Thesis focuses on alternative sanctions as a way of solution of woman criminality. It describes woman criminality, its distinctiveness, by which this criminality differs from man criminality and it also introduces history of this field. It calls attention for special treatment of women, who are due to their anti-social behavior sent to prison and it lists specifics related to their imprisonment. It calls attention for problem of short-term imprisonment and need for finding alternative ways of offenders' punishments. It provides insight into the field of alternative sanctions and considering social role of woman it gives arguments for widening of applying alternative sanctions for this group of offenders. It tries to state in which ways this widening should be reached.

Utgångspunkten i studien är att den kriminalpolitiska debatten präglades av samhällsmedborgarna och att få hade pratat med de som jobbade med verkställande av straff. Syftet blev att undersöka hur kriminalvårdsanställda såg på längre fängelsestraff samt om deras inställning skiljde sig från allmänhetens. Vidare var syftet att undersöka vilka följder kriminalvårdare ansåg att längre fängelsestraff kunde få och om kriminalvårdares syn på straff hade förändrats i och med arbetet inom kriminalvården. Det empiriska materialet inhämtades genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med fem anställda inom kriminalvården. Materialet analyserades sedan genom kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultatet visade att allmänhetens och kriminalvårdarnas syn skiljdes åt bland annat genom inhämtning av kunskap om brott och inställningen till längre fängelsestraff. Slutsatsen blev att kriminalvården ansåg att längre fängelsestraff inte var den rätta vägen att gå, längden på straffet var inte det mest väsentliga, det var innehållet i straffet som var av högsta vikt. / We considered that those who were part of the criminal policy debate were characterized by citizens and no one had talked to those who are most central to it, thus those who work with these clients every day. Therefore, the purpose was to investigate how prison officers view punishment and whether their attitude differed from the public view. Furthermore, the purpose was to investigate what consequences prison officers consider that longer prison sentences could have and whether prison officers' views on punishment had changed with the work in the prison service. The empirical material was obtained through semi-structured interviews with five employees in the prison service. The material was then analyzed by qualitative content analysis. The results showed that the views of the public and the prison services were differentiated, among other things by acquiring knowledge about crime and the attitude to longer prison sentences. The conclusion was that the prison service considered that longer prison sentences were not the right way to go, the length of the sentence was not the most important, it was the content of the sentence that was the most important.

Gang-related crime and the increased deadly violence it has given rise to, is one of the most highlighted societal problems in our time. It is a recurring theme in public debates and it challenges the Swedish self-image as a successful welfare state. Considering that gang-related crime is a key voter issue of the upcoming 2022 elections, this study aims to explore Sweden's two largest parties', the Moderates and the Social Democrats, rhetoric ongang-related crime. This study focuses on central discourses by the parties and what effects these may have in vulnerable areas. Empirical data linked to gang-related crime has been collected from the parties' websites and social media, and Jönson's problem perspective has been applied to analyze and summarize the material. The results indicate that the parties' positions are based on preventive and punitive measures against gang members. The theoretical frame consists of critical discourse analysis and the concepts of labeling and territorial stigmatization, which in the study's analysis contribute with knowledge of how individuals, groups and neighborhoods are blamed for the causes of gang-related crime. The study's conclusion is that the political discourses reproduce and reinforce societal problems linked to gang-related crime. / Gängkriminalitet och det ökade dödliga våld det bidragit till är ett av de mest uppmärksammade samhällsproblem i vår tid. Det är ett återkommande tema i samhällsdebatter och utmanar den svenska självbilden som lyckad välfärdsstat. Då gängkriminalitet är en av de viktigaste väljarfrågorna inför det kommande valet 2022, syftar denna studie att undersöka Sveriges två största partier, Moderaternas och Socialdemokraternas, retorik kring gängkriminalitet. Denna studie fokuserar på partiernas centrala diskurser och vilka effekter dessa kan få för utsatta områden. Empiriskt material kopplat till gängkriminalitet har insamlats från partiernas hemsidor och sociala medier, och Jönsons problemperspektiv har använts för att analysera och summera materialet. Resultatet visar att partiernas ståndpunkter baseras på förebyggande och straffande åtgärder gentemot gängkriminella. Den teoretiska referensramen består av kritisk diskursanalys samt begreppen stämpling och territoriell stigmatisering som i studiens analys bidrar med kunskap om hur individer, grupper och bostadsområden blir skuldbelagda för gängkriminalitetens orsaker. Studiens slutsats är att de politiska diskurserna reproducerar samt förstärker sociala problem kopplat till gängkriminalitet.

