[pt] Esta tese tem como objetivo reivindicar a qualidade da obra cronística do escritor português António Lobo Antunes, que se encontra marginalizada em relação aos seus romances. Após uma abordagem teórica e crítica ao gênero crônica, a tese foca no grupo de crônicas em que António Lobo Antunes encena uma escrita de natureza autobiográfica. A partir de levantamento teórico e trechos das crônicas, a tese analisa o papel da leitura e da escrita, os mecanismos de encenação da memória, a relação entre biografia e literatura, e temas caros ao universo do escritor português como sua infância em Benfica, a Guerra Colonial, particularmente em Angola; e também velhice e esquecimento, os processos mnemônicos por meio de heranças e fotografias, e o poder da literatura diante da morte e da banalidade. / [en] This thesis aims to spotlight the quality of the crônicas ouvre of Portuguese writer António Lobo Antunes, which is overshadowed by his novels output, with the proposal of organizing it in three themes. After a close reading of the critic fortune on crônicas genre, the thesis focuses in the crônicas that António Lobo Antunes exercises an autobiographical writing. Following some theories and fragments from crônicas, the thesis analyses the mission of literature and writing, the mechanisms of memorialistic writing, the relation between biography and literature, and some regular themes of Lobo Antunes’ oeuvre as his childhood in Benfica, the Colonial War, specifically in Angola; and also oldness and oblivion, the mnemonics processes tha works from heritages and pictures, the power of literature facing death and banality.

En 1967, dans la revue Diogène, Roger Caillois écrivit un article sur le prestige et les problèmes du rêve. Il écrivit que, par le passé, dans un monde qui lui accordait un crédit démesuré, il y avait une correspondance entre le rêve et le sentiment quotidien que tout, même les choses les plus intimes, peut être éprouvé en commun. Mais l’intuition que plusieurs rêves se vérifient ou se contrôlent mutuellement était une manière de civiliser le rêve. Inversement, aujourd’hui, dans un monde où il n’est plus une source de pouvoir politique, où il ne constitue plus un témoignage authentique, considéré comme un phénomène étanche, rétif à tout partage, dont le rêveur seul peut se souvenir, le rêve porte cette nostalgie communautaire. La même année, Roger Bastide réfléchit à ce que serait une sociologie du rêve, une étude du rêve comme phénomène social. Il pensait que la sociologie ne s’intéressait qu’à l’homme éveillé, comme si l’homme endormi était un homme mort. Il se demandait si la sociologie pouvait ignorer cet homme couché et rêvant. Cette thèse se propose de penser le quotidien à partir de l’intuition de Roger Caillois, qui cherche moins à penser l’homme couché et rêvant que l’homme debout, dans son quotidien, son travail, sa famille, son rapport aux objets de tous les jours, empreinte à ce tiers de sa vie où il dort. Il ne s’agit cependant pas de faire l’interprétation de rêves, ou d’en tirer les contenus latents. Leur contenu n’est pas le terrain de cette thèse. Chaque fois, la visée est de savoir comment le rêve est-il vécu en tant que mythe, c’est-à-dire dans quelle mesure l’attention que le rêveur a prêtée à la structure étrange du rêve, ou à son contenu, a influencé sa relation à la communauté ; comment le phénomène du rêve est-il utilisé comme clef de lecture pour donner du sens à la quotidienneté de l’homme au sein de la société. En un mot : comment le rêve se déverse et contamine le réel. La magie et la métaphore seraient deux expressions de la manière dont le rêve se répand dans la vie quotidienne. La magie, comme lecture sociale des phénomènes dans lesquels la cause est sans relation apparente à la conséquence, cependant que les phénomènes étudiés ont une efficace propre : cette relation sans cause et qui pourtant rassemble deux termes distincts du paysage est l’un des fondements essentiels de la pensée symbolique. La métaphore, enfin, qui est l’expression littéraire et linguistique où deux symboles que rien de connecte cohabitent néanmoins harmonieusement, une stratégie de discours par laquelle le langage se dépouille de sa fonction de description directe pour accéder au niveau mythique. Cela est une proposition : alimenter une sociologie de l’homme éveillé, comme voulait l’appeler Bastide, qui ne rechigne pas à voir que « les états crépusculaires » et « la moitié obscure et sombre de l’homme prolongent le social », une sociologie qui ne peine pas à accepter que nombre des moteurs qui président aux comportement des sociétés humaines trouvent leur source dans les mêmes logiques saltatoires, ou acausales, en toutes les manières dénuées du lignage et des filiations déterministes, que l’on retrouve dans le rêve, dans la magie et dans la métaphore. Une sociologie qui s’autorise à penser que le lien social visible, quotidien, structurant des civilisations, puisse être atteint par une transformation profonde de la manière dont nous envisageons le lien en général. Une sociologie qui se propose de questionner l’inconséquence de l’invisible. / In 1967, in the review Diogène, Roger Caillois wrote an article