This diploma thesis deals with alternative sanctions in the Czech Republic. It primarily focuses on the cooperation between relevant actors during the process of decision-making about the type of sanction, its execution and supervision, and also concentrates on possible changes of its use after the amendment of criminal law in 2010. To give a complex view on given issue, the thesis also shortly focuses on alternatives to sanctions and diversions of criminal proceedings. System of alternative sanctions is framed by criminal policy and criminal law of the Czech Republic and factors that have influence on functioning of the system are determined. Those factors are multinational structures (OSN, EU, Council of Europe), level of registered criminality, forms of criminality and public opinion. Despite the fact, that Czech criminal law contains quite wide enumeration of alternative sanctions, there are still opinions that they are not used enough and that imprisonment is still preferred and it causes overcrowding of prisons and it is burden for state budget. Judges and prosecutors advocate themselves and claim that the problem is not on their side but rather the conditions of alternative sanctions which are poorly regulated and so it discourages from their use. Also the non-conceptual attitude of criminal...

La révolution numérique a favorisé l’apparition d’une nouvelle forme de criminalité : la cybercriminalité. Celle-ci recouvre un grand nombre de faits dont la plupart sont commis à l’aide de stratégies d’ingénierie sociale. Il s’agit d’un vieux phénomène, pourtant mal connu qui, encouragé par l’accroissement de données circulant sur Internet et par le développement de barrières techniques de sécurité, s’est adapté aux caractéristiques de l’univers virtuel pour une exploitation combinée des vulnérabilités « humaines » avec des outils numériques. L’ingénierie sociale transforme les utilisateurs qui deviennent, inconsciemment, facilitateurs des cyberattaques, au point d’être perçus comme le « maillon faible » de la cybersécurité. Les particuliers, les entreprises et les Etats sont tous confrontés au défi de trouver une réponse à ces atteintes. Cependant, les moyens juridiques, techniques, économiques et culturels mis en place semblent encore insuffisants. Loin d’être éradiquée, l’utilisation de l’ingénierie sociale à des fins illicites poursuit son essor. Face au manque d’efficacité de la politique criminelle actuelle, le travail en amont nous apparaît comme une piste à explorer. Savoir anticiper, détecter précocement et réagir promptement face à la délinquance informatique sont alors des questions prioritaires nécessitant une approche plus humaniste, axée sur la prévention et la coopération. Si nous sommes d’accord sur ce qu’il reste à faire, le défi est de trouver le« comment ». / The digital revolution has encouraged the emergence of a new type of criminal activity : cyber-crime. This includes a vast array of activities and offences that often use social engineering techniques. These techniques are old and not widely understood, yet benefit from the increase of data available online and the use of firewalls and other security systems. They have been adapted to work with the Internet and digital technologies in order to exploit the “vulnerabilities” of human psychology. Social engineering targets the user, who often unconsciously, allows access to systems or data, making the user the weakest link in the cyber-security chain. Individuals, companies and governments are all facing the same challenge in trying to solve these issues, utilising current legal, financial, technological and social resources which seem to be insufficient. Far from being eradicated, fraudulent activities that use social engineering continue to increase in prevalence. The inefficiency of current judicial polices forces us to consider alternative strategies upstream. Being proactive, predicting early and reacting quickly to computer related crimes should be the priority of a more humanistic approach which is focused on prevention and cooperation. Although one can agree on the approach ; the challenge is to find out how to implement it.

