[pt] A pesquisa busca questionar a naturalização da violência de Estado direcionada contra os corpos negros no Brasil. Para esta urgente tarefa, o trabalho desenvolve um diálogo central entre a filosofia descolonial e a foucaultiana, dividindo-se em quatro capítulos. O primeiro demonstra o enraizamento desta naturalização desde o período colonial, mostrando a objetificação do corpo negro e a sua invibilização tanto na escravização como no movimento abolicionista. O segundo capítulo aborda o período pós-abolição por meio do projeto de embranqueamento e do racismo científico. O terceiro enfrenta o auto de resistência como prática contemporânea do racismo de Estado da sociedade biopolítica brasileira. Por fim, o quarto pretende refletir sobre resistências e possibilidades de transformações descoloniais desta realidade objetificante e violenta. / [en] The investigation aims to question the naturalization of State s violence against black bodies in Brazil. For this urgent task, the work develops a dialogue between decolonial and foucauldian philosophy, and is divided in four chapters. The first one points out that this naturalization has its roots in brazilian history since colonial time, with the objectification of black bodies during slavery and also at the abolitionist movement. The second one approaches the post-abolition period, its whitening project and the scientific racism. The third part faces the auto de resistência as a contemporary practice of State s racism in the brazilian biopolitic society. Finally, the fourth chapter intends to analyze resistances and possibilities of decolonial transformations of this violent and objectifying reality.

[pt] Nesta tese, olho para a Natureza como mais uma dimensão sobre a qual a colonialidade incide. Para isso, proponho dois movimentos teóricos. O primeiro é aprofundar a noção de colonialidade da Natureza, por entender que mesmo em um movimento crítico como o pensamento decolonial a Natureza é posta à margem, sendo necessário, portanto, reposicioná-la e compreender como a colonialidade incide sobre ela. O segundo é apresentar o Contrato Ambiental, inspirado principalmente pelo Contrato Racial de Charles Mills, enquanto um contrato subversivo que realça como o subjugo da Natureza é relevante para o domínio social, político e epistemológico colonial. Ambos os movimentos são relacionados com a disciplina de Relações Internacionais, posicionando este texto como uma proposta de pensar o internacional. Para essa análise, as metodologias escolhidas são a interseccionalidade, justamente por permitir a análise da incidência de hierarquias em mais de uma dimensão das vidas humanas e não-humanas, e a cartografia, que permite que a pesquisa seja afetada pelo campo e que o caminho também seja traçado enquanto se anda. Por fim, parto do conhecimento cultivado sobre crise climática com a intenção de propor um rompimento da hegemonia da organização social, política e produtiva centrada no Estado, no capitalismo e na colonialidade-modernidade, sem, no entanto, acreditar em uma volta ao passado e sem romantizar formas de organização não-modernas, tendo o movimento campesino de luta pela terra, em especial o Movimento de Trabalhadoras e Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), e em sua contraparte internacional, a Via Campesina, como práticas decoloniais e interseccionais de transformação social, política e epistemológica, bem como das relações entre humanos e a Natureza e entre grupos humanos. / [en] In this dissertation, I look at Nature as another dimension on which coloniality affects. To this end, I propose two theoretical movements. The first is to deepen the notion of coloniality of Nature, understanding that even in a critical movement such as decolonial thinking, Nature is placed on the margins, making it necessary, therefore, to reposition it and understand how coloniality affects it. The second is to present the Environmental Contract, inspired mainly by Charles Mills s Racial Contract, as a subversive contract that highlights how the subjugation of Nature is relevant to the colonial social, political and