on the prestige and the problems of dreams. He wrote that, in the past, in a world where dreams had excessive credit, there was a connection between the act of dreaming and the everyday feeling that all things, even intimate ones, could be experienced collectively. Yet, quite ironically, the intuition that dreams could cross-verify, or control one another, acted as a way to civilise them. Conversely, nowadays, in a world where they are no longer source of political power, where they can’t be taken as authentic testimonies, where they are considered impervious phenomena, reticent to be shared, dreams carry a sort of community nostalgia. On the same year, Roger Bastide gave a thought about what a sociology of dreams would be. A study of dreams as social phenomena. He thought that sociology had only interest for the awaken Man, as if the Man asleep were a dead man. He wondered how sociology could ignore this lying, dreaming man. The present thesis offers a framework to think the everyday life through this intuition of Roger Caillois. Consider Men in society not as occasional lying, dreaming bodies. But look at the structures of work, family, and the realm of objects throughout the ways this third of our life we spend sleeping affect them. The interpretation of dreams is not the subject of this thesis, nor is the “latent contents” they might hold. Our purpose is to find out how dreams are experienced and lived as myths. That is to wonder: to which extend the attention given by the dreamer to the weird structure of his dreams, or to its content, have positively influenced his relationship to the community. How does the phenomenon of dreaming can be used as a key to read and make sense out of the everyday life of Men in society. In a word: how dreams overflow and contaminate reality. Magic and the metaphors could be two expressions of this contamination. Magic as a social interpretation of phenomena in which causes remain in seemingly decorrelation with their consequences, whereas the studied phenomena have an effectiveness of their own. This relationship without determinism which yet connect two distinct terms is an essential core of symbolical thinking. The metaphor, finally, the literary and linguistic expression where two symbols that nothing links, nevertheless cohabit harmoniously. A strategy of discourse through which language strips of of its descriptive function, to reach a mythical aspect. This would be the thesis: contribute to a sociology of the awaken Man, as Bastide wanted to call it. A human science which wouldn’t turn its back to the fact that “twilight states of mind” and “an obscure, sombre, half of Man extends the social life”. A sociology that wouldn’t disregard the many drivers of humain societies relying on saltatory logics, indirect causality, and all the human ways escaping determinism, all of which could be found in dreams magic and the metaphor. A sociology which would consider that the invisible, everyday link that structures civilisations, could benefit from an inquiry on the very way we think of the social link in general. A sociology which would question the inconsequence of what is not visible.

Syftet med denna undersökning är att undersöka vad elever i förskoleklass har för art kunskaper om växter och hur de har fått den kunskapen. Studien genomfördes genom att intervjua tio elever. De elever som deltog i studien var 6-7 år gamla. Intervjufrågorna illustrerades med hjälp av bilder för eleverna. Resultaten från studien visar att de flesta elever hade bäst kännedom om växterna från sin egen trädgård. Elevernas utsagor visar att art kunskapen erhållits via deras vardag genom att vistas i trädgården. Slutsatsen av undersökningen är således att eleverna har god art kunskap om olika växter, även om flera missuppfattningar existerar. Dessa kunskaper utgår ofta av barnens egna erfarenheter och från den begreppsvärld de växer upp i. En implikation för undervisningen är att genom att undervisa i naturen, och visa på de olika växternas utseende och samtidigt ställa frågor till eleverna om växterna, ges eleverna möjligheter att se sambandet mellan växtens utseende namn, vilket kan förbättra art kunskapen. / The aim of this study is to explore what plant species children in nursery class have knowledge about. A second aim is to investigate from where this species knowledge originate from. Ten pupils at the age of six and seven years old were interviewed, using semi structured methodology, about their understanding of plants. The results show that pupils mostly recognized plants originating from their own garden, which indicates that their understanding of plants has been gained from their everyday experiences. Hence, the main conclusion is that pupils in nursery class know a lot about plants, but also have many inaccurate conceptions, and that the understanding is often based upon experiences from the students’ everyday life. An implication from the study is that teaching by seeing nature would be a good teaching instruction to develop, how the different plants look while asking questions about plants, the connection between the plants appearance and its name can then become clear for the children.

