in English The object of this diploma thesis is to answer the question, how can international organizations (UN, Council of Europe and OSCE) effectively regulate conflicts among their member states, or which instruments are they for this purpose equipped with. The thesis is divided into three main parts - theoretical study, part dedicated to the individual international organizations and the case study. The first part offers a definition of basic legal concepts, as they will be used in the following parts of the study with an emphasis on the definition of the concept "coercion". The following part deals with the instruments of coercion the international organizations are equipped with. In the third part are the findings from the previous parts confronted with a real case of the effort to regulate the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Nagorno Karabakh. This structure of the thesis can be also described as a progress from a theoretic basis, through an applied theory contained in particular agreements, to their practical realization in the concrete case. Based on the completed study the author concludes that unilateral instruments of coercion, that the particular organizations have at their disposal, are often not appropriate (exclusion from organization), ineffective (political declaration)...

<p>In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values.</p><p>The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.</p>

In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values. The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.

L’objet de cette étude porte exclusivement sur le droit à un environnement sain en droit européen tel qu’il est décliné par les deux grands ordres juridiques européens, constitutifs de ce droit, à savoir celui du Conseil de l’Europe et celui de l’Union européenne. Il apparait fondamental de comprendre comment ces deux ordres juridiques à la fois complémentaires mais aussi concurrents peuvent se saisir de manière similaire ou au contraire sensiblement différente du grand enjeu que constitue le droit à un environnement sain. Le choix d’étudier le droit à un environnement dans un contexte européen est justifié par l’approche inédite offerte par le droit européen en tant que champ d’analyse. En effet, les deux organisations et leurs ordres juridiques respectifs, l’Union européenne et le Conseil de l’Europe, sont deux systèmes qui œuvrent différemment, qui sont animées par des objectifs singuliers mais qui n’excluent pas pour autant certains rapprochements. Ainsi le droit à un environnement sain en Europe est le plus souvent appréhendé sous deux angles distincts. D’un côté, l’angle « droit de l’hommiste » très privilégié par le Conseil de l’Europe qui revendique son rôle de pionnier dans la protection des droits de l’homme, de la démocratie et de l’État de droit. D’un autre côté, l’Union européenne, conçue d’abord comme une Union économique et qui est une organisation qui reste fondamentalement animée par des objectifs économiques. Certes, l’UE défend et protège aussi les droits de l’homme. Mais l’environnement sain ou le niveau de protection élevé de l’environnement qui constitue son corolaire est plus fréquemment confronté aux libertés fondamentales garanties par l’UE, en particulier la libre circulation dans le cadre du marché intérieur. Cette balance entre approche droit de l’homme et approche marché intérieur est très spécifique au droit de l’Union. Le droit européen sera étudié dans une approche systémique, c’est-à-dire en tant que processus de production des normes. Cette singularité du droit européen à l’environnement sain et sa dynamique méritent d’être appréhendées tant du point de vue de la reconnaissance de droit que de sa mise en œuvre, dont on verra qu’elle est animée par des ressorts propres à chacune des grandes organisations, mais qui ne sont pas forcément exclusifs les uns des autres. / The subject of this study focuses exclusively on the right to a healthy environment in European law as it is defined by the two major European legal systems which constitute this right: Council of Europe and European Union. It seems fundamental to understand how these two complementary but also competing legal orders can be seized in a similar way or, on the contrary, significantly different from the great challenge of the right to a healthy environment. The choice to study the right to an environment in a European context is justified by the special approach offered by European law as a field of analysis. Indeed, the two organizations and their respective legal orders, the European Union and the Council of Europe, are two systems that work differently, which are driven by singular objectives but which do not exclude certain reconciliations. Thus the right to a healthy environment in Europe is most often apprehended from two different approaches. On the one hand, the "droit de l’hommiste" angle, very much favored by the Council of Europe, which claims its pioneering role in the protection of human rights, democracy and the rule of law . On the other hand, the European Union, first conceived as an Economic Union and an organization that remains fundamentally driven by economic objectives. Of course, the EU also defends and protects human rights. But the healthy environment or the high level of environmental protection that is its corollary is more frequently confronted with fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the EU, in particular freedom of movement within the framework of the internal market. This balance between the human right approach and the internal market approach is very specific to EU law. European law will be studied in a systemic approach: process of norm production. This specificity of European law to the healthy environment and its dynamics deserve to be apprehended both from the point of view of the recognition of right and its implementation, which we will see that it is animated by springs specific to each of organizations, but which are not necessarily exclusive of each other.