epistemological domain. Both movements are related to the discipline of International Relations, positioning this text as a proposal for thinking about the international. For this analysis, the methodologies chosen are intersectionality, precisely because it allows the analysis of the incidence of hierarchies in more than one dimension of human and non-human lives, and cartography, which allows research to be affected by the field and the path also be traced while walking. Finally, I start from the knowledge cultivated about the climate crisis with the intention of proposing a break with the hegemony of the social, political and productive organization centered on the state, capitalism and coloniality-modernity, without, however, believing in a return to the past and without romanticizing non-modern forms of organization, having the peasant movement of struggle for land, especially the Landless Workers Movement (MST), and its international counterpart, La Via Campesina, as decolonial and intersectional practices of social, political and epistemological transformation, as well as transformation of the relations between humans and Nature and between human groups. / [es] En esta tesis miro a la Naturaleza como otra dimensión sobre la que incide la colonialidad. Para ello propongo dos movimientos teóricos. El primero es profundizar la noción de colonialidad de la Naturaleza, entendiendo que incluso en un movimiento crítico como el pensamiento decolonial, la Naturaleza se coloca al margen, siendo necesario, por tanto, reposicionarla y comprender cómo la colonialidad la afecta. El segundo es presentar el Contrato Ambiental, inspirado principalmente en el Contrato Racial de Charles Mills, como un contrato subversivo que resalta cómo la subyugación de la Naturaleza es relevante para el dominio social, político y epistemológico colonial. Ambos movimientos se relacionan con la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, posicionando este texto como una propuesta para pensar lo internacional. Para este análisis, las metodologías elegidas son la interseccionalidad, precisamente porque permite analizar la incidencia de las jerarquías en más de una dimensión de la vida humana y no humana, y la cartografía, que permite que la investigación se vea afectada por el campo y que el camino también sea rastreado mientras camina. Finalmente, parto del conocimiento cultivado sobre la crisis climática con la intención de proponer una ruptura con la hegemonía de la organización social, política y productiva centrada en el Estado, el capitalismo y la colonialidad-modernidad, sin creer, sin embargo, en un retorno al pasado y sin romantizar formas de organización no modernas, teniendo al movimiento campesino de lucha por la tierra, especialmente al Movimiento de los Trabajadores Sin Tierra (MST), y a su contraparte internacional, La Vía Campesina, como prácticas decoloniales e interseccionales de transformación social, política y epistemológica, así como de transformación de las relaciones entre los humanos y la Naturaleza y entre los grupos humanos.

Text in English / Abstracts in English, Afrikaans and isiZulu / The present study deploys Ngugi wa Thiongo’s (2009) decolonial concepts of dismembering and re-membering to critically explore J. M Coetzee’s selected fiction. In my reading of the novels Waiting for the Barbarians, Foe and Disgrace, I relate concepts of dismembering and re-membering to decoloniality. In the rendition of Ngugi, dismembering refers to the displacement and dispossession of the colonised, and their mental colonisation through cultural imperialism. Re-membering becomes the decolonial effort to undo physical and psychological dismembering. In the same way in which, since the Berlin Conference of 1884/5, Africa was divided, mapped and colonised, the cultures and histories of Africans were dismembered and dominated. Concerns for the land are expressed in the mapping and the confiscation of land which is depicted in the native’s desert dwellings in Waiting for the Barbarians, Cruso’s clearing of the land in Foe and Petrus’s taking over of Lucy’s farm in Disgrace. Furthermore, Coetzee’s