No description available.

Student Number: 0111229X. PhD Thesis. Faculty of Science. School of Education / This study is part of a larger national study, the Learners’ Perspectives Study. The main focus of this particular study is to explore, describe and explain learners’ perspectives regarding the incorporation of the everyday in mathematics. Two Grade 8 mathematics classrooms in two different schools, Umhlanga and Settlers are used as sites for empirical data. Learners’ perspectives are sought through a series of post-lesson interviews with different groups of learners for lessons in which the everyday was summoned for a mathematics lesson. During these interviews, learners whether 1. They welcomed or appreciated the use of the everyday in class or not and 2. The everyday inhibited or enabled easy access to mathematics content. In order to understand the background against which these perspectives are held, mathematics lessons wherein the everyday was incorporated were observed, recorded and transcribed. In addition, teachers’ views about these lessons were explored through interviews and activities which incorporated the everyday were analysed. I used Bernstein’s notions of classification and framing as a theoretical lens through which to account for my observations. It became necessary though, to supplement these through Dowling’s domains of text analysis (esoteric, expressive, public and descriptive). I also introduced the notion of authentic/inauthentic and close/far descriptions. It is a combination of these three broad theoretical frameworks which assisted in the provision of a comprehensive theoretical account. The significance of mathematics-everyday aspect in mathematics education is highlighted by the number of studies, as discussed in the study, and different orientations from which this aspect is engaged. What can be teased out of these studies is that mathematics education debates are seldom informed by the learners’ perspectives. The study suggests that most of the learners who participated in the interviews welcomed and appreciated the use of the everyday in mathematics. However, most learners (particularly from Umhlanga) viewed mathematics as a platform to raise genuine concerns about the everyday used. In contrast, some learners (particularly from Settlers) viewed the everyday as vehicles or see-throughs towards the mathematics content. What this study viii suggests is that, firstly, the everyday is multifaceted and the nature of the context summoned tends to influence views learners hold about the role of the everyday in mathematics. Secondly, the study suggests that learners’ perspectives about the everyday cannot be divorced from the classroom context in which they encounter these everyday contexts.

This thesis is about a specific locality- the Central Methodist Church- and it details the lives and experiences of a large group of migrants who lived within this locality. The study also examines the activities of a wide range of humanitarian organisations that instituted interventions at the church and analyses how individuals’ suffering is dealt with by humanitarian organizations. The individuals who inhabited the church were a product of large-scale structural factors- political conflict, economic decline and fragmentation and social despair. These individuals were however following traditional mobile livelihoods routes that have been part and parcel of the Southern African labour migration history. The central questions that this study examines are how and in what ways experiential suffering is dealt with and how the different ways and technologies of managing suffering, impinge upon individual and collective subjectivities in the specific locality of the church. In addition the study examines the categorizations and representations of indigent Zimbabwean migrants within South Africa and how these representations have been constructed and transformed over time. The findings made in the study are drawn from a year of ethnographic fieldwork, which combined a number of different methods. These included archival research, participant observation, in-depth interviews and narratives with individual migrants, state officials and officials from humanitarian organizations. The study also made use of diaries in order to detail the everyday lives of individual migrants and capture the texture of everyday life at the church. The findings indicate that the migrants emplaced within the Central Methodist Church were not only victims of structural, political and socio-economic factors as has been the common refrain in recent literature but were also victims of the ‘invisible’, silenced, unrecognized and unacknowledged violence and exclusionary nation-building mechanisms and processes in post-independence Zimbabwe and post-apartheid South Africa. The study finds that the ways through which organizations deal with suffering is mediated by numerous factors and humanitarian interventions interact and articulate with the aspirations of individuals in complex and unpredictable ways often with perverse outcomes. One of the key findings that emerges from the study carried out within a specific locality challenges the notion of places such as refugee camps and asylum holding centres as being ‘exceptional spaces’ where individuals are bereft of rights and even their sense of individuality and worth. Rather such places ought to be understood in terms of contextual, material and historical realities. These places ought also to be understood in terms of the meanings that are attached to them by those who inhabit them. In this regard the study shows the Central Methodist church building to be a material and political resource used by the inhabitants and it’s also an economic and political resource utilized by NGOs and other actors. The thesis shows that the ways through which humanitarian interventions are deployed leads to the creation of categories of victimhood and oftentimes these categories are negotiated and constantly reconfigured at times without necessarily interacting with the realities of the beneficiaries in the manner intended. The thesis shows that the everyday lives of indigent individuals are characterized not only by hardships but the manner in which these individuals attempt to assist each are processes fraught with tension and ambiguity. By so doing, the study challenges the romanticization of the lives of the poor which is often depicted as resilient and where the poor assist each other. The thesis makes a contribution to the anthropology of humanitarianism. In addition, the thesis contributes to broader debates on the intersections between migration, indigence, victimhood and the logics and practices of humanitarian institutions.