[pt] Centra-se a pesquisa em apontar inconsistências encontradas em tendência doutrinária hodierna, que se inclina favoravelmente ao estabelecimento de estamentos ascendentes de supressão de garantias e desenrijecimento de dogmas para a construção do Direito penal, seja no ato de criminalizar primariamente condutas de menor potencial ofensivo ou no que tange àquelas de gravidade máxima. O caminho metodológico utilizado foi o de contrapor duas categorizações acerca das quais a moderna doutrina identifica distinções mais nítidas: de um lado, o Direito penal clássico, assentado na proteção de bens jurídicos de índole exclusivamente antropocêntrica; de outro, o Direito penal econômico, que estende sua tutela às vicissitudes da sociedade de risco: bens jurídicos supra-individuais e interesses difusos e coletivos. Dividido em quatro capítulos, o trabalho aborda no primeiro deles as bases constitucionais em que se assenta a ordem econômica; em seguida, estuda-se o Direito penal clássico, inclusive no tocante à sua missão, finalidades e princípios em que se funda; no terceiro capítulo historia-se o surgimento do Direito penal econômico, apontam-se seus limites conceituais e se estabelecem seus critérios diferenciadores. Conclui-se o trabalho ideando que a dicotomia proposta pela doutrina produz efeito político-criminal de viés acentuadamente retórico, implicando, na verdade, em sub-reptício incremento do poder punitivo estatal. Nos casos envolvendo a chamada criminalidade de poderosos, serve para controle de ativos não certificados; enquanto à criminalidade convencional, legitima a exclusão da população redundante. / [en] The research aims at evidencing the inconsistencies found in contemporary theoretical trend, which favors the establishment of increasing conditions for the suppression of protections and weakening of dogmas in the conception of Penal Law, whether by primarily criminalizing conducts of minor offensive potential or those concerning maximum offensive potential. The methodological approach was to compare two categories modern theory establishes as distinct: on one hand, the classical Penal Law, based on the protection of legal interests of a solely anthropocentric nature; and, on the other hand, economic Penal Law, which casts its protection against the vicissitudes of the risk society: supra-individual legal interests and widespread and collective interests. The dissertation is divided in four chapters. In the first one, it focuses on the constitutional basis of the economic order. Then, it analyzes the classical Penal Law, including in relation to its tenets. In the third chapter, the emergence of the economic Penal Law is discussed; its conceptual limits are indicated and differentiating criteria are established. It is concluded that the dichotomy suggested by the theory produces a political-criminal effect of an extremely rhetorical bias, resulting, in actuality, in a surreptitious increase of the punitive power of the State. In cases involving the so-called criminality of the powerful, it functions as a control over non-certified assets; whereas regarding conventional criminality, it legitimates the exclusion of the disenfranchised population.

[pt] A dissertação aborda contemporânea política criminal de combate ao terrorismo e sua relação com a criminalização da atuação da sociedade civil na política. Para tanto, busca compreender os fundamentos teóricos que justificam a criação de leis penais antiterroristas, os quais se sustentam em situações de potencial emergência social e que, por esta razão, ensejariam medidas excepcionais por parte do Estado. Assim, entende-se a política criminal antiterrorista como uma política de exceção que rompe com valores constitucionais de restrição ao poder punitive estatal. A partir dessa compreensão, o trabalho procura, no chamado Direito Penal do Inimigo, exprimir tais políticas criminais de emergência nos campos do Direito Penal e do Direito Processual Penal. Por fim, aborda-se a constituição do tipo penal de terrorismo enquanto delito político, para elucidar o processo que levou a criminalização política de agentes sociais. / [en] This work approaches the contemporary criminal policy on the war on terrorism and its relation with the repression of social claims and civil rights. To do so, it searches for the theory behind the justification the for anti-terrorism law, which happen during social emergency times that claim for exceptional measures by the state. Therefore, the anti-terrorism law is understood as an exceptional policy which breaks with constitutional values about state power restriction. This work searches on the so called Enemys Criminal Law for the emergency criminal law and criminal procedure. At last, it approaches the constitution of a crime of terrorism as a political crime in order to understand how it could contribute to criminalizing social and political players.