use of language is one important narrative strategy that is explored to ascertain how Coetzee negates or speaks for, of and about the colonised through the narrator focaliser. This study reveals the reflexive nature of the selected novels and seeks answers to the question of why Coetzee tends to make his “black” characters voiceless and rootless (and sometimes nameless)? Is Coetzee suggesting that they have been silenced by history, by colonialism, or is he suggesting that he, the author, has no right to speak on their behalf? In the mode of writing and story-telling, is Coetzee suggesting the impossibility of the coloniser to speak for the colonised or, in speaking of them, does he give the servant characters a voice and can this voice be theirs, or can it be considered reliable? Is Coetzee presenting the power of passivity as a means of resistance and re-membering? This study, from a decolonial perspective, engages with the complex way Coetzee handles voice and the question of the agency of the colonised. / Hierdie studie benut Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o (2009) se dekoloniale begrippe van verdeling en herindeling in ʼn kritiese beskouing van J. M. Coetzee se geselekteerde fiksie. In my vertolking van die romans Waiting for the Barbarians, Foe en Disgrace, bring ek die begrippe van verdeling en herindeling in verband met dekolonialisme. In Ngũgĩ se vertolking verwys verdeling na die verplasing en onteiening van die gekoloniseerdes, en hul geestelike kolonisering deur kulturele imperialisme. Herindeling word die dekoloniale poging om fisiese en sielkundige herindeling ongedaan te maak. Op dieselfde manier wat Afrika verdeel, gekarteer en gekoloniseer is sedert die Berlynse Konferensie van 1884/5, is Afrikane se kulture en geskiedenisse verdeel en gedomineer. Kommer oor die grond word te kenne gegee in die kartering en konfiskering van grond – soos uitgebeeld in die boorling se woestynverblyf in Waiting for the Barbarians, Cruso se opruiming van die grond in Foe en Petrus se oorname van Lucy se plaas in Disgrace. Verder is Coetzee se taalgebruik ʼn belangrike verhalende strategie wat bestudeer word om vas te stel hoe Coetzee die gekoloniseerde ontken of vir, van en oor die gekoloniseerde praat deur middel van die verteller/fokaliseerder. Hierdie studie openbaar die refleksiewe aard van die geselekteerde romans en soek vir antwoorde op die vraag van waarom Coetzee geneig is om sy “swart” karakters stemloos en wortelloos (en soms, naamloos) te maak. Suggereer Coetzee dat hulle deur die geskiedenis, deur kolonialisme, stilgemaak is – of suggereer hy dat hy, die outeur, nie die reg het om namens hulle te praat nie? Wil Coetzee deur sy manier van skryf en vertelling, aan die hand doen dat dit onmoontlik is dat die koloniseerder vir die gekoloniseerde kan praat; of, wanneer hy van hulle praat, gee hy aan die dienaarkarakters ʼn stem en kan dit hulle stem wees, of kan dit as betroubaar beskou word? Hou Coetzee die kraag van passiwiteit voor as ʼn vorm van weerstand en herindeling? Hierdie studie ondersoek, vanuit ʼn dekoloniale perspektief, die komplekse wyse waarop Coetzee stem en die vraag van die tussenkoms van die gekoloniseerde hanteer. / Ucwaningo lwamanje luchitha imiqondo ka-Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o (2009) yokuqothula nokujoyina kabusha ukungabuswa ngelinye izwe ekuhloliseni ngokucophelela ukuqamba okukhethiwe kukaJ.M. Coetzee. Ekufundeni kwami amanoveli i-Waiting for the Barbarians, Foe and Disgrace, ngichaza imiqondo yokuqothula futhi ukujoyina kabusha ekungabusweni ngelinye izwe. Ekuhumusheni kuka-Ngũgĩ, ukuqothula kubhekisela ekufudukeni nasekuthunjweni kwalabo ababuswa ngelinye izwe, kanye nengqondo yabo ekubusweni ngelinye izwe ngokusebenzisa imiphakathi yamasiko. Ukujoyina kabusha kuba wumzamo wokungabuswa ngelinye izwe ukulungisa ukuqothula kokukhubazeka ngokomzimba nangokwengqondo. Ngendlela efanayo lapho i-Afrika ihlukaniswe ngakhona, ihlelwe ibalazwe futhi ibuzwa ngelinye izwe kusukela kwiNgqungquthela yaseBerlin ka 1884/5, amasiko kanye nemilando yabantu base-Afrika yaqothulwa