Muito se fala sobre os problemas do cotidiano escolar, o fracasso escolar e sobre os alunos considerados problemas. Pouco discutimos sobre as práticas pedagógicas cotidianas no interior das escolas. Menor ênfase ainda é dada ao relato dos jovens sobre suas vivências escolares e os modos como as experimentam. Com o intuito de analisar esta temática, abordamos o assunto a partir de uma pesquisa realizada no site da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES - em que percebemos que os alunos têm sido pouco ouvidos e que as publicações acadêmicas focalizam em geral \"sujeitos\" advindos das classes mais pobres e dos bairros periféricos. O inusitado do presente estudo refere-se à sua localização: um bairro de classe média na cidade de São Paulo. Procuramos ouvir, observar e analisar um grupo de jovens que diariamente permanece na porta de uma escola pública de ensino fundamental e médio, os quais, a princípio, imaginávamos não estudarem mais. Com o decorrer do trabalho de campo, apreendemos que eles ainda são matriculados na escola e que, em alguns dias, entram e assistem às aulas: \"Dependendo do professor\", segundo suas próprias palavras. Nos demais dias, ficam na entrada da escola, conversando, tocando violão e fumando. No processo de compreender o que permeia este ato de \"ficar na porta\" descobrimos que se trata de uma resistência em abandonar de vez a instituição. É importante destacar que as autoridades escolares passam por eles diariamente sem demonstram interesse algum em reinseri-los em seus papéis de alunos freqüentes à escola. E eles, por sua vez, participam ativamente do jogo quando lhes convém. Prática esta que aprenderam dentro da escola quando seus professores os retiravam da sala de aula e eles ficavam livres para estar onde quisessem. Práticas como estas compõe o que denominamos de processo de escolarização precária . Este estudo apresenta algumas contribuições relacionadas a este processo. / There is much talk about the problems in the everyday life of schools, about school failure and the so-called troublesome students, but very little has been discussed about the pedagogical practices inside schools. Little attention has been given to the youngsters\' accounts of their school experiences and their way of going through them. With the purpose of analysing this latter issue, we initiate our study with a bibliographical search inside the CAPES academic resources website - in which we noticed that the presence of the students´ voice in the published research is minimal, and that the academic studies have largely focused on the subjects of the poorer urban neighbourhoods. The new element in our study refers to the locus in which it was carried out: a middle class neighbourhood in São Paulo city. We tried to observe, to listen to and to analyse a group of youngsters that used to hang around the gateway of a public primary and secondary school. We thought initially that they were out of school. During the fieldwork we learned that they were still enrolled at the school and that some days they come in to attend the classes: In their own words: \"It depends on the teacher\". On the other days they stay at the gateway, lingering, playing guitar and smoking. In the process of understanding what was underlying their act of \"staying at the school gateway\" we realized that it was a way of resisting to definitively abandoning the institution. It is important to notice that the school authorities pass by them on a daily basis and do not show any interest in bringing them back to their place as regular students. And the students, in their turn, take active part in this game, as long as it is convenient for them. A practice they learned inside the school, when their teachers put them out of the classroom freeing them to be wherever they wanted. Practices such as that comprise what we denominate here the process of precarious schooling. This study presents contributions related to this process.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o valor da experiência vivida pelos estudantes da Terceira Idade ao estruturar uma reproposta de vida na aquisição de conhecimento como participantes do Projeto Universidade Aberta à Terceira Idade da USP. A proposta desta dissertação é identificar os motivos e os significados do retorno aos estudos para esses homens e mulheres inseridos na Sociedade de Informação e Comunicação, analisar o impacto deste movimento histórico nos próprios estudantes e em que medida eles contribuem para rediscutir o valor do ser velho na sociedade contemporânea. / This research aims to analyze the value of experience by the students of the Third Age to structure a life re-proposed acquisition of knowledge as participants in the Open University Project for Senior Citizens of USP. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify the reasons and meanings of returning to studies at these men and women entered the Society of Information and Communication, analyzing the impact of this historical movement in the individual student and to what extent they contribute to rehash the worth of the old in contemporary society.