Aujourd’hui, l’Afrique est sans aucun doute la partie du monde la plus affectée par la commission des crimes internationaux les plus graves. Pourtant, depuis des décennies, il existe des mécanismes juridiques visant à sanctionner les responsables des crimes qui heurtent la conscience humaine. Seulement, l’échec relatif de ces mécanismes peut pousser l’observateur à se demander s’il est possible de garantir la diffusion du droit international pénal sur le continent africain. Cette interrogation est loin d’être incongrue, car même si un nombre important d’états africains ont ratifié le Statut de Rome qui organise la répression du génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité, des crimes de guerre et même du crime d’agression, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’application de ce Statut dans les différents ordres juridiques concernés est très souvent compromise. La principale raison à cela c'est que, le droit international pénal ne tient pas forcément compte des particularismes juridiques des états qui ont pourtant la primauté de compétence, en vertu du principe de subsidiarité, pour sanctionner la commission des crimes internationaux selon les règles classiques de dévolution des compétences. De plus, il faut préciser que l’Afrique est le terrain de prédilection du pluralisme juridique qui favorise la juxtaposition de l’ordre juridique moderne et de l’ordre juridique traditionnel. Si le premier est en principe réceptif aux normes internationales pénales, le second qu’il soit musulman ou coutumier avec l’exemple des Gacaca rwandais, repose sur une philosophie juridique différente de celle du droit international pénal. Dans tous les cas, l’articulation du droit international pénal avec les ordres juridiques africains est une des conditions de sa diffusion. Cette articulation pourrait d’ailleurs être favorisée par le dialogue entre les juges nationaux et internationaux qui doivent travailler en bonne intelligence pour édifier un système international pénal ; d’où l’intérêt pour les états africains de favoriser une coopération effective avec les juridictions pénales internationales. Il va sans dire que, tout ceci ne sera possible qu’au sein des régimes politiques démocratiques capables de renoncer aux règles et pratiques juridiques anachroniques pour s’appuyer sur une politique criminelle pouvant favoriser, dans un avenir plus ou moins lointain, un véritable universalisme du droit international pénal. / Today, Africa is undoubtedly part of the world most affected by the commission of the most serious international crimes. Yet for decades, there are legal mechanisms to punish those responsible for crimes that shock the conscience of humanity. But the relative failure of these mechanisms can push the viewer to wonder if it is possible to ensure the dissemination of international criminal law on the African continent. This question is far from being incongruous, because even if a significant number of African states have ratified the Rome Statute that governs the fight against genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression even, the fact remains that the application of the Statute in the different legal systems involved is often compromised. The main reason for this is that international criminal law does not necessarily take into account the legal peculiarities of the states that have yet the primacy of jurisdiction under the subsidiarity principle, to sanction the commission of international crimes by the conventional rules devolution of powers. In addition, it should be noted that Africa is the stomping ground of legal pluralism that promotes juxtaposition of the modern legal system and traditional law. If the first is normally receptive to criminal international standards, the second whether Muslim or customary with the example of the Rwandan Gacaca is based on a different legal philosophy from that of international criminal law. In all cases, the articulation of international criminal law with African legal systems is one of the conditions of release. This link could also be encouraged by the dialogue between national and international judges who must work in harmony to build an international criminal system; hence the need for African states to promote effective cooperation with international criminal courts. It goes without saying that all this will be possible only in democratic political systems which can waive the rules and legal practices anachronistic to press a criminal policy that can promote in a more or less distant future, a true universalism of international criminal law.

我國緩起訴制度於2002 年制定，立法者於立法時已明文緩起訴係立基於訴訟經濟之目的，以及預防被告再犯之特別預防之刑事政策為出發。而緩起訴制度自2002 年施行至今約莫13 年，是否確能落實當年立法者所預期達成之目的，有效達成被告再犯預防之特別預防目的？或反而因為附條件緩起訴存在太過便利，附條件緩起訴之相關指示與負擔選擇多元且包羅萬象，而忽視制度本身原應該追求的目的？對於制度之目的產生問題後，因我國立法時參考的外國法制為日本的起訴猶豫制度，在日本法上起訴猶豫制度之運用是否也有類似的問題？而因緩起訴制度為一種刑事政策之轉向處分，美國法制上亦有性質類似的審前轉向原則，是否有得以參考的地方？所謂「他山之石，可以攻錯」，若想要達成緩起訴預防再犯之功能，以外國法制作為借鏡下，有無可提供我國法制得以參考的地方？在這樣的思考脈絡下，最後提出本文的一點想法以及參考。 本文希望藉由檢討目前實務上緩起訴之運作狀況，以預防被告再犯之立法初衷為著力點，探討在現行法制下附條件緩起訴之應然面與實然面之落差，並以外國法制作為借鏡，提出緩起訴制度重新思考的方向與建議。期使未來實務上檢察官在作成附條件緩起訴處分時，能夠從預防被告再犯的角度出發，思考附條件緩起訴「應該」要達到怎樣的效果，並藉由參考外國法制之程序上配套措施，相關配套之引進必要性與可能性之探討，希冀附條件緩起訴能夠發揮達到預被被告再犯之目的與效果。