futhi yabuswa. Ukukhathazeka kwezwe kuboniswa ebalazweni nasekuthunjweni komhlaba - njengoba kuboniswe ezindaweni zokuhlala zasogwadule ku- Waiting for the Barbarians, ku-Cruso ukuhlanzwa komhlaba-enovelini i-Foe nakuPetrus ukuthatha ipulazi likaLucy enovelini i-Disgrace. Ngaphezu kwalokho, ukusetshenziswa kolimi lukaCoetzee kuyisisindo esisodwa esibalulekile sokulandisa esihlolisiswayo ukuze kuqinisekiswe ukuthi uCozezee uphikisa kanjani noma ukhuluma kanjani, futhi mayelana nababuswa ngelinye izwe ngokusebenzisa umlandisi. Lolu cwaningo lwembula uhlobo oluthile lokucabanga lwamanoveli akhethiwe futhi lufuna izimpendulo embuzweni wokuthi kungani uCoetzee ejwayele ukwenza "abalingisi" bakhe abamnyama bengabonakali futhi bangenasisekelo (futhi ngezinye izikhathi abangenalo igama). Ingabe uCoetzee uphakamisa ukuthi baye bathuliswa ngumlando, ngukubuswa ngelinye izwe, noma ingabe uphakamisa ukuthi yena, umbhali, akanalo ilungelo lokukhuluma egameni labo? Ngendlela yokubhala nokuxoxa ngezindaba, ingabe uCoetzee uphakamisa ukuthi akunakwenzeka ukuba obusa elinye izwe akhulumele ababuswayo kulelo zwe noma, uma ekhuluma ngabo, uyabanika abalingiswa abayinceku izwi futhi leli zwi lingaba ngelabo, noma lingathathwa njengelethembekile? Ingabe uCoetzee uveza amandla okungahambisani njengendlela yokumelana nokujoyina kabusha? Lolu cwaningo, kusukela embonweni wokungabuswa ngelinye izwe, luhambisana nendlela eyinkimbinkimbi uCoetzee alawula izwi kanye nombuzo wokumela ababuswayo. / English Studies / M.A. (Theory of Literature: (English Studies))

The key challenge to socio-economic transformation in South Africa is closing the gap between the poor and the rich. What is distinctive about South Africa is the uneasy coexistence of poverty and opulence. This study seeks to explore the structural, historical roots of poverty among the blacks in South Africa by deploying Fanonian Critical Decolonial theory. This is the ideal theoretical approach to unmask the structural causes of poverty and inequality in South Africa. Colonial ambitions and the global political engineering of the world by America and Europe spans more than four hundred years, and is still very much alive today in subtle forms. This study asserts that this imperial history is the cause of poverty, lack of agency, and the hellish conditions under which many black people live. The rise of industrial capitalism and attendant urbanisation is at the core of this impoverishment of the black man. It is also shown that, once impoverished, the black man’s poverty gathers its own momentum, leading to more poverty that is then handed down to succeeding generations. Contrary to Eurocentric theorising, the study shows that blacks are not ‘problem’ people but people with problems, who, instead of being condemned, should be regarded with sympathy. This research thesis focuses on Alexandra Township and Sandton as symbols of poverty and privilege, respectively. The former represents Fanon’s zone of non-being where life is lived in conditions of want and poverty, whilst the latter represents the zone of being characterised by good living and prosperity. The thesis will demonstrate the fact that these anomalous socio-economic disparities are not natural but man-made, and therefore require the action of human beings to correct them. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables. / The present study constitutes a comparative analysis of discourses that articulate issues related to both Indigenous land claims and the colonial legacy of Chile and Canada. Specifically, we analyze social science textbooks, opinion discourses and Indigenous discourses. Our analysis shows that there are striking similarities between the Canadian and Chilean national contexts. We propose that these can be explained, in part, by their relationship with the global discourse of modernity/coloniality. On the one hand, textbooks and opinion discourses circulate discursive features of modernity, thus reproducing colonial forms of knowledge and speaking. On the other hand, the Indigenous discourses we exam seem to resemble each other to the extent that they