Notre thèse a pour thème l'émergence de l`objet social « violence domestique » et sa nomination dans le discours du Conseil de l`Europe en français. L'analyse est menée sur un corpus de textes officiels et préparatoires rédigés entre 1985, date de la première recommandation sur la violence au sein de la famille, et 2008, année d'achèvement de la Campagne pour combattre la violence à l`égard des femmes, y compris la violence domestique. La nomination est appréhendée comme une pratique à la fois reflétant la réalité sociale et contribuant à la construire. La valeur sociale et institutionnelle de violence domestique est analysée à partir d`une comparaison avec l`usage et la distribution des fréquences d`autres désignations très fréquentes en corpus [violence au sein de la famille et violence conjugale]. Désignations et définitions construisent discursivement la « violence domestique » en tenant compte des contraintes d`une organisation universaliste, dont l'objectif est de diffuser le respect des droits humains aussi bien dans la sphère publique que dans la sphère privée en dépassant les particularismes culturels ou géographiques de ses États membres. Le discours du Conseil de l`Europe est aussi traversé par la mémoire du discours militant féministe qui a permis de dévoiler la violence privée comme étant un des effets de la domination masculine sur les femmes. Au carrefour entre sémantique lexicale et analyse du discours, l`émergence de violence domestique en 1998 et sa diffusion comme dénomination officielle entre 2002 et 2008 sont observées comme relevant de son caractère vague et inclusif mais aussi des effets d`interférence de l`anglais sur le français dans le cadre du discours des institutions internationales. / Our thesis deals with the emergence and the naming of the social object domestic violence within the discourse of the Council of Europe. The analysis is carried out on a corpus of French versions of official and preparatory documents ranging from 1985's first recommendation on family violence to the end of 2006-2008's Campaign to Combat Violence Against Women, Including Domestic Violence. Naming is apprehended as an activity of both reflection and construction of social reality. The social and institutional value of names is analyzed on the basis of a comparison between the uses and the distribution of frequencies of violence domestique and of other most frequent items such as violence au sein de la famille and violence conjugale.Names and definitions discursively construct domestic violenceŗ according to the role and the constraints of a universalistic international organization whose aim is to institute an area of respect of human rights both in the public and in the private sphere by going beyond the cultural and geographic specificities of each of its member states. The discourse of the Council of Europe is also influenced by the discursive memory of feminist discourses which first unveiled private violence as a consequence of masculine dominance over women.By intersecting lexical semantics and discourse analysis, the emergence of violence domestique in 1998 and its spreading as an official denomination between 2002 and 2008 are observed as a result of semantic features such as its vagueness and inclusiveness but also as an effect of linguistic interference of English over French which often occurs in the discourse of international organizations.

Le sport européen est à la veille d'un bouleversement quant à sa prise en compte par le droit de l'UE et par le droit de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. Le constat du chevauchement de normes et de référentiels juridiques différents produisant des effets sur les sanctions infligées au « sportif citoyen européen » conduit à la répétition de difficultés relatives à la violation des principes d'égalité de traitement et d'intégrité des compétitions sportives. Cette thèse démontre la nécessité d'une européanisation des sanctions infligées au « sportif citoyen européen », et propose une réflexion sur les instruments juridiques de droit souple et de droit dur - existants ou à exploiter - susceptibles de répondre à cet objectif d'européanisation. L'originalité des travaux réside d'abord dans la réalisation d'enquêtes de terrain, puis dans le développement et les modifications à venir d'instruments de droit souple ou de droit dur existants, aux fins de combattre les atteintes aux principes précités en contribuant, de diverses façons, à l'européanisation des sanctions dans le domaine des activités sportives / European sport is on the verge of an upheaval as to its consideration by EU law and by the law of the European Convention on Human Rights. The finding of overlapping standards and different legal frameworks producing effects on the sanctions on the "European citizen athlete" leads to the repetition of difficulties relating to the infringement of the principles of equal treatment and of integrity of sport competitions. This thesis demonstrates the need for Europeanisation of sanctions imposed on the "European citizen athlete", and develops a reflection on the legal instruments of soft law and hard law - existing or to be developed - that may be of interest to meet that objective of Europeanisation. The originality of the work primarily lies in conducting field surveys, and secondly in the development and future changes in instruments of soft law or hard law existing for the purpose of combating violations of these principles, by contributing in various ways, to the Europeanisation of sanctions in the field of sports