A tese investiga o apoio a egressos do sistema penitenciário no Brasil, a partir do estudo das produções legislativas, das políticas públicas e da criação de programas de apoio, surgidos no país, a partir da década de 1990. Seu foco principal de análise recai sobre a atuação e o papel dos programas de apoio nas trajetórias de vida de egressos. Para tanto, realizamos um levantamento das iniciativas nacionais, pesquisa em profundidade em programas públicos (Agentes da Liberdade, no Rio de Janeiro-RJ e Programa de Acompanhamento Social, em Porto Alegre-RS) e da sociedade civil (FAESP em Porto Alegre-RS e Pró-Egresso em Maringá-PR) e uma análise das trajetórias de vida e do impacto do apoio na visão dos egressos. A metodologia de pesquisa incluiu analise legislativa, de políticas públicas, visita aos programas com realização de pesquisas documental e entrevistas. O referencial teórico foi constituído por abordagens de políticas públicas, sociais e penais - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajetórias de vida, capital social, esperanças e oportunidades - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); impactos do aprisionamento: disciplinamento, prisionização e estigma - Foucault (1996a, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); e inclusão/exclusão - redes sociais, religião e trabalho - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (2001). Nosso estudo parte da análise sobre a inserção, no Brasil, dos modelos de welfarismo penal - política criminal vigente nos países centrais na época dos Estados de Bem-Estar Social - e de Estado penal - política criminal surgida com a crise deste modelo estatal. Os programas de apoio investigados em profundidade revelam-se, à luz das teorias das políticas públicas e sociais, espaços de mediação para pequenas conquistas: acesso à cidadania formal, acesso aos meios de sobrevivência, como alimentação, transporte e vestuário, e à saúde. Em menor escala, as iniciativas permitem a inserção educacional e no trabalho, a partir de escassas e precárias, mas importantes concessões. Com relação aos egressos, suas trajetórias de vida revelam a existência de baixos níveis de capital econômico e cultural, responsáveis, na busca de sobrevivência, dinheiro fácil, aventura ou por fatalidade, pelo ingresso na criminalidade. Marcados pela experiência prisional e suas conseqüências, como a prisionização e o estigma, os egressos têm nos programas de apoio um local de construção de sociabilidade e de visibilidade. Neste aspecto, outros elementos são responsáveis por ampliar as esperanças e oportunidades dos egressos, como a formação de redes, a conversão religiosa e o acesso ao trabalho. Por fim, a passagem por programas de apoio implica em ganhos e frustrações. A temporariedade da condição de egresso, somada à temporariedade das próprias iniciativas, embora não permita inclusões sociais em sentido pleno, resulta em manutenções longe do crime e na redução do peso da condição de homens infames. / The present paper aims at studying the support granted to ex-convicts of the Brazilian penitentiary system based on legislative productions, public policies and programs from the 90´s onwards. It focuses mainly on the performance and role of support programs in relation to the life trajectory of ex-convicts. In order to accomplish such goal, national initiatives, public (Agentes da Liberdade, Rio de Janeiro, RJ and Programa de Acompanhamento Social, Porto Alegre, RS) and civil society programs (FAESP, Porto Alegre, RS, and Pro-Egresso, Maringá, Paraná) were deeply researched. Also, the life trajectory and the impact of support programs were analyzed from the viewpoint of ex-convicts. The research methodology comprised legislative and public policy analysis, and visits to programs so as to research documents and conduct interviews. The theoretical referential was based on public, social and criminal policies - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajectories of life, social capital, hopes and opportunities - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); imprisonment impacts: discipline, prisionization and stigma - Foucault (1996, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); and inclusion/exclusion - social networks, religion and work - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (1999). This study also highlights the insertion of the Penal Welfarism model in Brazil, which was the criminal policy adopted by the central countries at the time of the Welfare State and the Penal Sate - such criminal policy rose during the crisis of the Welfare State model. In the light of public and social theories, the support programs examined showed mediation spaces to the rising of small victories: access to formal citizenship, food, means of transportation, clothing and health. Although in a smaller scale, the initiatives also granted educational and work insertion. Notwithstanding, the life trajectories of ex-convicts reveal the existence of low economic and cultural capital levels which, in the struggle for survival, may lead to crime. Once entering the prison system and experiencing its consequences such as prisioning and stigma, the ex-convicts rely on the support programs to help rebuild their sociability and visibility. Moreover, there are other elements responsible for broadening the hope and opportunities of such people, for instance, the formation of social networks, religious conversion and work access. On the other hand, attending a support program involves victories and frustrations. Furthermore, the stigma of being an ex-convict and the temporality of initiatives might not bring full social inclusion, but they certainly help keep these people from committing crimes and help lessen the stigma of infamous men.

