Quid d’un principe constitutionnel concernant l’organisation institutionnelle de l’État, tel que la séparation des pouvoirs, dans la jurisprudence d’une cour internationale des droits de l’homme, telle que la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme ? S’il serait audacieux de prouver que le juge de Strasbourg applique une certaine théorie de séparation des pouvoirs, il est pourtant pertinent de répondre à la question de savoir si les solutions adoptées par le juge européen des droits de l’homme dessinent une vision cohérente de ce que doivent, selon lui, être les relations entre les pouvoirs. En outre, il ne faut pas faire abstraction du fait que la théorie de la séparation des pouvoirs telle qu’elle est conçue dans l’État libéral contemporain n’implique la consécration que d’un socle minimal de solutions soit acquis. / What of the idea that a constitutional principle concerning the institutional organization of the State, such as the separation of powers, could be found in the jurisprudence of an international court of human rights, namely the European Court of Human Rights ? Even if it were to be audacious to prove that the judges of the Strasbourg Court apply a precise theory of separation of powers, it, nonetheless remains relevant to answer the question whether the solutions adopted by the aforementioned judges outline a coherent vision of what should be, in their view, the relations between the branches of government. Yet, one should always bear in mind that the theory of the separation of powers, as conceived in the contemporary liberal State, implies the consecration of only a minimum nucleus of solutions.

La non-discrimination est une notion en constante évolution. Elle se doit d’être réceptive aux nouvelles formes discriminatoires vécues par les travailleurs afin de garantir un niveau de protection juridique conforme aux exigences internationales et nationales. En ce sens, les discriminations multiples sont un parfait exemple. Il s’agit de situations dans lesquelles interviennent et interagissent plusieurs motifs prohibés. Or, le concept de discriminations multiples, issu des sciences sociales, n’est théorisé en droit que depuis les années 1980. Si elles sont inconnues du droit positif, la doctrine et la pratique tendent à souligner la nécessité de leur reconnaissance juridique. Saisies par le droit du travail, elles posent de nombreuses questions quant à leur définition et leur mise en oeuvre. Leur étude va permettre de délivrer une approche différente de l’exigence de non-discrimination en droit du travail mais également des objectifs de diversité en entreprise. / Anti-discrimination law is always evolving. It must be receptive to new types of discrimination against workers to guarantee a level of legal protection consistent with international and national standards. In that sense, multiple discriminations are a perfect example. They take place when several protected characteristics occur and interact with each other. The concept of multiple discriminations arises from social sciences but has only been legally theorized since the 80s. If French law does not consider them, jurisprudence and practice tends to underline the necessity of a legal acknowledgment. Seized by employment law, multiple discriminations pose many questions with regard to their definition and implementation. Nonetheless, studying them offers a different approach to the duty to not discriminate at work, and to insuring diversity in the workplace.

