When discussing Asian Indian population in the U.S. their economic success and scholastic achievement dominates the discourse. Despite their perceived economic and scholastic success and their status as a “model minority”, Asian Indians experience discrimination, exclusion, and marginalization from mainstream American society. These experiences of discrimination and perceived discrimination are causing second generation Asian Indians to give up on total assimilation and re-ethnicize. They are using different pathways of re-ethnicization to re-claim and to create an ethnic identity. This thesis provides evidence, through secondary sources, that Asian Indians in the U.S. do experience discrimination or perceived discrimination, and it is historic, cultural, and systemic. This thesis also uses secondary sources to explain several pathways of re-ethnicization utilized by second generation Asian Indians who have given up on complete assimilation. The process of re-ethnicization provides second generation Asian Indians agency, positionality, and placement in American society. Asian Indians through re-ethnicization occupy and embrace the margins that separate mainstream American society and the Asian Indians community in the U.S. It allows them to act as “go –betweens”.

Depuis une trentaine d’années les revendications identitaires et religieuses se développent dans la société française et frappent aux portes de l’école. Cette recherche tente d’en comprendre les raisons et les enjeux en croisant, dans le cadre d’une problématique de la reconnaissance empruntée à la philosophie d’Axel Honneth, l’enquête théorique et l’enquête empirique. Son premier volet, en appui sur les travaux en sciences politiques et en sociologie, étudie, sur la période qui s’étend des années 1970 à nos jours, les principales phases de ce processus. Le second volet est consacré à une enquête menée sur le terrain de la ville de Vénissieux, au moyen d’entretiens au sein de l’institution scolaire (enseignants et responsables) et auprès des parents de familles musulmanes. Le troisième volet enfin est consacré à quelques-uns des concepts et notions philosophiques qu’interroge particulièrement ce développement des revendications identitaires et religieuses : l’identité, l’universalité, la laïcité. / For about thirty years the claims of identity and religion develop in the French society and knock on the doors of the school. This research tries to understand the reasons and the challenges by crossing, in the framework of a problematic of the recognition borrowed from the philosophy of Axel Honneth, the theoretical inquiry and the empirical investigation. Its first component, based on the works in political science and sociology, examines the main phases of this process from the 1970s to the present day. The second part is devoted to a survey conducted in the field of the city of Vénissieux, through interviews within the school institution (teachers and officials) and with parents of Muslim families. Finally, the third part is devoted to some of the notions and philosophical concepts that are particularly questioned by this development of identity and religious claims : identity, universality, secularism.

Privatization of the state-owned enterprises in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1995 - 2015 Štěpán Šantrůček Abstract The diploma thesis "Privatization of the state-owned enterprises in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1995 - 2015" analyses the privatization after the end of war in B&H in the context of dual transition from war to peace (postwar reconstruction) and from the centrally planned economy to liberal market. The thesis analyses the specifics of the privatization processes in B&H such as direct involvement of the international community, decentralization, ethnicization and misuse in order to reach the nationalist-motivated political goals. The thesis concludes that the privatization process was extremely influenced by the division of the society along the ethnic lines which had a significant impact on the country's economy, social conditions of the population and reintegration of the society after the war in 1992 - 1995.