A tese investiga o apoio a egressos do sistema penitenciário no Brasil, a partir do estudo das produções legislativas, das políticas públicas e da criação de programas de apoio, surgidos no país, a partir da década de 1990. Seu foco principal de análise recai sobre a atuação e o papel dos programas de apoio nas trajetórias de vida de egressos. Para tanto, realizamos um levantamento das iniciativas nacionais, pesquisa em profundidade em programas públicos (Agentes da Liberdade, no Rio de Janeiro-RJ e Programa de Acompanhamento Social, em Porto Alegre-RS) e da sociedade civil (FAESP em Porto Alegre-RS e Pró-Egresso em Maringá-PR) e uma análise das trajetórias de vida e do impacto do apoio na visão dos egressos. A metodologia de pesquisa incluiu analise legislativa, de políticas públicas, visita aos programas com realização de pesquisas documental e entrevistas. O referencial teórico foi constituído por abordagens de políticas públicas, sociais e penais - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajetórias de vida, capital social, esperanças e oportunidades - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); impactos do aprisionamento: disciplinamento, prisionização e estigma - Foucault (1996a, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); e inclusão/exclusão - redes sociais, religião e trabalho - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (2001). Nosso estudo parte da análise sobre a inserção, no Brasil, dos modelos de welfarismo penal - política criminal vigente nos países centrais na época dos Estados de Bem-Estar Social - e de Estado penal - política criminal surgida com a crise deste modelo estatal. Os programas de apoio investigados em profundidade revelam-se, à luz das teorias das políticas públicas e sociais, espaços de mediação para pequenas conquistas: acesso à cidadania formal, acesso aos meios de sobrevivência, como alimentação, transporte e vestuário, e à saúde. Em menor escala, as iniciativas permitem a inserção educacional e no trabalho, a partir de escassas e precárias, mas importantes concessões. Com relação aos egressos, suas trajetórias de vida revelam a existência de baixos níveis de capital econômico e cultural, responsáveis, na busca de sobrevivência, dinheiro fácil, aventura ou por fatalidade, pelo ingresso na criminalidade. Marcados pela experiência prisional e suas conseqüências, como a prisionização e o estigma, os egressos têm nos programas de apoio um local de construção de sociabilidade e de visibilidade. Neste aspecto, outros elementos são responsáveis por ampliar as esperanças e oportunidades dos egressos, como a formação de redes, a conversão religiosa e o acesso ao trabalho. Por fim, a passagem por programas de apoio implica em ganhos e frustrações. A temporariedade da condição de egresso, somada à temporariedade das próprias iniciativas, embora não permita inclusões sociais em sentido pleno, resulta em manutenções longe do crime e na redução do peso da condição de homens infames. / The present paper aims at studying the support granted to ex-convicts of the Brazilian penitentiary system based on legislative productions, public policies and programs from the 90´s onwards. It focuses mainly on the performance and role of support programs in relation to the life trajectory of ex-convicts. In order to accomplish such goal, national initiatives, public (Agentes da Liberdade, Rio de Janeiro, RJ and Programa de Acompanhamento Social, Porto Alegre, RS) and civil society programs (FAESP, Porto Alegre, RS, and Pro-Egresso, Maringá, Paraná) were deeply researched. Also, the life trajectory and the impact of support programs were analyzed from the viewpoint of ex-convicts. The research methodology comprised legislative and public policy analysis, and visits to programs so as to research documents and conduct interviews. The theoretical referential was based on public, social and criminal policies - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajectories of life, social capital, hopes and opportunities - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); imprisonment impacts: discipline, prisionization and stigma - Foucault (1996, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); and inclusion/exclusion - social networks, religion and work - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (1999). This study also highlights the insertion of the Penal Welfarism model in Brazil, which was the criminal policy adopted by the central countries at the time of the Welfare State and the Penal Sate - such criminal policy rose during the crisis of the Welfare State model. In the light of public and social theories, the support programs examined showed mediation spaces to the rising of small victories: access to formal citizenship, food, means of transportation, clothing and health. Although in a smaller scale, the initiatives also granted educational and work insertion. Notwithstanding, the life trajectories of ex-convicts reveal the existence of low economic and cultural capital levels which, in the struggle for survival, may lead to crime. Once entering the prison system and experiencing its consequences such as prisioning and stigma, the ex-convicts rely on the support programs to help rebuild their sociability and visibility. Moreover, there are other elements responsible for broadening the hope and opportunities of such people, for instance, the formation of social networks, religious conversion and work access. On the other hand, attending a support program involves victories and frustrations. Furthermore, the stigma of being an ex-convict and the temporality of initiatives might not bring full social inclusion, but they certainly help keep these people from committing crimes and help lessen the stigma of infamous men.