Au-delà de l’instabilité qui la caractérise, la mise en état des affaires pénales s’illustre par sa métamorphose. A mesure de la multiplication des modes de traitement de la délinquance et de l’enrichissement des possibilités d’investigation en enquête de police, celle qui ne devait être qu’un préalable à l’ouverture d’une information judiciaire s’impose comme le cadre ordinaire dans un système qui n’avait pas été pensé pour elle. En résultent un recul des droits de la défense et du juge auxquels ni une vision d’ensemble de la procédure, ni les dernières réformes, pour une large partie inspirées des droits européens, n’ont pleinement pallié. Mettre les implications de la montée en puissance de l’enquête de police à l’épreuve des droits européens fait ressortir différents motifs d’inquiétude sur la pleine compatibilité du système actuel avec les standards supranationaux. Ils viennent ainsi au soutien d’aménagements promus tant par la doctrine que par des praticiens pour remédier au déséquilibre constaté. Si la mise en conformité du droit interne doit servir de guide aux ajustements préconisés, ces derniers doivent néanmoins être examinés à la lumière de leur simplications sur le système vu dans son ensemble. Le souci de cohérence encouragerait à promouvoir des solutions plus mesurées, combinant à un renforcement relatif des droits durant l’enquête de police, une articulation des cadres procéduraux d’investigation centrée sur le renforcement du contrôle du juge. La perspective de l’intégration d’un Parquet européen, dont la création a été formellement actée le 12 octobre 2017, et qui se caractérise par sa perméabilité avec les ordres juridiques nationaux, rend ces propositions précaires. Les ajustements que son intégration supposera soulèveront à court ou moyen terme, la question d’une recomposition de la mise en état des affaires pénales, favorable à la restauration de son équilibre et de sa cohérence. / Beyond the inconstancy which defines the pre-trial phase of proceedings, it is characterised by its metamorphosis. Because of the multiplication of ways of dealing with delinquency and the increasing possibilities of police inquiry, the pre-trial phase of proceedings, which should have been just a precondition to the preliminary judicial investigation, turns out to be the common framework, in a system not built for it. It leads to the decline of the rights of defence and of the judge. Neither a global perspective of the procedure nor the last reforms, for the most part inspired by European laws, fully overcame it. Confronting the consequences of police inquiry increasing with European rights, highlights several concerns on the full compatibility of the current system with the supranational standards. They support accommodations, encouraged by the searchers as well as the professionals, to solve observed imbalances. If the compliance of French law must guide the recommended adjustments, they should be reviewed in the light of their impacts on the global system, where inquiry and information still coexist. The will of consistency may encourage to promote more measured solutions, combining a moderate strengthening of the rights during police inquiries to an articulation of the investigation proceedings frameworks, focused on a reinforced control of the judge. The perspective of the integration of an European Public Prosecutor’s Office, which creation was formally acknowledged October 12th 2017, characterised by its openness to other national legal systems, makes these propositions uncertain. At short or medium term, adjustments ensued by its integration will lead to rethink the pre-trial phase of proceedings, to ensure its balance and consistency.

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.

Within the context of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments the recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders is unique. By reason of the fact that custody orders are always modifiable "in the best interests of the child" they cannot be regarded as final orders and are thus not capable of recognition and enforcement on the same basis as final orders. The failure of courts to afford foreign custody orders recognition and enforcement in the normal course has created the potential for a person deprived of the custody of a child to remove the child from the jurisdiction of a court rendering a custody order to another jurisdiction within which he or she may seek a new, more favourable order. This potential for behaviour in contempt of an existing order has been exploited by numerous parents who feel aggrieved by custody orders. The problem of parental child snatching has escalated to such a degree that the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction was drawn up to introduce uniform measures amongst member states to address this problem. Despite being a meaningful step in the fight against international child abduction the Hague Convention does not fully resolve the problem. For this reason other measures have been suggested to supplement the Convention. The different approaches taken in South Africa, the United Kingdom, Australia and the United States of America to recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders and the measures to overcome the problem of international child abduction are examined and a comparative methodology applied to the design of a model approach for South Africa. The object of this model is to permit the South African courts to address the international child abduction problem without falling prey to any of the pitfalls experienced elsewhere in the legal systems examined. / Law / LL.D.