Kriminalpolitik som politikämne har under de senaste åren ökat och polariserats och det  ökande intresset kan förklaras med den negativa utvecklingen i Sverige gällande det dödliga våldet som ökar jämfört med de flesta länder i Europa där det dödliga våldet minskar. Sveriges riksdagspartier förespråkar sin egen kriminalpolitik som den bäst lämpade för att få  bukt på kriminaliteten. Men vad säger forskningen om vilka brottsförebyggande metoder som borde användas? Hur väl nyttjas forskning i politik och hur förhåller sig de två fenomen till varandra? Syftet med denna uppsats är att redogöra för och analysera riksdagspartiernas kriminalpolitik och undersöka hur de förhåller sig till uttalad forskning kring  brottsförebyggande arbete.  Materialet som används är respektive riksdagspartis kriminalpolitik samt Brottsförebyggande rådets rapport som behandlar forskning kring insatser mot brott och otrygghet i socialt utsatta  områden. Resultatet visar att riksdagspartiernas kriminalpolitik bygger till viss del på  forskning men även bygger på åtgärder som forskning inte stöttar. Tydliga partipolitiska skiljelinjer var inte märkbart synliga och partierna delar både likheter och skillnader. Kriminalpolitik präglas dels av vetenskaplig kunskap men även av normer och värderingar. Diskussionsmässigt är en intressant aspekt att fundera på om kriminalpolitik och politik i allmänt endast går att bygga på forskning eller om det finns andra omständigheter att ta hänsyn till, exempelvis Sveriges invånare, väljarna och deras åsikter. / Criminal policy as a policy topic has increased and polarized in the last recent years and the  increasing interest can be explained by the negative development in Sweden regarding the  deadly violence which is increasing compared to most countries in Europe where the deadly  violence is decreasing. Sweden's parliamentary parties advocate their own criminal policy as  the most suitable for overcoming crime. But what does science say about which crime  prevention methods work best? How well is science used in politics and how do the two  phenomena relate to each other? The purpose of this study is to give an account of and  analyse the parliamentary parties criminal policy and to examine how they relate to explicit  research on crime prevention.  The material used is the respective parliamentary party’s criminal policy and the Swedish  National Council for Crime Prevention’s report, which discuss research on crime prevention  and insecurity in socially disadvantaged areas. The results show that the parliamentary party's criminal policy is based on research but also on measures that research does not support. Clear partypolitical dividing lines were not noticeably visible and there were both similarities and differences between the parties. Criminal policy is partly characterized by scientific knowledge but also by norms and values. In terms of discussion, an interesting aspect to consider is whether criminal policy and policy in general can be based on only science or whether there are other circumstances to take into account, such as Sweden’s population, voters and their opinions.

Sveriges kriminalpolitiska diskurs är i ständig förändring, vilket påverkar de straff som döms ut till unga lagöverträdare. Syftet med den föreliggande studien var att undersöka den kriminalpolitiska diskursens innehåll utifrån argument som förs för respektive emot särbehandling vid tilldelning av straff för unga lagöverträdare. Granskningen genomfördes utifrån olika regeringsbildningar (Högerregering mellan 2006–2014, Vänsterregering mellan 2014–2022) och i relation till den straffrättsliga principen om proportionalitet och de teoretiska utgångspunkterna individualprevention, allmänprevention och Dual Systems Model. Det innefattade en granskning av potentiella skillnader i argument mellan unga omyndiga lagöverträdare i åldern 15–17 och unga myndiga lagöverträdare i åldern 18–20. En kvalitativ tematisk analys gjordes utifrån olika politiska dokument, vilket var studiens urval och material. Resultatet visade på flertalet argument för och emot särbehandling av unga omyndiga respektive unga myndiga lagöverträdare vid tilldelning av straff. Det sågs också skillnader i regeringsbildningarna, där vänsterregeringen har haft en skärpt kriminalpolitik för unga lagöverträdare i jämförelse med högerregeringen. / The discourse of the criminal policy in Sweden is constantly changing, which will affect the punishments given to juvenile offenders. The aim of the present thesis was to examine the content of the criminal policy discourse regarding juvenile offenders through analyzing arguments for and against treating juvenile offenders differently when assigning sentences. This was examined through carefully reviewing different government formations (Right wing between 2006–2014, Left wing between 2014–2022) and in relation to the criminal justice principle proportionality and the theoretical frameworks individual prevention, general prevention, and Dual Systems Model. It also included an examination for potential differences in arguments for minor juvenile offenders between the ages of 15–17 and juvenile offenders of age between the ages of 18–20. A qualitative thematic analysis was conducted by reviewing different political documents, which was used as the sample and material. The results showed multiple arguments for and against treating minor juvenile offenders and juvenile offenders of age differently than adult offenders when assigning sentences. It also showed differences between the government formations where the left formation had a more punitive criminal policy for juvenile offenders compared to the right formation.