A busca pela perfeição, pelo belo, pelo correto, pelo equilíbrio são objetos de desejo há muito perseguidos. Nossa pretensão foi entender como são produzidos os sentidos de obesidade pelas relações discursivas da ciência, da mídia e das conversas do cotidiano. Acreditamos que há uma relevância do debate da dinâmica dos conceitos, entendendo-os como formas simbólicas e seus múltiplos significados históricos. Há uma polissemia no sentido de obesidade e isto cria dispositivos de poder, disciplina e controle que se encarregam de examinar, marcar, corrigir e, eventualmente, punir o sujeito com essa característica, estabelecendo uma definição hegemônica de normalidade para classificação positiva e negativa dos comportamentos. Esse processo cria marcas nas subjetividades uma vez que o sujeito que possui alguma característica considerada anormal deva ser corrigido. Analisamos as práticas de significação que engendram diferentes formas de narração da obesidade. O aporte dos Estudos Culturais contribuiu para enxergarmos o surgimento de uma nova categoria social e uma nova identidade cultural: os obesos. Consideramos que tal grupo é classificado como desviante na dinâmica hegemônica cultural, na qual os discursos científicos e culturais balizam a sua representação social. Investigamos a construção discursiva de obesidade, principalmente, inferindo nas questões e falas recorrentes, argumentos, no dito e não dito, no repetitivo. Afirmamos que existe um discurso disciplinador do corpo na sociedade atual e que várias estratégias são elaboradas para responsabilizar as pessoas sobre seus corpos. Realizamos um estudo em três níveis: primeiro, buscamos entender o discurso científico de obesidade, analisando artigos de revisão em duas bases de publicações científicas, o Scielo BR e o Portal da Capes; em seguida, investigamos o programa televisivo Bem Estar, da Rede Globo; por último, tentamos compreender como são produzidos os discursos no cotidiano, realizando um diário de campo e registrando as conversas espontâneas que presenciamos ao acaso no metro, em restaurantes, na praia e outros locais públicos e privados. Da ciência, podemos inferir que os discursos são construídos a partir de um modelo biomédico cartesiano e determinista construído no século XVIII que acompanha um projeto de formação de crenças e verdades para que a ciência ocupe um papel importante nos discursos de outras áreas como a comunicação, o judiciário e as políticas públicas. A mídia se utiliza dos discursos competentes do modelo biomédico para criar uma representação social polarizada de tipos ideais de obesos: aquele que sofre todas as consequências negativas por ser gordo e aquele que mudou a vida para melhor depois que emagreceu. As conversas do cotidiano contribuíram para entendermos as negociações discursivas existentes na sociedade. Mesmo com as relações de poder e a hegemonia cultural de um grupo, os sujeitos são complexos e seus discursos também refletem tais características: as falas mostram repetições de outros discursos, evidenciam as relações com a individualização da responsabilidade com o corpo, questões morais, preconceito e idealização da beleza, mas também mostram resistências aos discursos hegemônicos, principalmente ao externar que a vida é plástica e que os sujeitos obesos podem construir outros tipos de relações com seu corpo e criar sua própria normalidade. / The search for perfection, beauty, correct and balance are objects of desire pursued for a long time. Our intention was to understand how the senses of obesity by discursive relations of science, media and everyday conversations are produced. We believe that there is some relevance in the discussion of dynamic of the concepts, understanding them as symbolic forms and their multiple historical meanings. There is a polysemy towards obesity and this creates power, discipline and control devices which are responsible to examine, mark, fix and eventually punish the subject with this characteristic, establishing a hegemonic definition of normality for a positive and negative classification of behaviors. This process creates marks on the subjectivity once the subject that has an abnormal characteristic should be corrected. We analyze the signifying practices that engender different forms of narration of obesity. The contribution of Cultural Studies has contributed for us to see the emergence of a new social category and a new cultural identity: the obese. We consider that this group is classified as deviant in the cultural hegemonic dynamic in which scientific and cultural discourses delimit its social representation. We investigate the discursive construction of obesity, especially inferring the issues and recurring speeches, arguments, said