Cette thèse, menée auprès de deux campi nomadi de Rome (Italie), se situe dans une approche sociolinguistique qui souhaite rendre compte de la pluralité et de l’hétérogénéité des pratiques langagières observées auprès des habitants roms. Pour en saisir la complexité et la diversité, il s’agit d’abord de comprendre l’espace social où ces pratiques ont été observées. Le campo, en tant que lieu de vie anthropologique et terrain d’enquête sera donc compris en tenant compte des relations humaines qui s’y tissent et des places que l’on désigne à l’Autre ou que l’on s’octroie. L’objectif est de procéder par « fragmentation » (Lorcerie, 2009), de s’intéresser aux représentations et aux discours individuels pour rendre compte de l’hétérogénéité des pratiques. Il s’agira également de passer par un travail de déconstruction et de compréhension des mécanismes d’ethnicisation et d’assignation identitaire, sociales et linguistique qui participent à l’élaboration de catégorisations autour des groupes roms. Cette recherche part donc d’un espace social spécifique, d’un « specialismo » italien (Tosi, 2007) pour fournir une analyse des pratiques socio-langagières fragmentées de ses habitants et rendre compte de leur « expérience plurielle de la parole » (Canut, 2007). / This doctoral research, carried out in two campi nomadi (Rome, Italy) is underpinned by a sociolinguistic approach that aims to analyse the plurality and heterogeneity of language practices observed among Roma inhabitants. Grasping the complexity and diversity of these practices requires an undertanding of the social space where they take place. The campo, as an anthropological living place and fieldwork will therefore be understood taking into account the human relations that emerge and the places that the Other is assigned or those one grants oneself. The objective is to proceed by "fragmentation" (Lorcerie, 2009), focusing on representations and individual discourses to account for the heterogeneity of practices. This also involves a process of deconstruction and comprehension of the mechanisms of ethnicization and identity, and of social and linguistic assignment that contribute to the development of categorizations of Roma groups. This research therefore starts from a specific social space, from an Italian "specialismo" (Tosi, 2007) so as to provide an analysis of the fragmented sociolinguistic practices of its inhabitants and to expound the "plural experience of their speech" (Canut, 2007)

