The influence of the Federal Republic of Germany in development of the European Union environmental policy is dealing with promoting of German environmental policy within the European Union in a broad context with the focus on EU institutions and national political system. The German approach to environmental policy is shaped by strategy of European countries that are influencing EU environmental policy. That chosen strategies were developed by Liefferink and Andersen. The stress is put on the analysis of embedding of environmental policy within political system, institutions and within various actors. Part of the research is climatic policy denominated as a main topic of environmental policy of the last days. Key words environmental policy, environmental politics, the European Union and Germany, climate policy, strategy of environmental pioneers, Liefferink Duncan, Andersen Mikael Skou

This study is a qualitative investigation, the study is focused on the Swedish political party the Left Party and the party’s environmental politics. Previous research has shown that former traditional socialist parties have been greening over time, a phenomenon called greening of the left. Socialist parties are emphasising a strict and radical environmental politics such as deep ecological politics to stop climate change and overthrow capitalism. At the same time, traditional right-left politics seem to belong in the 20th century, and the new politics is now identified as the GAL-TAN scale. The purpose of this study is to analyse the Swedish Left Party using idea and ideology analysis to see what kind of environmental politics the Left Party is currently implementing, and whether there has been a change over time. The results of the study is that the Left Party has implemented a deep ecology type of environmental politics, and that there has been a change over time where the Left Party first implemented ecologism, and have slowly over the past 30 years moved towards deep ecology. Thus, the conclusion of this study is that the Swedish Left Party is yet another example of greening of the left. / Denna studie behandlar Vänsterpartiet och Vänsterpartiets förhållande till miljöpolitik. Tidigare forskning inom vänsterpartiers förhållande till miljöpolitik visar att vänsterpartier tenderar att bedriva en djupekologisk miljöpolitik. Tidigare forskning visar även att vänsterpartier över tid har rört sig mot den djupekologiska politiken, ett fenomen som kallas greening of the left. Tidigare forskning visar även att traditionell höger-vänster politik inte alltid är applicerbart, och den nya metoden att kategorisera politiska partier är GAL-TAN skalan. Syftet med denna studie är att besvara två forskningsfrågor rörande vilken typ av miljöpolitik Vänsterpartiet bedriver, och huruvida det finns ett skifte över tid. Metoden som använts för studien är idé och ideologianalys. Resultatet för studien visar att Vänsterpartiet i dagsläget bedriver en djupekologisk miljöpolitik, och att det har förekommit ett skifte över tid. Vänsterpartiet bedrev från början en miljöpolitik som liknar ekologism, och har de senaste 30 åren gått mot djupekologi. Slutsatsen är således att Vänsterpartiet går i samklang med den internationella forskningen, och kan därför ses som ett bidrag till nuvarande forskning.

Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l’écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d’abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu’ils s’internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l’anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement écosystémique) qui mettraient fin à la version moderne du projet démocratique. Loin de n’être qu’une posture intellectuelle, le catastrophisme s’incarne dans ces mouvements en des pratiques délibératives expérimentales qui invitent à questionner la temporalité continuiste dans laquelle se conçoit généralement la théorie démocratique.L’étude de ces deux mobilisations vise à nourrir une réflexion d’ordre plus théorique sur les outils dont dispose la science politique pour penser l’insertion des communautés politiques dans leur environnement. En nous appuyant sur les travaux pionniers de la green political theory, nous montrerons qu’une théorie politique environnementale pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie démocratique en invitant à la réinsérer dans un contexte de déstabilisation écologique globale. / During the 2000’s decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption.

The objective of the thesis is to explore if the European Union membership has changed the Swedish Green Party’s use of parlance, ideology and political content. To explore this, a quantitative content analysis has been done on election manifestos during a 30-year period on national parliamentary manifestos as well as European Parliament manifestos. A framework of green ideology as well as previous research of the Swedish Green’s is used to further the findings from the manifestos. The thesis has found that the European Union membership has affected the Swedish Greens which is seen in the change of how they use language, their transformation of ideas throughout the years as well as their views on political areas and how that has expanded. Further research is recommended to additionally explore the subject, a suggestion is to increase the material because that was an issue in this essay.