and unsaid, in the repetitive. We affirm that there is a disciplinary discourse of the body in contemporary society and several strategies are designed to blame people over their bodies. We conducted a study on three levels: first, we seek to understand the scientific discourse of obesity, analyzing review articles in two bases of scientific publications, the Scielo BR and the Portal Capes; then we investigated the television program \"Bem Estar\", by Rede Globo; finally, we try to understand how the discourses are produced in everyday life, performing a diary and recording spontaneous conversations we witness randomly on the subway, in restaurants, on the beach and other public and private places. From science, we can infer that the discourses are constructed from a biomedical Cartesian and deterministic model created in the eighteenth century that follows a project of forming beliefs and truths so science can have an important role in the speeches of other areas such as communication, judiciary and public policies. The media uses the relevant discourses of biomedical model to create a social representation polarized of ideal types of obese: one who suffers all the negative consequences for being fat and one who \"has changed their lives for better\" after they lost weight. The everyday conversations contributed to understand the discursive negotiations that exist in society. Even with the relations of power and cultural hegemony of a group, the subjects are complex and their discourses also reflect these characteristics: the data show repetitions of other discourses, points the relations with the individualization of responsibility with the body, moral issues, prejudice and idealization of beauty, but also show resistance to hegemonic discourses, mainly when they express that life can be plastic and that obese subjects can build other kinds of relations with their body and create their own normality.

Através do estudo do processo de desindustrialização e da reestruturação em curso de um fragmento da metrópole de São Paulo, a pesquisa busca compreender aspectos da reprodução da urbanização no momento atual. Este fragmento, situado ao norte do distrito de Santo Amaro, constitui-se a partir da grande industrialização das décadas de 1950/60/70, como uma área industrial e um local de moradia da classe operária. A indústria foi o principal indutor da urbanização do lugar, organizando a sua vida social, constituindo-se em sua principal referência, produzindo uma vida cotidiana fragmentada. Verificamos, no entanto, que há um período relativamente curto de estabelecimento da indústria aí, pois já a partir do final da década de 1980 se verifica o início do declínio industrial no fragmento, processo que se intensifica na década de 1990 e se acentua ainda mais no momento atual. Com isso, há uma desintegração da vida social no fragmento decorrente da saída ou do fechamento de indústrias, já que bares fecham, espaços de moradias operárias são desocupadas e demolidas, muitos edifícios e terrenos industriais permanecem abandonados. Ao mesmo tempo, este espaço de desindustrialização, por ter uma localização privilegiada em relação a áreas já consolidadas como centralidades de negócios, passa a receber empreendimentos ligados às lógicas \"modernas\" do eixo empresarial sudoeste. Identificamos hoje, como momento inicial de transformação do fragmento, processos indicativos da passagem de uma área industrial para uma área voltada para novas atividades terciárias, o que é evidenciado pela instalação de grandes empreendimentos de eventos e shows e de novos condomínios residenciais de médio-alto padrão. Como tendência, este espaço de desindustrialização pode vir a se tornar uma área de valorização, colocando-se como a extensão das centralidades de negócios que historicamente se expandem na metrópole de São Paulo em direção sudoeste (Centro Histórico-Paulista-Faria Lima-Berrini). Esta expansão do eixo de negócios na metrópole se configura como um processo amplamente subsidiado por ideologias disseminadas na sociedade (emplacadas pelos discursos empresariais que são encampados pelo Estado) - com destaque para a ideologia do progresso (do crescimento ilimitado), que aparece como desenvolvimento social, como se a incorporação de áreas ao circuito das atividades \"modernas\" e da valorização fosse benéfica para todo o conjunto da sociedade. Como hipótese central do trabalho, verificamos que esse processo contribui decisivamente para um aprofundamento da fragmentação da vida cotidiana daqueles que ali vivem, pois as novas relações que se impõem no fragmento, desintegradoras das relações pretéritas (a prática sócioespacial, já fragmentada, da indústria), criam diferenciações no uso