Small and medium sized enterprises constitute an overwhelming majority of all companies in the economy. They are the resource of the growth of GDP, innovation and significantly contribute to the employment. Representatives of the European Union are aware of the important role which these companies play and they try to create the most convenient and optimal business environment. The small and medium sized enterprises are supported through institutions such as Czechinvest and the ČMZRB which receive funds from structural funds of the European Union and the state budget. In my thesis I made evaluation of the projects of the SME Finance Facility program under which subsidy and credit lines were granted to the ČMZRB and various leasing companies. Finance was provided from various european development banks and were intended to grant the loans and leasings with better conditions than loans and leasings from unsubsidized banks. Based on the results from the survey I came to a conclusion that the program was relevant only to a certain extent because companies had significant alternative opportunities of financing their investment projects.

Le Conseil de l'Europe est la première organisation internationale à avoir intégré l'acteur infra-étatique dans son action. À travers l'institution de la Conférence permanente des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux, devenue plus tard Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux, organe pleinement consacré à l'échelon infra-étatique, le Conseil a réussi à octroyer une place institutionnelle particulière aux collectivités territoriales au sein de l'organisation. En même temps, le Conseil dispose de tout un système intergouvernementale, composée des comités et des conférences ministérielles qui s'occupent des sujets relatifs à l'autonomie et à la démocratie locale. De son appareil fonctionnel, il ne reste que la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme qui semble fermer la voie d'accès aux collectivités territoriales en les assimilant à des organisations gouvernementales, rejetant ainsi leur recours. Mais, tel n'est pas le cas de l'Union européenne qui a adopté un comportement différent envers les entités infra-étatiques selon le type de recours. Le Comité des régions, organe équivalent au Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux au niveau de l'Union européenne, semble s'orienter vers les aspects économiques du développement de l'acteur plutôt régional. En outre, hormis la dimension institutionnelle, le Conseil de l'Europe a également démontré une grande activité normative, en élaborant des textes qui traitent les activités des collectivités territoriales et mettent l'autonomie locale au cœur des diverses politiques pluridisciplinaires de l'Etat. L'autonomie locale devient ainsi une notion multi-facettes dont la nature juridique mérite d'être examinée, afin de vérifier si elle pourrait constituer un droit fondamental et acquérir, par conséquent, le niveau de protection qui lui convient. / The Council of Europe is the first international organization to have integrated the sub-state actor in its action. Through the European Conference of local authorities, which later became the Congress of local and regional authorities and which is a body that focuses entirely on issues at the sub-state level, the Council of Europe pays particular attention to local and regional authorities. In parallel, the Council of Europe has set up an intergoverrunental mechanism composed by ministerial committees and· conferences, which are in charge of local self-government and local democracy-related issues. It is only the European Court of human rights that seems to black access for territorial communities by assimilating them to goverrunental organizations and thus rejecting their appeals. However this is not the case for the European Union, which treats sub-state entities differently, depending on their appeal type. The Committee of the Regions, which is an equivalent organ to the Congress of local and regional authorities in the framework of the European Union, seems to be more interested in the financial aspects of regional development. Putting aside the institutional dimension of the Congress of local and regional authorities, the Council of Europe shows an important standard-setting activity by elaborating conventions conceming the territorial communities' issues and it places local self-government in the heart of diverse state policies. Thus, local self-government has become a multifaceted notion, the legal nature of which needs to be examined in order to explore the possibility of constituting a fundamental right requiring protection. Over time, the Council of Europe has developed concrete mechanisms to control the respect of the local self-government commitments made by the member-states.

This diploma thesis deals with the process of the formation of the Latvian Citizenship Law in the context of European integration. The main aim of the thesis is to analyze the influence of European organization (primarily the Council of Europe, the European Union and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) on the law creation and the approval of its amendments. The aim of the study is also to analyze how the representatives of the Russian Federation influenced the process of law creation and its changes. Latvia was annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940, it remained its part until 1991. During the Soviet period, many Russian-speaking people moved to the territory of Latvia. Latvian citizenship law from 1994 was highly restrictive, it was based on the principle of legal continuity between interwar Latvia and restored Latvia after 1991. Therefore, the law only restored citizenship, which meant that only people who had been citizens before 1940 were granted automatic citizenship. Many inhabitants of restored Latvia, especially Russian speaking inhabitants, remained without citizenship. There was a possibility to acquire citizenship through the naturalization process, but the pace of the naturalization was too slow due to the system of so-called "naturalization windows". The system...

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