Uppsatsen syftade till att undersöka hur rådande beläggningssituation och olika kriminalpolitiska insatser har påverkat Kriminalvårdens arbete, hur förd kriminalpolitik har förhållit sig till Kriminalvårdens viktigaste mål att minska antalet återfall i brott samt hur detta kan påverka myndighetens framtida arbete. Detta genom fem semistrukturerade intervjuer med kriminalvårdsinspektörer från olika anstalter, varpå kvalitativ innehållsanalys användes som analysmetod. Resultaten kopplades till tidigare forskning samt nyinstitutionell teori och rutinaktivitetsteorin. Med utgångspunkt i kriminalvårdsinspektörernas perspektiv framkom sammantaget att hårdare lagstiftning och utökade resurser till främst polisen - i enlighet med den kriminalpolitiska och mediala diskursen - har bidragit till Kriminalvårdens problematiska beläggningssituation. Detta då förd kriminalpolitik underlättade lagföring av fler personer, men Kriminalvården fick i sin tur inte tillräckliga resurser för att hantera dessa. Kriminalvårdens förutsättningar att hinna förse samtliga klienter med nödvändiga återfallsförebyggande insatser blev således begränsade. Majoriteten av kriminalvårdsinspektörerna uttryckte en oro över att Kriminalvården i framtiden ska präglas mer av förvaring än vård, vilket sannolikt skulle öka - snarare än minska - risken för återfall i brott. / The purpose of this essay was to examine how the prevailing occupancy situation and criminal policy initiatives have affected the Swedish Probation Service, how the criminal policy relates to this authority’s most important goal of reducing re-offending, and how it can affect their future work. This through five semi-structured interviews with prison managers from different prisons, and the transcripts were analyzed through qualitative content analysis. The results was related to prior research, neo-institutional theory and the routine activity theory. Based on the prison managers’ perspective, the overall results showed that stricter legislation and increased resources for mainly the police has contributed to the Swedish Probation Service’s problematic occupancy situation. This because the pursued criminal policy made it easier to prosecute more people but the Swedish Probation Service was not given enough resources to handle these inmates. The authority therefore lacked the conditions to provide all inmates with necessary rehabilitation. The majority of the prison managers expressed concern that the Swedish Probation Service in the future will be characterized more by custody than rehabilitation, which most likely would increase - rather than decrease - the likelihood of re-offending.