do espaço, produzindo novas separações, segregando as pessoas que moram ali. Assim, há um aprofundamento da fragmentação da vida cotidiana com as transformações em curso, pois elas criam uma nova prática sócioespacial em que o uso do espaço é cada vez mais mediado pela lógica do valor de troca. Ou seja, com o avanço das atividades terciárias, voltadas para um consumo de médio-alto padrão, com a sua espacialidade característica, avançam novas relações que implicam mudanças profundas na vida das pessoas do lugar, tornando incerta a permanência dessas pessoas aí. Assim, a pesquisa busca contemplar duas lógicas conflitantes no urbano - a da transformação do fragmento em fronteira econômica, com a expansão de centralidades de negócios (devido a disponibilidade de terrenos e a localização privilegiada) e a do lugar como moradia e espaço da vida de muitas pessoas. / Through the study of the deindustrialization process and of the restructuring proccess currently occurring in a fragmented portion of the metropolis of São Paulo, the research seeks to understand aspects pertaining to the reproduction of urbanization in our days. This fragment, located to the north portion of the Santo Amaro district, is part of the large industrialization occurred in the 50\'s, 60\'s and 70\'s, as an industrial area and a housing locale for the worker class. Industry was the main inductor of urbanization in that place, organizing its social life, constituted in its main reference, producing a fragmented everyday life (private life, work life and leisure time). However, we checked that there is a relatively short period of time regarding the establishment of industry there, for already at the end of the 80\'s the beginning of the industrial decline within that fragment is seen, a process that is intensified during the 90\'s and accentuated even further during our days. Thus, there is a breaking of the integration chain of the fragment due to the exiting or shutting down of industries, given that, consequently, bars close, worker housing complexes are unoccupied and demolished, and many buildings and industrial real estate are left abandoned. At the same time, due to this deindustrialization space having a privileged localization in relation to areas already consolidated as business centers, it starts to take in undertakings linked to \"modern\" logics of the Southwest business axis. We identify today, as an initial time of transformation for the fragment, processes that indicate the breeze by of an industrial area to an area oriented toward new tertiary activities, which is evidenced by the settling in of large event space undertakings, concert/show arenas and new residential condominiums of average standard buildings. As a tendency, this deindustrialization space may one day become a valued area if it is deemed an extension of the business centers that, in the metropolis of São Paulo, historically move and expand southwest bound (Historical Center-Paulista Avenue-Faria Lima-Berrini). This expansion of the business axis in the metropolis is configured as a process widely subsidized by ideologies spread throughout society (backed up by corporate speeches that are encamped by the State) - relating to social development, as if the incorporation of areas to the circuit of \"modern\" activities and valorization activities would bring benefits to society as a whole. As the core hypothesis of the paper, we verified that this process decisively contributes toward a further deepening of the fragmentation of the everyday life of those who live there, for the new relations that are imposed within the fragment, breaking bonds of past relations (the already fragmented industry\'s social-space practice), create differentiations in the use of the space, producing new separations, segregating peoples who live there. Thus, there is further deepening of the everyday life fragmentation due to the transformations endured by the fragment, for they create a new social-space practice in which the use of the space is ever more mediated by the logic behind trade value. That is, with the advancement of tertiary activities oriented toward average-to-high standards, with its characteristic spatiality, move onward with new relations that imply profound changes in the lives of people who inhabit that fragment, bringing uncertainty as to the possibility of those people remaining there. Thus, the research seeks to contemplate two conflicting logics in the urban setting - the logic of the fragment transformation into an economic frontier, with the expansion of the business centers (due to real estate availability and privileged localization) and the logic of the place as means of housing and living space for many people.