interpolate the discourse of modernity/coloniality, thereby transforming the terms of intercultural engagement. Despite efforts, in recent decades, by the Canadian and Chilean states towards reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, social conflicts persist, involving the same actors as always: the state, different indigenous communities, private companies, and intellectual, political and business elites. In light of this situation, this thesis aims to better understand why these conflicts, far from being resolved, continue to occur. In these two countries, the issue of intercultural conflict primarily invoves the question of land rights. In this sense, the reproduction of conflict is inseparable from the colonial legacy of the Canadian and Chilean national states. This colonial dimension of conflict, however, is usually made obscure by both the multicultural rhetoric of national discourse and the polarizations produced by public opinion discourses, both of which tend to frame the question of land rights in terms of binary notions, such as “civilization/barbarism”, or “authenticity/illegitimacy.” Furthermore, western Canada and southern Chile can be considered comparable contexts, as they were colonized on the basis of the modern discourses of progress and civilization, which served to legitimize the expansion of the nineteenth-century nation state. However, there are few studies comparing the discursive productions related to the intercultural relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians and Chileans. This is perhaps due to a perception of insurmountable linguistic, socio-historical and political differences between the two countries. / El presente estudio constituye un análisis comparado de discursos que articulan la problemática de la herencia colonial y de los reclamos indígenas en Chile y Canadá: libros de texto de ciencias sociales, discursos de opinión y discursos indígenas. Ahí se plantea que las similitudes sorprendentes que se han encontrado entre los contextos nacionales canadienses y chilenos pueden ser explicadas por su articulación con el discurso globalizado de la modernidad/colonialidad. Por un lado, los textos escolares y los discursos de opinión hacen circular rasgos discursivos de la modernidad, reproduciendo formas de saber y de decir coloniales. Por otro lado, los discursos indígenas se parecen entre sí en la medida en que interpolan la modernidad/colonialidad, transformando así los términos del compromiso intercultural. A pesar del esfuerzo de reconciliación de los estados canadiense y chileno con los pueblos indígenas en las últimas décadas, siguen produciéndose conflictos sociales, involucrando a los mismos actores de siempre: el estado, distintos pueblos indígenas, las empresas privadas y la elite intelectual, política y empresarial. Teniendo en cuenta esta situación, el objetivo de esta tesis apunta a entender mejor por qué estos conflictos, lejos de resolverse, continúan reproduciéndose. En estos dos países, la problemática de los conflictos interculturales está relacionada fundamentalmente con la cuestión de los derechos territoriales y, en consecuencia, son indesligables de la herencia colonial de los estados nacionales canadiense y chileno. Esta dimensión colonial de los conflictos, sin embargo, suele ser ocultada tanto por la retórica multicultural del discurso nacional como por las polarizaciones producidas por la opinión pública, las cuales tienden a enmarcar la problemática según nociones binarias, como la de “civilización/barbarie”, o “autenticidad/ilegitimidad”. Además, el oeste de Canadá y el sur de Chile pueden considerarse comparables, ya que fueron colonizados sobre la base del discurso moderno del progreso y la civilización, el cual sirvió para legitimar la expansión del estado nacional decimonónico. A pesar de esto, existen pocos estudios que comparen las producciones discursivas de las relaciones interculturales entre indígenas y no indígenas en los contextos canadienses y chilenos, posiblemente debido a las diferencias lingüísticas, sociohistóricas y políticas que parecieran insuperables.