Far-right parties and their supporters have long been associated with climate skepticism and opposition to climate action. However, all far-right supporters do not share these views, and some even emphasize the importance of caring about the environment. Prior research has not paid much attention to this question; this thesis hence aims to investigate which kinds of far-right supporters are more likely to hold pro-environmental views. The study argues that it is essential to disentangle different eco-friendly attitudes related to the (national) environment on the one hand, and to (global) climate change on the other hand. Using prior research on far-right values and climate change attitudes, the study focuses on regional differences and various individual-level characteristics such as attitudes towards the nation- state, state sovereignty, and individuals’ socio-economic background. The empirical analysis uses the European Social Survey’s data from 2016 and employs multiple linear regression. The results demonstrate that there is indeed a “green divide” between concern for the environment and for the climate among the European far-right, particularly in Eastern Europe. Nationalist attitudes were statistically related to caring for the (national) environment, and not as much to climate responsibility. Female and older far-right supporters care more for the environment, while younger far-right supporters have higher climate responsibility. These results demonstrate the heterogeneity of far-right supporters and their pro-environmental attitudes. They also suggest that certain groups within the far right may be more open to environmentally friendly politics than others, and that an emphasis on the environment instead of on climate may greatly impact polarization in modern environmental politics.

No description available.

This thesis explores how the Lacanian concept of ‘the enjoyment of the Other’ (la jouissance de l’Autre) can be applied to break open normative understandings of the political factors shaping the climate crisis deadlock. The principal aim is to investigate how ostensibly disconnected environmental debates may be regarded as linked by an economy of enjoyment, more precisely by the promise of enjoyment by which the subject is libidinally attached to an ideology. Analysis of text proceeds by way of a psychoanalytic critique of ideology on two case studies from UK news media, namely, i) the development of onshore wind turbines and, ii) the appearance of direct-action environmentalist groups, in particular the activities of the group Just Stop Oil. This thesis finds that rhetorical devices across the discourses analysed are sustained by an ideological belief that the subject’s enjoyment has been stolen or ruined by the Other, that is, the external symbolic framework of language, morals and other people that shapes and influences subjectivity. On the one hand it is argued that the mediatisation of the climate crisis in terms of the enjoyment of the Other, that is, the belief that the Other has access to a full enjoyment which the subject is denied, portrays environmental politics as an empty display or ‘spectacle.’ On the other hand, it is suggested that the experience of environmental politics as a spectacle is a symptom of the decline of the state’s symbolic role in late capitalism.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa comparativamente, sob uma perspectiva neo institucionalista, dois projetos distintos de integração regional: União Européia - fruto de um processo que remonta à década de 1950, mais institucionalizado, com maior delegação a órgãos supranacionais e também maior número de estados membros, e Nafta - mais recente, de caráter intergovernamental, ênfase em mecanismos de solução de controvérsias, menor número de estados, grande disparidade de poder entre as partes e onde, aparentemente, a lógica de mercado se sobrepõe à ética ambiental - no que diz respeito à incorporação e administração da agenda ambiental. Tal análise é realizada a partir do estudo do desenho institucional de cada projeto. Especial atenção é dada às instituições, órgãos, atores e mecanismos relacionados ao estabelecimento, execução e fiscalização de políticas ambientais. Os resultados obtidos indicam como o desenho institucional de Nafta e da UE reflete o modo como as questões ambientais são incorporadas e tratadas nestes arranjos. / [en] This Project compares, under an institutionalist perspective, two distinct regional projects: The European Union - a product of a process initiated in the 1950 s, with higher level of institutionalization and delegation to supranational bodies and with also more member states, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) - a more recent venture, of intergovernmental character, with emphasis on mechanisms of dispute resolution, less states and sharper differences between the parties, where the logic of the market seems to lie above environmental ethics - regarding the incorporation of an environmental agenda within regional institutions, as well as the management of this agenda. Such analysis is performed through the study of the projects institutional design. Special attention is given to institutions, bodies, actors and mechanisms dealing with environmental policies establishment, execution and enforcement. The results obtained indicate what does Nafta and EUs institutional designs can tell about the incorporation and treatment given by these regional arrangements to environmental affairs.

Esta pesquisa visa contribuir para a produção de conhecimentos que subsidiem atividades de educação ambiental através da descrição de um estudo de caso realizado junto aos alunos moradores da Área de Proteção Ambiental de Sousas e Joaquim Egídio, localizada em Campinas - São Paulo. O grupo formado por alunos da 7ª série da Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental "Ângela Cury Zackia" constituiu o público-alvo da pesquisa. Seu foco está na análise da compreensão da questão ambiental para os alunos moradores. Foi utilizado como referencial metodológico o estudo de caso, a pesquisa qualitativa e pesquisa-ação, com auxílio de instrumentos como: entrevistas semi-estruturadas, questionários, análise documental e realização de oficinas. Busca-se refletir sobre o significado de meio ambiente e natureza e caracterizar do grupo frente ao envolvimento, participação e compromisso nos problemas relacionados ao meio ambiente. / This research aims at to contribute for the production of knowledge that subsidize activities of ambient education through the description of a study of case carried through together to the living pupils of the Area of Environment Protection of Sousas and Joaquin Egídio, located in Campinas - S.P. The group formed for pupils of 7ª series of the Municipal School of Basic Education "Ângela Cury Zackia" it constituted the public-target of the research. Its focus is in the analysis of the understanding of the ambient question for the living pupils. It was used as referencial metodológico the case study, the qualitative research and research-action, with aid of instruments as: half-structuralized interviews, questionnaires, documentary analysis and accomplishment of workshops. One searchs to reflect on the meaning of environment and nature for this group of students. The characterization of the group front to the envolvement, participation and commitment in the problems related to the environment.