Ne se définissant pas uniquement par rapport à l’islam, le terme musulman est aujourd’hui largement polysémique en France. Cette recherche interroge donc l’usage du terme musulman et les modes d’identification sociale en tant que musulman-e-s. En première partie, elle propose une interprétation de l’évolution socio-sémantique historique du terme. Puis, en deuxième et troisième partie, elle analyse les enjeux de l’auto-catégorisation de Soi à partir d’un terrain (entretiens, questionnaires, observations). S’agit-il de se considérer d’origine musulmane et/ou de culture musulmane et/ou de religion musulmane ? Sous-tendus par la tension entre des processus d’ethnicisation, de racisation et de confessionnalisation, deux nouveaux espaces de signification sont ici développés : un nouvel usage politique questionnant la place des classes sociales, du racisme et de l’islamophobie (musulmanité) ; puis, un nouvel usage exclusivement religieux séparant la culture du religieux (muslimité). Ce dernier usage influe sur l’émergence d’une éthique islamique contemporaine et de la recherche d’un « pur religieux ». D’une manière transversale, cette thèse pose la question de ce que veut dire « est musulman-e-s » aujourd’hui en France avec la particularité de considérer à la fois l’histoire et la construction des discours sur Soi. / The word muslim, which not only refers to Islam, is nowaday polysemous to a great extent. This research analyses the uses of the word muslim and the way in which it is used to identify as muslim-s. Firstly, it focuses on the changes of the historical semantics of the term. Then it seeks to identify, from a fieldwork perspective (interviews, observations, questionnaires), what is a stake in the self-categorisation process. Is muslim an ethnicity, a religious or a cultural category ? The ethnicization, racialization and confessionalization religious processes bring about two knew signification new spaces : a new political use which raises questions on class, race and islamophobia (muslimness) and a new confessional use who cleave culture and cult (muslimity). This last use leads to the formation of a contemporary Islamic ethics and to the search of a ”pure religious”. This transversal study asks what being muslim-s means in France today, considering history as well as self-categorisation discourses.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:14:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Idelma_Santiago_Silva_Tese_Historia_UFG.pdf: 2167469 bytes, checksum: 44fb7de0dab4f93ebb08e0cc6d528999 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-29 / The theme of this work is the cultural frontier as a space os interactions and inconsistency in the process of repossession of migrants in southeast Pará, in the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first century. He discusses the experience of otherness in the differentiation and sociocultural hierarchy that has built the ethnic category as Maranhão. It is an interpretation of the representations and socio-historical conditions which make/made ethnicization possible this process of maranhenses in the southeast of Pará. In this context, there are the narratives of colonization and regionalization in order to power arrangements on relations and social representations. The socio-spatial interactions and experiences of otherness are dramatized in the struggle for memory and migration of repossession. Therefore, the struggle of representation involves processes of domination and exclusion, as well as the cultural inscription of otherness as insurgent force, undertaken by groups in a position of inferiority, which aims at the empowerment and participation in history. It is a work of cultural history, with an interdisciplinary approach and the sources of the research object. The theoretical perspective adopted in reference to cultural studies and post-colonial history and the everyday. The sources taken for analysis and description compose a diverse corpus and his questioning was based on intellectual propositions of each chapter and the strategy of discourse analysis in the perspective of social dialogue. Among the sources used, stood out from the press materials, works memoirs, oral narratives and anecdotal texts in the public domain. / O tema deste trabalho é a fronteira cultural como espaço das interações e contraditoriedade no processo de reterritorialização de migrantes no sudeste do Pará, na segunda metade do século XX e início do século XXI. Ele aborda a experiência da alteridade na diferenciação e hierarquização sociocultural que tem construído o maranhense como categoria étnica. É uma interpretação das representações e condições sociohistóricas que torna(ra)m possíveis esse processo de etnicização do maranhense no sudeste do Pará. Neste contexto, destacam-se as narrativas de colonização e regionalização visando arranjos de poder sobre as relações e as representações sociais. As interações socioespaciais e as experiências da alteridade são dramatizadas no combate pela memória da migração e de reterritorialização. Por isso, a luta de representação envolve processos de dominação e exclusão, bem como de inscrição cultural da alteridade como força insurgente, empreendida por grupos em condições de subalternidade, que visa à aquisição de poder e maior participação na história. É um trabalho de história cultural, com uma abordagem interdisciplinar das fontes e de aproximação do objeto de investigação. A perspectiva teórica adotada referencia-se nos estudos culturais e pós-coloniais e na história do cotidiano. As fontes tomadas para análise e descrição compõem um corpus diversificado e seu questionamento foi realizado com base nas proposições intelectuais de cada capítulo e na estratégia de análise de discurso na perspectiva do dialogismo social. Dentre as fontes utilizadas, destacam-se materiais da imprensa escrita, obras memorialísticas, narrativas orais e textos anedóticos de domínio público.

The othering and exclusion of religious minority groups in Georgia is often understood through the prism of religious nationalism, which is argued to have developed as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the respective need to fill up the leftover systemic void. Ethno-national and religious identity markers were used to create the image of true, pre-Soviet Georgian – Christian, ethnically Georgian group. Although, this understanding offers an explanation for the current social position of religious minority groups of the country, it fails to account and understand the link with and the impact of the Soviet regime, and how the collapse of a secular system produced highly religious discourses. Therefore, the work presented here seeks to understand the role and impact of Russian/Soviet colonization on the current social position of religious minority groups in Georgia. In order to answer the research aim, this thesis employs a decolonial approach and situates Soviet Russia as a colonial power, a successor of Tsarist Imperial Russia and its colonial practices of subjugation, classification, and social hierarchies. The empirical focus of the study is Adjarian Muslims, as they constitute ethnically Georgian religious minority, therefore holding a peculiar place of intersection of identities. The primary sources of the research are dialogical interviews with self-identifying Adjarian Muslims, while the secondary sources, such as the existing publications and research surrounding the social position of the group are analyzed by utilizing the ethnographic content analysis method. The findings of the study suggest that the remnants of colonial past still have an effect on the current social structures and social developments. The exclusion and othering of Adjarian Muslims in Georgia is similar and can be traced back to the practice of ethnicization of Islam, which is rooted in the Soviet/Socialist modernity and the enactment of Muslim groups as the inherent others to the civilized Russians. Due to this, Adjarian Muslims are marked by Islam notwithstanding their personal religious affiliation, and are thus excluded from the dominant understanding of Georgianness and the respective discussions. In addition, the study findings suggest that the region of Adjara is often regarded as the orient to the capital, and Adjarian Muslims are viewed as objects to be saved and civilized, rather than the equal subjects of the state.