La thèse analyse le recours, en droit pénal, à la technique énumérative, particulièrement aux listes d'infractions. Cette figure légistique, jadis utilisée dans les conventions bilatérales d'extradition, est aujourd'hui fortement répandue pour délimiter le champ d'application de règles exceptionnelles. Le droit pénal international, le droit pénal français et le droit pénal italien sont simultanément interrogés sur leurs recours à la technique énumérative. L'intérêt de ce rapprochement est de fournir un corpus d'étude riche et varié mettant en jeu différents systèmes et ordres juridiques. La liste n'est pas considérée sous le seul aspect légistique ; sa fonction politique est également analysée. Opérant une sélection d'infractions soumises à un régime différencié, elle est au service d'une répression aggravée ou innovante.L'utilisation de cette technique législative est évaluée à l'aune des résultats escomptés d'une part et avérés d'autre part. On découvre que l'extension, qui est naturelle à toute énumération, appelle une appréciation tantôt critique, tantôt positive. On regrette la dénaturation des listes d'infractions par des rédacteurs qui en détournent la vocation première. L'évaluation se fonde sur les grands principes du droit pénal, à savoir les principes de légalité et de proportionnalité, dont le respect effectif constitue in fine le remède proposé à la dénaturation des listes d'infractions. / The thesis analyses the utilization of enumeration through the "listing of crimes" as a legislative technique in criminal law. Such a method of legislative drafting was used historically in bilateral conventions, specifically in the area of extradition, but nowadays it is heavily employed in criminal law to delimit the scope of application of exceptional rules. Aiming at providing a rich and solid base of knowledge in a domain that is rarely studied, this work reviews various systems and legal orders. As such, the resort to "listing of crimes" will be examined in international criminal law as well as in French and Italian criminal law. Being a tool to select a group of crimes in order to treat them differently than the common crimes, the listing technique serves the needs of aggravated or innovative repression. In that regard, the "listing" technique is not only considered as a means of legislative drafting, but its political function is also analyzed. The utilization of this technique is assessed in the light of the expected as well as the verified results. The extension of an existing "list of crimes", a normal consequence of resorting to enumeration, is found to be positive in some cases but more or less criticized in other cases where legislatures deviate from the original reason for which this drafting technique has been elaborated. Examined from the perspective of the fundamental principles of criminal law, namely the principle of legality and the principle of proportionality, the usage of this technique is appraised. The respect of these two primordial principles constitutes the ultimate solution proposed for any deviated resort to "listing of crimes" as a legislative tool.

Construction of culprits within criminal policy programs: A critical discourse analysis. The purpose of this study was to make visible discourses within criminal policy before the elections of 2018 through analysis of the established political parties ́ criminal policy programs. Method qualitative content analysis was used to bring out categories, later analysed with Fairclough ́s critical discourse analysis. Constructions of culprits as “foreigner”, “in gang”, “organized”, “young”, “male” and “non-ethical Swedish” emerged. Other groups were crime victims identified as “children”, “juveniles”, “elders”, “females” and “entrepreneurs/business owners”. The crimes observed were honor crimes, terrorism, crimes of violence (especially domestic violence), sexual offences and internet-based crime. The constructions may create a skewed interpretation of criminality and feelings of “us and them”. This may lead to “them” labelled as the criminals and “us” as their potential victims. The discourses in the programs therefore risk sustaining unequal power configurations in society.