När den svenska klimatdebatten intensifierades under 2000-talets första decennium tilldelades allmänheten en särskild roll. I den mediala och politiska debatten verkade lösningen på miljöproblemen intimt förknippad med individers livsstilar. I den här avhandlingen betraktas det synsättet som del av en pågående individualisering av miljöansvar. Med en poststrukturalistisk feministisk utgångspunkt hanteras det individualiserade miljöansvaret som en specifik diskurs. Diskursen beskriver individer som de centrala aktörerna som ska motverka miljöproblemen. Hur individer förhåller sig till rimligheten i en sådan ansvarsfördelning eller förstår innebörden av ett sådant ansvar är emellertid oklart. Syftet med avhandlingen är att utforska hur individer begripliggör och förhandlar diskursen om individuellt miljöansvar i gruppsamtal. För att förstå hur individer kan positionera sig i relation till diskursen analyseras tolv fokusgruppsamtal med personer som befinner sig i olika livssituationer och har olika erfarenheter av miljöfrågor och resande. Samtalsdeltagarnas förhandlingar av diskursens innebörd och relevans analyseras. Avhandlingen undersöker vilka andra diskurser som stödjer, konkurrerar med eller utgör motdiskurser till den individualiserade miljödiskursen. Därmed framgår hur individer kan införliva eller göra motstånd mot miljödiskursens verklighetsbeskrivning. I avhandlingen undersöks även vilka subjektspositioner som görs problematiska respektive oproblematiska i relation till ett individualiserat miljöansvar. Det bidrar med insikt om hur diskurser knutna till genus och klass kan positionera individer som i olika grad eller på olika sätt ansvariga för sin miljöpåverkan. Analysen visar hur individuellt miljöansvar förknippas med resursstarka och oberoende individer, individer som kan tänka sig att agera utan stöd från vare sig omgivningen eller stödjande samhällsstrukturer. Samtalsdeltagare i studien beskriver det individualiserade miljöansvaret som alltifrån moraliskt viktigt och positivt till orimligt och orealistiskt. Konkurrens mellan individer följer i diskursens spår. Både personer som tar på sig stort ansvar och de som inte förmår eller vill leva upp till idealet om att förändra sin livsstil pekas ut som problematiska. Samtidigt hamnar andra potentiella ansvarstagare och politiska arenor ofta i skymundan. Därtill riktar vissa samtalsdeltagare misstro mot samhällets förmåga att överhuvudtaget hantera miljöproblem, vilket tolkas som en aspekt av det individualiserade miljöansvarets dominans. / Over the last decade, the behaviors and lifestyles of the Swedish public have been depicted as having important environmental effects by both politicians and the media in Sweden. In this thesis, this is regarded as part of an ongoing tendency to individualize environmental responsibilities. Using a feminist poststructuralist point of departure, this individualized environmental responsibility is understood as a particular discourse that frames individuals as essential actors in handling environmental problems. How individuals position themselves in relation to the reasonableness and meaning of these responsibilities, however, is still an open question. The aim is to explore how individuals make scnse of and negotiate the discourse of individual environmental responsibility in group discussions. Twelve focus group conversations involving people in various life situations and with various expericnces of environmental issues and travelling are analyzed. The analysis investigates how the focus group participants position themselves in relation to the discoursc and, thus, negotiate its meaning and relevance. The analysis seeks to understand what other discourses support, compete with, or challenge the discourse of individual environmental responsibility in order to illuminate how individuals can incorporate or resist this particular discursive description of the world. The thesis also investigates what subject positions are made troubled or untroubled by the focus group participants, which reveals how gender and dass discourses position individuals as in various ways or to various degrees responsible for their individual impact on the environment. The analysis suggests that the discourse of individual environmental responsibility privileges independent, self-governing individuals, that is, people who assume responsibility without demanding either societal or social support. Some focus group participants depict individual environmental responsibility as morally significant and beneficial, while others depict it as unrealistic and unacceptable. The discourse seems to engender competition between individuals. Both people acting as highly environmentally responsible and people acting as unable or unwilling to take environmental responsibility are framed as troubled individuals in the conversations. Concurrently, other potential environmentally responsible actors and political scenes are often neglected. The discourse of individual environmental responsibility dominates; for some focus group participants, this discourse leads toa lack of faith in societal ability to handle environmental problems.