinition of the power relations among the actors of Québec’s forest regime. However, its effects on the democratization of public management remain limited. Government officials made use of the Coulombe Commission to reestablish their credibility, to justify unpopular decisions and push forward the principal orientations of their government. Furthermore, the social actors who gained the most power and the issues who became prominent are those who were advantaged by Québec’s political agenda of state modernization.

Cette recherche porte sur la controverse médiatique entourant le projet de loi HADOPI en France, à compter du dépôt du rapport Olivennes en novembre 2007 jusqu’à son adoption définitive en octobre 2009, loi qui vise à développer l’offre légale d’œuvres culturelles sur Internet, en régulant les pratiques de téléchargement. Durant ces deux années, HADOPI a fait l’objet de maintes discussions, de débats et de négociations sur les activités des internautes ayant recours à ces nouveaux modes de consommation de la musique sur Internet, entre autres. L’étude porte sur un corpus d’articles journalistiques des principales institutions médiatiques françaises, tant la presse généraliste quotidienne qu’hebdomadaire. Son cadre théorique s’inspire essentiellement des travaux du sociologue français Michel Callon et sa notion de cadrage (framing) qui suppose qu’un problème identifié à un environnement donné est avant tout défini et pris en charge par des acteurs spécifiques à cet environnement. Je défends l’idée que l’adoption définitive de la loi HADOPI repose sur un processus de négociations complexe, dont les points de vue dans les discours de presse semblent être organisés en deux camps par les médias, les « pour » et les « contre ». La définition de la situation du point de vue d’un « camp » comme de l’autre évoque les principaux constats de la controverse médiatique selon les intervenants concernés. / This research explores the media controversy about the HADOPI law project in France, from its inception in November 2007 until its final adoption in October 2009, in particular surrounding illegal downloading activity. During those two years, HADOPI was the subject of a series of discussions, debates, arguments and negotiations about those activities. This study analyzes media articles from major French media institutions using popular papers from the daily and weekly press. The theoretical framework is based on Michel Callon’s notion of framing, according to which an issue identified in a specific context is defined by specific actors from this environment. I also argue that the adoption of the HADOPI law was the result of a complex process of negotiation, and the points of view are split into pros and cons camps for and against, by each media outlet. The definition of the context from one camp or the other presents the media controversy’s assessments from the actors involved.

Ce mémoire vise à décrire et comprendre comment les controverses publiques se manifestent et s’accomplissent par les pratiques communicationnelles des membres d’un organisme communautaire de défense des droits des personnes gaies, lesbiennes, bisexuelles, transsexuelles et transgenre (LGBT). Après un bref survol historique de la notion de controverse publique et l’étude de son emploi dans les littératures spécialisées (sociologie des sciences, études rhétoriques, sciences de la gestion), je propose d’adopter une vision processuelle de la controverse publique qui la conçoit comme un accomplissement communicationnel. Pour rendre compte de cet accomplissement dans la communication, une ethnographie de quatre mois fut menée au sein d’un organisme communautaire de défense des droits des personnes LGBT. L’analyse effectuée permet d’expliquer en particulier comment des activistes se passionnent pour un enjeu et entreprennent une action politique; elle détaille les problèmes d’alignement qui en résultent et qui nourrissent des controverses publiques variées, telle que la reconnaissance légale et sociale des transsexuels. / This thesis aims to describe and understand how public controversies are manifested and accomplished through the communicative practices of advocates for the rights of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transsexuals and transgenders (LGBT). After a brief historical overview of the concept of public controversy and the study of its use in specialized literatures (sociology of science, rhetorical studies, management science), I propose to adopt a processual view of public controversy conceived as a communicative accomplishment. To account for this communicative accomplishment, a four-month ethnography was conducted in a community-based organization that defends the rights of LGBT people. The analysis helps to explain how activists become passionate about an issue and undertake political action. It details problems of alignment that result from various public controversies, such as legal and social recognition of transsexuals. / Ce mémoire fut financé par le Département de communication de communication de l'Université de Montréal et le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (CRSH).

Moralės normatyvumo problema yra klausimas, kas pagrindžia moralės mums keliamus reikalavimus ir iš kur jie kyla. Šiame darbe teigiama, jog Christinos Korsgaard neokantiškas atsakas į normatyvumo klausimą yra sėkmingas: kantiškos prielaidos leido Korsgaard produktyviai suformuluoti normatyvumo klausimą, o šių prielaidų sintezė su psichologine praktinės tapatybės koncepcija leidžia vertinti Korsgaard normatyvumo problemos sprendimą kaip novatorišką ir bene sėkmingiausią neokantišką atsaką. Pirma, Korsgaard koncepcija sėkminga būtent dėl neokantiškų prielaidų – tai išryškėja internalizmo / eksternalizmo kontroversijos kontekste. Eksternalistai padalija pagrindimo bei motyvavimo funkcijas atitinkamai įsitikinimui ir troškimui, todėl teorinio reikalavimų pagrindimo sėkmė nelemia motyvacinės sėkmės: ryšys tarp jų atsitiktinis. Didžioji dalis internalistų (intuityvistai, ekspresyvistai, neohiumininkai) moralinių sprendinių pagrindimą laiko neįmanomu iš principo. Neokantiškos pozicijos pamatinė orientacija į pagrindimo užduotį ir proto funkcijų samprata, įgalinanti būtiną ryšį tarp diskursyvaus pagrindimo bei motyvacijos veiksmui, leidžia jiems bene vieninteliams iš kontroversijos dalyvių matyti normatyvumo klausimą kaip prasmingą ir į jį atsakyti. Antra, Korsgaard neokantiškas atsakas sėkmingas dėl to, kad susidoroja su Kanto etikos trūkumais: neredukuoja normatyvumo į formalųjį jo aspektą. Kantiškoje tradicijoje pamatinis veikėjo autonomijos normatyvumas perkeliamas tam tikriems... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Problem of moral normativity is a question of what justifies the claims that morality makes on us and of their source. In this thesis we claim that the answer to this problem proposed by Ch. Korsgaard is a success as a Kantian account. First, the analysis of the internalism / externalism controversy lets us to conclude, that the success of Korsgaard’s conception of normativity was granted, first of all, by its Neo-Kantian premisses. Externalists split justificatory and motivational functions between resp. belief and desire therefore, theoretical success of justifying moral claims does not by itself lead to motivational success: the relation between the two is purely contingent. The majority on the internalist side though (intuitionists, expressivists, the neo-Humeans) consider moral judgements impossible to justify in principle. Therefore, only the Neo-Kantians are able to treat the problem of normativity as a meaningful question and to give an adequate account of it. What enables them is the Neo-Kantian orientation to the task of justification and their conception of the functions of reason, which assures the necessary relation between the discursive justification and the motivation to act. Second, the Neo-Kantian reply by Korsgaard is successful as a solution to the difficulties which the Kantian ethics meets: she does not reduce normativity to its formal aspect only. In the Neo-Kantian tradition the essential autonomy of the agent is transferred to certain fundamental... [to full text]