A tese investiga o apoio a egressos do sistema penitenciário no Brasil, a partir do estudo das produções legislativas, das políticas públicas e da criação de programas de apoio, surgidos no país, a partir da década de 1990. Seu foco principal de análise recai sobre a atuação e o papel dos programas de apoio nas trajetórias de vida de egressos. Para tanto, realizamos um levantamento das iniciativas nacionais, pesquisa em profundidade em programas públicos (Agentes da Liberdade, no Rio de Janeiro-RJ e Programa de Acompanhamento Social, em Porto Alegre-RS) e da sociedade civil (FAESP em Porto Alegre-RS e Pró-Egresso em Maringá-PR) e uma análise das trajetórias de vida e do impacto do apoio na visão dos egressos. A metodologia de pesquisa incluiu analise legislativa, de políticas públicas, visita aos programas com realização de pesquisas documental e entrevistas. O referencial teórico foi constituído por abordagens de políticas públicas, sociais e penais - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajetórias de vida, capital social, esperanças e oportunidades - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); impactos do aprisionamento: disciplinamento, prisionização e estigma - Foucault (1996a, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); e inclusão/exclusão - redes sociais, religião e trabalho - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (2001). Nosso estudo parte da análise sobre a inserção, no Brasil, dos modelos de welfarismo penal - política criminal vigente nos países centrais na época dos Estados de Bem-Estar Social - e de Estado penal - política criminal surgida com a crise deste modelo estatal. Os programas de apoio investigados em profundidade revelam-se, à luz das teorias das políticas públicas e sociais, espaços de mediação para pequenas conquistas: acesso à cidadania formal, acesso aos meios de sobrevivência, como alimentação, transporte e vestuário, e à saúde. Em menor escala, as iniciativas permitem a inserção educacional e no trabalho, a partir de escassas e precárias, mas importantes concessões. Com relação aos egressos, suas trajetórias de vida revelam a existência de baixos níveis de capital econômico e cultural, responsáveis, na busca de sobrevivência, dinheiro fácil, aventura ou por fatalidade, pelo ingresso na criminalidade. Marcados pela experiência prisional e suas conseqüências, como a prisionização e o estigma, os egressos têm nos programas de apoio um local de construção de sociabilidade e de visibilidade. Neste aspecto, outros elementos são responsáveis por ampliar as esperanças e oportunidades dos egressos, como a formação de redes, a conversão religiosa e o acesso ao trabalho. Por fim, a passagem por programas de apoio implica em ganhos e frustrações. A temporariedade da condição de egresso, somada à temporariedade das próprias iniciativas, embora não permita inclusões sociais em sentido pleno, resulta em manutenções longe do crime e na redução do peso da condição de homens infames. / The present paper aims at studying the support granted to ex-convicts of the Brazilian penitentiary system based on legislative productions, public policies and programs from the 90´s onwards. It focuses mainly on the performance and role of support programs in relation to the life trajectory of ex-convicts. In order to accomplish such goal, national initiatives, public (Agentes da Liberdade, Rio de Janeiro, RJ and Programa de Acompanhamento Social, Porto Alegre, RS) and civil society programs (FAESP, Porto Alegre, RS, and Pro-Egresso, Maringá, Paraná) were deeply researched. Also, the life trajectory and the impact of support programs were analyzed from the viewpoint of ex-convicts. The research methodology comprised legislative and public policy analysis, and visits to programs so as to research documents and conduct interviews. The theoretical referential was based on public, social and criminal policies - Delmas-Marty (2004), Adorno (1991), Souza (2007); trajectories of life, social capital, hopes and opportunities - Bourdieu (1980, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005); imprisonment impacts: discipline, prisionization and stigma - Foucault (1996, 1999, 2002a, 2002b, 2003), Baratta (1999), Goffman (1988); and inclusion/exclusion - social networks, religion and work - Xiberras (1996), Barnes(1987), Quiroga (2005), Castel (1999). This study also highlights the insertion of the Penal Welfarism model in Brazil, which was the criminal policy adopted by the central countries at the time of the Welfare State and the Penal Sate - such criminal policy rose during