Partant de la volonté de nous libérer de définitions techniques, technicistes ou produites dans la sociologiede l’appropriation sociale des usages des TIC afin de qualifier les usages de l’Internet par des organisations defemmes ou féministes en Afrique, nous avons privilégié dans cette thèse les travaux théoriques portant sur lepatriarcat et sur la colonialité du pouvoir (ensemble des relations sociales caractérisées par la subalternité –hiérarchisation entre dominants et dominés – produite par l’expansion du capitalisme). Ce parti pris nous apermis de poser un cadre d’analyse opératoire ne plaquant pas des analyses théoriques occidentales, sudaméricainesou asiatiques sur l’Afrique. Il a facilité la façon dont nous avons problématisé la relation entredomination masculine et domination liée à la colonialité de pouvoir, que nous avons nommée colonialitaire,dans un contexte de mondialisation et d’hypermodernité. Les manifestations différenciées de cette relation enAfrique du Sud et au Sénégal nous ont aidé à circonscrire le terrain et le contexte à partir desquels lesorganisations de femmes et féministes locales utilisent ou non l’Internet. La confrontation de leursreprésentations avec le cadre conceptuel est devenue informative et s’est avérée indispensable afin de qualifier lapolitisation de leurs usages. Il nous est ainsi apparu que l’Internet cristallise parmi les technologies del’information et de la communication un moyen par lequel la « société de l’information » est le produit comme laproduction d’une mondialisation hypermoderne où la colonialité du pouvoir et le patriarcat, en tant quesystèmes, s’exercent conjointement. Cette conjonction s’exprime par les biais théorique autant qu’empirique.Notamment nous avons observé que l’épistémologie utilisée dans ce cadre renoue avec des constructionstraditionnalistes, nationalistes, paternalistes et masculinistes des savoirs en écho à ce que permet cet outil :l’accélération de l’appropriation du corps des femmes, la surenchère rhétorique et politique des dominants,l’institutionnalisation des concepts, l’occidentalisation des pensées, les privatisations en tous secteurs, lesconcurrences croisées de l’Occident, l’Extrême et le Moyen-Orient sur les terrains tant économique, politiqueque socioculturel, religieux. Il est alors apparu que les inégalités de genre s’aggravent en même temps que lesidentités sexuelles à tous les niveaux (État, institutions, population) deviennent souterraines et que les rapportsdifférenciés de « race » et de classe se creusent. Fort de ce constat, nos analyses nous ont mené à réaliser que lesfemmes de « la base » se retrouvent en situation d’accentuer la prise en charge immédiate de la gestion del’urgence (augmentation de la pauvreté, des violences, diminution de l’accès aux ressources, à la santé, àl’éducation…), parfois d’accepter leur subalternité tout en la négociant auprès des dominants. Aussi, peu à peu, / With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions — technical, technocratic or thoseemanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses — in order to analyze the usage of theInternet in women’s and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical workrelating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity —hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated — produced by the expansion of capitalism.) Thisposition enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South Americanor Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of therelationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which wehave called “colonialtairian” in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiatedmanifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and contextwithin which local women’s or feminist organizations use or don’t use the Internet. Comparing theirrepresentations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining thepoliticization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communicationtechnologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the “Information Society” is both the product andthe production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchyfunction conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especiallynoteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic,paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of theappropriation of women’s bodies, the dominants’ rhetorical and political grandstanding, theinstitutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization in all sectors and criss-crossingcompetition throughout the West, the Far East and Middle East in economic, political, socio-cultural andreligious areas. It then appeared that gender inequalities worsen at the same time as sexual identities on alllevels (state, institutions, population) are buried away, while differentiated “race” and class relationshipsbecome more pronounced.