År 2005 inleddes förhandlingar med Turkiet gällande medlemskap i Europeiska Unionen, detta efter en synnerligen lång process av anpassningar från den turkiska sidan. I den svenska riksdagen jublades det från höger till vänster då man enligt egen utsago länge varit en förkämpe för Turkiets inkorporering i den europeiska gemenskapen. Slutligen skulle Turkiet, detta stora muslimska land i öst en gång ansett som ett av de största hoten mot Västerlandet bli en del av detsamma; men kan man i realiteten bli det? Ser Västerlandet i allmänhet och Sverige i synnerhet verkligen på Turkiet som på vilket annat land som helst, eller bär orden inom diskursen på djupt rotade föreställningar om landet? Det är detta som studien utifrån ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av Edward Saids Orientalism och den postkoloniala teoribildningen ämnar behandla; kan man i den svenska politiska diskursen kring Turkiet finna spår av föreställningar hemmahörande i kolonialismen och orientalismen? Turkiet har inte ett lika tydligt kolonialt förflutet som många andra länder; inte heller har Sverige någon djupt gående historia av kolonialism på det direkta viset. Att då applicera teorier tydligt förknippade med och sprungna ur kolonialismen som maktfenomen på dessa länder kan te sig något avigt; denna uppsats menar motsatsen. Det viktiga här är att se bortom kolonialismen som explicit politisk maktutövning och istället inrikta sig på den koloniala maktstrukturen och imperialismen denna medförde; som vi kommer att se påverkas långt fler av efterdyningarna av kolonialismen än bara de direkt berörda parterna. Det är de föreställningar som en global imperialistisk makstruktur skapar som är det centrala i denna studie, och det faktum att dessa tränger igenom politiska, sociala och kulturella gränser, och på så sätt skapar en distinkt diskurs av vilken allt som sägs och produceras i ämnet är en del. Edward Said kallar dylika tankesystem för bojor smidda av tanken; smids dessa bojor även här i Sverige, i själva symbolen för den svenska folkviljan, riksdagen, och är det vi själva som smider dem, omedvetet fångade i en diskursiv ordning? Syftet med studien är att undersöka den svenska politiken förd i riksdagen gentemot Turkiet under den valda tidsperioden utifrån de teoretiska perspektiven postkolonialism och orientalism, det senare definierat av Edward W. Said i dennes magnum opus betitlat Orientalism.Konkret ger detta vid handen att ambitionen med studien är tudelad; det finns dels en strävan av deskriptiv karaktär, och dels en av mer analytisk art. Den deskriptiva delen av studien ämnar redogöra för och beskriva riksdagsdebatten gällande Turkiet, utifrån de nedslag som har valts för studien, med fokus på Turkiet i den europeiska kontexten och frågan kring Turkiets eventuella medlemskap i Europeiska Unionen. Vidare ämnar den analytiska, eller teoriapplicerande, delen av studien undersöka om det finns fog för tanken, vilken även utgör studiens grundhypotes, att den svenska politiska diskursen kring, med fokus på framställningen och bilden av, Turkiet, bär spår av en orientalistisk, postkolonialistisk och imperialistisk tankestruktur. Liksom syftet kan studiens frågeställningar delas upp i mer deskriptiva och mer analytiska, eller teoriapplicerande, frågeställningar. Hur har den svenska riksdagsdebatten gällande Turkiet i den europeiska kontexten sett ut från början av 1980-talet fram till idag? Kan man i denna debatt finna spår av en orientalistisk, postkolonial och imperialistisk tankestruktur, och i så fall på vilka sätt?

La recherche dans le domaine des maladies sans traitement existant obéit à plusieurs impératifs définis par le législateur européen dans le règlement (CE) n° 141/2000 du 16 décembre 1999 concernant les médicaments orphelins. Les patients atteints de maladies rares et négligées ont le droit à « la même qualité de traitement que les autres » ce qui suppose de prendre les mesures d'incitation nécessaires pour « promouvoir la recherche, le développement et la commercialisation de traitements adéquats ». C'est un « domaine prioritaire ». Après avoir désigné les médicaments concernés, l'Union européenne veut « éviter la dispersion de ressources limitées » notamment par la promotion d'une « coopération transnationale ». Dans une démarche téléologique, cette recherche décrit les effets de la législation européenne sans ignorer la réception de ce droit par les États membres. Des fondements théoriques à même d'assurer une meilleure performativité du droit et des propositions concrètes en vue de conformer le droit positif à l'intention du législateur et aux attentes des parties prenantes sont proposés. En se focalisant sur le seul levier de la propriété intellectuelle, ce droit spécial et incitatif ne semble pas en mesure d'apporter aux patients la plupart des traitements attendus. La régulation de la concurrence et la compétence nationale sur le prix des médicaments perpétuent un seuil de rentabilité éloignant de nombreuses recherches de la phase du développement. L'accès aux médicaments orphelins demeure très restreint. Un changement de paradigme dans la construction de ce droit apparaît nécessaire afin qu'un modèle économique favorable se mette en place. Il convient que le profit des pharmaciens de l'industrie ne dépende plus de la conquête de parts de marché, mais de l'intérêt de leurs inventions pour les besoins de santé non satisfaits. / Research in the field of diseases without an existing treatment is governed by several requirements defined by the European legislator in Regulation (CE) No 141/2000 of 16 December 1999 on orphan medicinal products. Patients with rare and neglected diseases have the right to "the same quality of treatment as other patients" which means taking the necessary incentives to stimulate research, development and bringing to the market of appropriate medications". It is a "priority area". After designating the drugs concerned, the European Union wants to "avoid the dispersion of limited resources", in particular by promoting "cross national co-operation". In a teleological approach, this research analyses the positive law endeavouring to implement the objectives of Orphan Drug Law. It describes the effects of European legislation without ignoring the receipt of this law by the Member States. Theoretical foundations that can ensure a better performativity of the law, as well as concrete proposals to conform the positive law to the intention of the legislator and to the stakeholders' wills are proposed. By focusing solely on the leverage of intellectual property rights, this special and incentive law does not seem to be able to provide patients with many of the expected treatments. Competition regulation and setting of the price which is a national competency perpetuate a high profitability threshold, often withholding research projects from reaching the development phase. Access to orphan drugs remains very limited. A paradigm shift in the construction of this law appears necessary in order for a favorable economic model to emerge. The profit of the industry's pharmacists should no longer depend on the conquest of market shares, but on the value of their inventions for unmet health needs.