the crisis of the Welfare State model. In the light of public and social theories, the support programs examined showed mediation spaces to the rising of small victories: access to formal citizenship, food, means of transportation, clothing and health. Although in a smaller scale, the initiatives also granted educational and work insertion. Notwithstanding, the life trajectories of ex-convicts reveal the existence of low economic and cultural capital levels which, in the struggle for survival, may lead to crime. Once entering the prison system and experiencing its consequences such as prisioning and stigma, the ex-convicts rely on the support programs to help rebuild their sociability and visibility. Moreover, there are other elements responsible for broadening the hope and opportunities of such people, for instance, the formation of social networks, religious conversion and work access. On the other hand, attending a support program involves victories and frustrations. Furthermore, the stigma of being an ex-convict and the temporality of initiatives might not bring full social inclusion, but they certainly help keep these people from committing crimes and help lessen the stigma of infamous men.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka de tre brottsförebyggande åtgärdsförslagen för socialt utsatta grupper i socialt utsatta områden presenterade av regeringen i 34-punktsprogrammet. Detta via en jämförande analys av texten i förhållande till Brottsförebyggande Rådets kunskapsöversikt inom samma problemområde. Denna undersökning grundar sig i frågeställningarna om vilka åtgärder 34-punktsprogrammet och Brottsförebyggande rådets översikt presenterar samt hur de överensstämmer vad gäller åtgärdsmål och målgrupp. Underlaget för studiens bakgrund ger läsaren förutsättningar att förstå brottsprevention i förhållande till brottsförebyggande åtgärder, 34-punktprogrammets innebörd och centrala aktörer i det brottsförebyggande arbetet. Med stöd av studiens tematiska innehållsanalys har flertal gemensamma teman återfunnits där samverkan och ökad kunskap varit betydande i brottsförebyggande arbetet mot gängkriminaliteten i socialt utsatta områden. Studiens resultat har däremot visat på att det råder en viss diskrepans vad gäller definitionen av socialt utsatta grupper och socialt utsatta områden samt en vaghet om hur 34-punktsprogrammet förhåller sig till Brå’s kunskapsöversikt. Studiens resultat möjliggör förslag på vidare forskning i form av jämförelse med internationell forskning. Ännu ett förslag är att undersöka huruvida en gemensam definition av brottsförebyggande arbete påverkar beredningen av kriminalpolitiska åtgärdsförslag. Ett slutligt aktuellt förslag är även att undersöka effektiviteten av åtgärderna för att tillhandahålla information om huruvida åtgärderna är tillämpningsbara inom svensk kriminalpolitik. / The purpose of the study was to examine the three crime prevention measures for socially vulnerable groups in socially vulnerable areas presented by the government in the 34-point program. The purpose is fulfilled by a comparative analysis of the 34-point program in relation to the Crime Prevention Council's research review within the same problem area. This study is based on what measures the 34-point program and the Crime Prevention Council's research review present, as well as how they correspond in terms of action goals and target group. The basis for the study's background provides the reader with the prerequisites to understand crime prevention in relation to crime prevention measures, the meaning of the 34-point program and key actors in crime prevention work. With the support of the study's thematic content analysis, several common themes have been found where collaboration and increased knowledge have been significant in crime prevention work against gang crime in socially vulnerable areas. The results of the study, on the other hand, have shown that there is a certain discrepancy regarding the definition of socially vulnerable groups and socially vulnerable areas, as well as a vagueness about how the 34-point program relates to Crime Prevention Council's research review. The results of the study enable proposals for further research in the form of comparison with international research. Another proposal is to investigate whether a common definition of crime prevention work affects the preparation of criminal policy measures. A final current proposal is also to investigate the effectiveness of the measures to provide information on whether the measures are applicable in Swedish criminal policy.