A presente tese tem por objetivo investigar a relação entre o Direito Penal e a prevenção criminal, especialmente, no que se refere à possibilidade de construção de uma Política Criminal, fundada em conhecimentos produzidos pela Criminologia, que seja consentânea com os princípios e garantias do Direito Penal. No primeiro capítulo é apresentada a premissa de que a missão única e exclusiva do Direito Penal em um Estado Democrático de Direito deve ser a de proteger bens jurídicos que sejam valiosos para a preservação de uma determinada sociedade. Essa missão atribuída ao Direito Penal deve considerar os relevantes argumentos apresentados durante os debates realizados no âmbito das teorias da pena. Neste sentido, em que pese a existência de relevantes posicionamentos agnósticos e retributivos em relação à sanção e ao próprio Direito Penal, o conceito de prevenção criminal limitada ainda se apresenta como o mais apto a equacionar os desafios inerentes ao ius puniendi, assim como fundamentálo. Mais do que um sistema teórico complexo, no segundo capítulo visa-se demonstrar como este conceito pode ser viabilizado a partir da construção de uma Política Criminal que, não limitada às respostas jurídico-penais, resulte da relação dialética entre os conhecimentos produzidos no âmbito da Criminologia Crítica e da Criminologia Tradicional. Sob esta perspectiva, a ideia apresentada por Winfried Hassemer de substituição de uma prevenção normativa por uma prevenção organizacional pode subsidiar a construção dessa Política Criminal. Para exemplificar esta hipótese teórica, no terceiro capítulo analisam-se medidas implementadas na cidade de Nova Iorque com a finalidade de enfrentar o problema do Motor Vehicle Theft e que tiveram resultados positivos e consentâneos com o conceito de prevenção organizacional em contraposição com as ações de prevenção criminal desenvolvidas no âmbito dos furtos e roubos de veículos na cidade de São Paulo os quais, por sua vez, focaram em simples alterações de normas, exclusivamente, sob o aspecto de uma prevenção normativa. A distinção de resultados confirma a hipótese de que estudos criminológicos, fundados no conceito de prevenção organizacional, podem subsidiar a construção de uma Política Criminal que previna crimes sem desconsiderar os princípios informadores de um Direito Penal Mínimo. / This doctoral thesis aims to investigate the relationship between Criminal Law and crime prevention, especially with regard to the possibility of building a Criminal Policy founded on knowledge produced in the context of Criminology, which is consistent with the principles and guarantees of Criminal Law. The premise that the sole and exclusive mission of the Criminal Law in a Democratic State of Law must be to protect the legal interests which are valuable for the preservation of a given society is presented in the first chapter. This mission, assigned to Criminal Law, should consider the relevant arguments presented during the discussions held with respect to the \"theories of punishment\". Accordingly, despite the existence of relevant agnostic and retributive positions in relation to sanction and Criminal Law itself, the concept of \"limited crime prevention\" is still presented as the most apt to equate the challenges of ius puniendi, as well as ground it. More than a complex theoretical system, in the second chapter, we aim to demonstrate how this concept may be made possible through the construction of a Criminal Policy which, not limited to legal and criminal responses, results from the dialectical relationship between the knowledge produced within Critical Criminology and Traditional Criminology. From this perspective, the idea presented by Winfried Hassemer of replacing a \"normative prevention\" by an \"organizational prevention\" may subsidize the construction of Criminal Policy. To illustrate this theoretical hypothesis, in the third chapter, we analyze measures implemented in the City of New York in order to address the problem of Motor Vehicle Theft and which had positive results, consistent with the concept of \"organizational prevention\", as opposed to the actions developed under the crime prevention of thefts and motor vehicle thefts in the City of São Paulo, which focused on simple changes in rules and only under the aspect of a \"normative prevention\". The distinction of results confirms the hypothesis that criminological studies, based on the concept of \"organizational prevention\", may support the construction of a Criminal Policy that prevents crimes without disregarding the informing principles of Minimum Criminal Law.

A dissertação propõe um questionamento quanto à legitimidade da criminalização da propaganda eleitoral falsa. Para tanto, analisa o papel das eleições na Democracia e o papel da Justiça Eleitoral, no Brasil, como instituição incumbida de sua organização, realização e regulação. Em seguida, identifica a propaganda política como meio de que se valem as campanhas eleitorais para o convencimento dos eleitores, estudando sua evolução histórica até o desenvolvimento do marketing eleitoral, suas características e os limites, formais e materiais, que lhe são impostos normativamente no Brasil. A partir destes elementos, a pesquisa foca-se no crime de divulgação de fatos inverídicos na propaganda eleitoral, previsto no artigo 323 do Código Eleitoral. São averiguadas a legitimidade e necessidade da criminalização, perquirindo quanto ao bem jurídico tutelado e ao risco no qual este é colocado pela conduta proibida, especialmente quanto ao efeito que a propaganda eleitoral falsa tem na formação do voto do eleitor. Por fim, sob o enfoque da política criminal, são questionadas a viabilidade do controle de conteúdo da propaganda eleitoral, conduzido pela Justiça Eleitoral, e sua oportunidade, à luz das consequências que traz à sociedade. / The dissertation proposes a questioning of the legitimacy of criminalizing false electoral propaganda. It analyzes the role of elections in democracy and of the Electoral Justice in Brazil, as an institution responsible for its organization, development and regulation. Then identifies political propaganda as a means of which election campaigns use to convince voters, studying its historical evolution up to the development of the electoral marketing; its characteristics and limits, formal and material that are normatively imposed in Brazil. From these elements, the research focuses on the crime of disseminating untrue facts on electoral propaganda under article 323 of the Electoral Code. The legitimacy and necessity of criminalization are investigated, inquiring as to the protected legal interest and the risk in which it is placed by the prohibited conduct, especially as to the effect that false electoral propaganda has on the formation of the voter\'s choice. Finally, with a focus on criminal policy are questioned the feasibility of the content control conducted by the Electoral Justice, and its opportunity, in light of the consequences it brings to society.