The key challenge to socio-economic transformation in South Africa is closing the gap between the poor and the rich. What is distinctive about South Africa is the uneasy coexistence of poverty and opulence. This study seeks to explore the structural, historical roots of poverty among the blacks in South Africa by deploying Fanonian Critical Decolonial theory. This is the ideal theoretical approach to unmask the structural causes of poverty and inequality in South Africa. Colonial ambitions and the global political engineering of the world by America and Europe spans more than four hundred years, and is still very much alive today in subtle forms. This study asserts that this imperial history is the cause of poverty, lack of agency, and the hellish conditions under which many black people live. The rise of industrial capitalism and attendant urbanisation is at the core of this impoverishment of the black man. It is also shown that, once impoverished, the black man’s poverty gathers its own momentum, leading to more poverty that is then handed down to succeeding generations. Contrary to Eurocentric theorising, the study shows that blacks are not ‘problem’ people but people with problems, who, instead of being condemned, should be regarded with sympathy. This research thesis focuses on Alexandra Township and Sandton as symbols of poverty and privilege, respectively. The former represents Fanon’s zone of non-being where life is lived in conditions of want and poverty, whilst the latter represents the zone of being characterised by good living and prosperity. The thesis will demonstrate the fact that these anomalous socio-economic disparities are not natural but man-made, and therefore require the action of human beings to correct them. / Development Studies / M. A. (Development Studies)

Text in English / This qualitative study presents an onomastic perspective on the changing linguistic landscape of Zimbabwe which resulted from the post-2000 land reforms (also known as the Third Chimurenga). When veterans of Zimbabwe’s War of Liberation assumed occupancy of former white-owned farms, they immediately pronounced their take-over of the land through changes in place names. The resultant toponymic landscape is anchored in the discourses of the First and Second Chimurenga. Through recasting the Chimurenga (war of liberation) narrative, the proponents of the post-2000 land reforms endeavoured to create a historical continuum from the colonisation of Zimbabwe in 1890 to the post-2000 reforms, which were perceived as an attempt to redress the historical anomaly of land inequality. The aim of this study is to examine toponymic changes on the geo-linguistic landscape, and establish the extent of the changes and the post-colonial identity portrayed by these place names. Within the case study design, research methods included in-depth interviews, document study and observations as means of data generation. Through the application of critical and sociolinguistic theories in the form of post-colonial theory, complemented by geo-semiotics, political semiotics and language ecology, this study uncovers the richness of toponymy in exposing a cryptic social narrative reflective of, among others, contestations of power. The findings indicate that post-2000 toponymy is a complex mixture of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial place names. These names recast the various narratives in respect of the history of Zimbabwe through the erasure of colonial toponyms and resuscitation older Chimurenga names. The resultant picture portrayed by post-2000 toponymy communicates a complex message of contested land ownership in Zimbabwe. There is a pronounced legacy of colonial toponymy that testifies to the British Imperial occupation of the land and the ideologies behind colonisation. This presence of colonial toponymy many years after independence is an ironic confirmation of the indelible legacy of British colonialism in Zimbabwe. The findings show a clear recasting of the discourses of violence and racial hostility, but also reveal an interesting trend of toponymic syncretism where colonial names are retained and used together with new names. / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Linguistics)

La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables. / The present study constitutes a comparative analysis of discourses that articulate issues related to both Indigenous land claims and the colonial legacy of Chile and Canada. Specifically, we analyze social science textbooks, opinion discourses and Indigenous discourses. Our analysis shows that there are striking similarities between the Canadian and Chilean national contexts. We propose that these can be explained, in part, by their relationship with the global discourse of modernity/coloniality. On the one hand, textbooks and opinion discourses circulate discursive features of modernity, thus reproducing colonial forms of knowledge and speaking. On the other hand, the Indigenous discourses we exam seem to resemble each other to the extent that they interpolate the discourse of modernity/coloniality, thereby transforming the terms of intercultural engagement. Despite efforts, in recent decades, by the Canadian and Chilean states towards reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, social conflicts persist, involving the same actors as always: the state, different indigenous communities, private companies, and intellectual, political and business elites. In light of this situation, this thesis aims to better understand why these conflicts, far from being resolved, continue to occur. In these two countries, the issue of intercultural conflict primarily invoves the question of land rights. In this sense, the reproduction of conflict is inseparable from the colonial legacy of the Canadian and Chilean national states. This colonial dimension of conflict, however, is usually made obscure by both the multicultural rhetoric of national discourse and the polarizations produced by public opinion discourses, both of which tend to frame the question of land rights in terms of binary notions, such as “civilization/barbarism”, or “authenticity/illegitimacy.” Furthermore, western Canada