La décennie 1990 constitue pour bon nombre de pays d’Afrique subsaharienne – francophones notamment – une transition de régimes autoritaires vers des régimes démocratiques. C’est le cas de la Guinée où un processus démocratique s’est ouvert dès la moitié des années 1980, avec la chute du régime dirigiste d’Ahmed Sékou Touré. A l’inverse des démocraties libérales occidentales dont elle s’inspire, la démocratie conventionnelle adoptée en Guinée existe dans l’architecture juridico-institutionnelle mais ne fonctionne pas, dans les faits, sur la base d’institutions politiques et sociales qui transcendent les clivages ethniques et communautaires. L’ethnicité en est la matrice fondamentale. Elle se manifeste par l’hybridation de produits institutionnels d’import-export à des réalités locales spécifiques. L’Administration publique, les partis politiques, les organisations socio-culturelles s’appuient explicitement ou implicitement sur l’ethnicité dans leur rapport au politique. Plusieurs facteurs sont à la base de ce double phénomène d’ethnicisation du fait politique et de politisation du fait ethnique en Guinée. On peut l’attribuer aussi bien à la fragilité de l’Etat qui peine à assurer ses missions régaliennes – sécurité, justice, bien-être, etc. – qu’à l’insuffisance de l’ancrage des valeurs, normes et principes de la démocratie libérale dans la société guinéenne. A cela, il faut ajouter le rôle structurant de l’ethnie comme groupe social de mobilisation politique dans les représentations collectives. / For a good number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa – the French-speaking ones especially – the 1990s represented a transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. This is the case in Guinea where a democratic process began in the mid-1980s, with the fall of the very strict regime of Ahmed Sékou Touré. In contrast to the Western liberal democracies on which it is based, the conventional democracy adopted in Guinea exists in the juridico-institutional layout but does not, in reality, function on the basis of political and social institutions that transcend the ethnic and community groups tensions. Ethnicity is the fundamental matrix. It is manifested by the hybridization of import-export institutional products with specific local realities. Public administration, political parties, socio-cultural organizations rely explicitly or implicitly on ethnicity in their relationship to politics. Several factors are at the root of this double phenomenon of ethnicization of the political fact and politicization of the ethnic fact in Guinea. One may attribute both to the fragility of the State which is struggling to ensure its sovereign missions - security, justice, well-being, etc. - and to the inadequacy of the anchoring of the values, norms and principles of liberal democracy in Guinean society. To this must be added the structuring role of ethnicity as a social group of political mobilization in collective representations.

Regional nationalism and consequent separatist tendencies have a significant impact on the territorial (dis)integration of many countries across the globe, and Europe is no exception. These processes contributed to changes in the traditional academic understanding of states as uniform, cohesive, and continuous political entities. Nevertheless, research on territorial and societal cohesion and continuity within regional nationalist movements has so far been neglected, even though this aspect seems to be key to the successful mobilization and goal achievement of separatist movements in heterogeneous democratic societies. This thesis aims to examine the limits of uniformity and continuity, that is, a time-space differentiation in political affiliations to secessionist regional nationalism in Catalonia, including the explanation of a time-space nonstationarity in the effects of factors behind the affiliations. Catalonia is an example of region with intense cultural and inclusive-assimilationist nationalism which proliferates within an ethno-culturally heterogeneous and segregated society. In the last decade, the region has shifted from a phase of everyday, "banal" nationalism to an explicit and dynamic nationalist mobilization, which has been brought about by (and further intensified) the deterioration...

Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’. / The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’.