The thesis is focused on the examination of the scope of Article 14 of the European Convention of Human Rights, theoretical framework, and legal basis of the concept of discrimination. The paper presents an analysis of the caselaw of the European Court on Human Rights, how the latter operationalises the issue of inequality, and which inaccuracies of interpretation it leaves. The primary aim is to challenge the system of protection against discrimination under the Article 14 as well as the role of the national actors in its development. The thesis examines the level of compliance among signatories of the Convention with its anti- discriminatory provisions and focuses on the individual capacities of the states to satisfy judgements of the European Court on Human Rights. The usage of the comparative approach also helps to analyse the role of local non-governmental organisations in the process of compliance with human rights obligations under the Convention among signatories. The thesis aims to show why the level of protection against discrimination differs from the one country to another and which obstacles they face on the path towards the respect for human rights.

(Prohibition on discrimination in international law of protection of human rights) The purpose of this thesis is definition of concept of human rights, equality and discrimination, explanation of principle of equal treatment and their reflection in present time. From general definitions, I gradually step towards the aplication of these terms in international law, legislation on regional level within Europe and at the end, implementation of principle of equal rights and prohibition on discrimination in law of Slovak Republic. The most extensive part is dedicated to issues of antidiscrimination from the perspective of the United Nations and pose its basic instruments that are used for promoting equality and fight against discrimination. The UN, within its activity, adopted a large number of international conventions explicitly focused on this issues since it was established. These documents became a pattern for additional conventions addopted within regional or internal law. Significant role in the field of fight against discrimination within the european region plays the Council of Europe. Convention on human rights and fundamental freedoms as a result of activity of this organisation is considered for basic pillar of protection against discrimination among european legal stanards. Compliance of the...

Money laundering involves activities which are aimed at concealing benefits that were acquired through criminal means for the purpose of making them appear legitimately acquired. Money laundering promotes criminal activities in South Africa because it allows criminals to keep the benefits that they acquired through their criminal activities. It takes place through a variety of schemes which include the use of banks. In this sense money laundering control is based on the premise that banks must be protected from providing criminals with the means to launder the benefits of their criminal activities. The Financial Intelligence Centre Act 38 of 2001 (‘FICA’) in aggregate with the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 (‘POCA’) form the backbone of South Africa’s anti-money laundering regime. Like its international counterparts FICA imposes onerous duties on banks seeing that they are most often used by criminals as conduits to launder the benefits of crime. In turn, POCA criminalises activities in relation to the benefits of crime and delineates civil proceedings aimed at forfeiting the benefits of crime to the state. This study identifies the idiosyncrasies of the South African anti-money laundering regime and forwards recommendations aimed at improving its structure. To this end nine issues in relation to money laundering control and banks are investigated. The investigation fundamentally reveals that money laundering control holds unforeseen consequences for banks. In particular, a bank that receives the benefits of crimes such as fraud or theft faces prosecution if it fails to heed FICA’s money laundering control duties, for example, the filing of a suspicious transaction report. However, if the bank files a suspicious transaction report, it may be sued in civil court by the customer for breach of contract. In addition, if the bank parted with the benefits of fraud or theft whilst suspecting that the account holder may not be entitled to payment thereof, it may be sued by the victim of fraud or theft who seeks to recover loss suffered at the hand of the fraudster or thief from the bank. Ultimately, this study illustrates that amendment of some of the provisions of South Africa’s anti-money laundering legislation should enable banks to manage the aforementioned and other unforeseen consequences of money laundering control whilst at the same time contribute to the South African anti-money laundering effort. / Criminal and Procedural Law / Mercantile Law / LL.D.