and southern Chile can be considered comparable contexts, as they were colonized on the basis of the modern discourses of progress and civilization, which served to legitimize the expansion of the nineteenth-century nation state. However, there are few studies comparing the discursive productions related to the intercultural relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians and Chileans. This is perhaps due to a perception of insurmountable linguistic, socio-historical and political differences between the two countries. / El presente estudio constituye un análisis comparado de discursos que articulan la problemática de la herencia colonial y de los reclamos indígenas en Chile y Canadá: libros de texto de ciencias sociales, discursos de opinión y discursos indígenas. Ahí se plantea que las similitudes sorprendentes que se han encontrado entre los contextos nacionales canadienses y chilenos pueden ser explicadas por su articulación con el discurso globalizado de la modernidad/colonialidad. Por un lado, los textos escolares y los discursos de opinión hacen circular rasgos discursivos de la modernidad, reproduciendo formas de saber y de decir coloniales. Por otro lado, los discursos indígenas se parecen entre sí en la medida en que interpolan la modernidad/colonialidad, transformando así los términos del compromiso intercultural. A pesar del esfuerzo de reconciliación de los estados canadiense y chileno con los pueblos indígenas en las últimas décadas, siguen produciéndose conflictos sociales, involucrando a los mismos actores de siempre: el estado, distintos pueblos indígenas, las empresas privadas y la elite intelectual, política y empresarial. Teniendo en cuenta esta situación, el objetivo de esta tesis apunta a entender mejor por qué estos conflictos, lejos de resolverse, continúan reproduciéndose. En estos dos países, la problemática de los conflictos interculturales está relacionada fundamentalmente con la cuestión de los derechos territoriales y, en consecuencia, son indesligables de la herencia colonial de los estados nacionales canadiense y chileno. Esta dimensión colonial de los conflictos, sin embargo, suele ser ocultada tanto por la retórica multicultural del discurso nacional como por las polarizaciones producidas por la opinión pública, las cuales tienden a enmarcar la problemática según nociones binarias, como la de “civilización/barbarie”, o “autenticidad/ilegitimidad”. Además, el oeste de Canadá y el sur de Chile pueden considerarse comparables, ya que fueron colonizados sobre la base del discurso moderno del progreso y la civilización, el cual sirvió para legitimar la expansión del estado nacional decimonónico. A pesar de esto, existen pocos estudios que comparen las producciones discursivas de las relaciones interculturales entre indígenas y no indígenas en los contextos canadienses y chilenos, posiblemente debido a las diferencias lingüísticas, sociohistóricas y políticas que parecieran insuperables.

For almost two decades, Coastal GasLink, with the support of the State of British Columbia (B.C.), Canada, has sought to build a hydrofracking gas pipeline, which would cross a large part of Wet’suwet’en Nation’s territories. Faced with this, the different clans that make up the Nation, under the governance system of the Hereditary Chiefs, have expressed their disagreement, demonstrating that the environmental assessment and decision-making processes overlooked their deep relationship with the Yintakh (their territory). Drawing on a methodological approach that involved visual ethnography and combined content and narrative analysis, my research aims to analyze the role that emotions play in the territorial-ontological conflict between the State of B.C., Coastal GasLink, and the Wet’suwet’en. The combination of content and narrative analysis helped decipher and understand how people express everyday practices and construct and perform their identity amid the conflict. In facing COVID-19 pandemic limitations, visual ethnography provided an alternative to fieldwork. Using online available audiovisual material, through which I was able to keep a phenomenological approach, I used my senses (visual and auditory) to analyze body movements, tone of voice, and language. The theoretical approach to the conflict was from that of political ontology and emotional political ecologies (EmPEs). To answer my first research question: how is the conflict of interest an ontological conflict? I articulate a framework made up of Ingold’s phenomenology, Blaser’s ontological conflicts, and Escobar's studies of culture as a radical difference. To answer my second research question: what is the role that emotions play in the conflict? I build on the spiderweb, a metaphor developed by Ingold, to expand the scope of González-Hidalgo’s emotional political ecologies. I demonstrate that the processes of political inter-subjectivation sought at the Unist’ot’en Healing Center help understand, on the one hand, the worry, frustration, and stress of the Wet'suwet'ens facing the world-creating practices of Coastal GasLink and the State of B.C. On the other hand, the Healing Center reveals how the affections for the other-than-human and their relational world inform Wet’suwet’en resistance. Lastly, I unveil how Coastal GasLink and the Ministry of Aboriginal Rights and Reconciliation, through discourses and practices of inclusion and gender equality, seek to blur radical cultural differences, delegitimize the Wet’suwet’en pre-colonial governance system, and create affections for the Western-modern world.