Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales. / This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

La présente thèse porte sur l'affirmation d'une compétence pénale de la construction européenne. Elle vise à répondre à la question principale, comment au cours du développement du processus de l'intégration on arrive à la reconnaissance d'un pouvoir de l'ensemble communautaire dans le domaine pénal et quelles sont les dimensions concrètes dudit pouvoir.Dans la Première partie, on révèle que les deux facteurs essentiels de la reconnaissance d'une compétence de type communautaire, relative à la problématique pénale, ont d'abord conduit à un effet d'encadrement de la souveraineté pénale des Etats membres. Ce phénomène se manifeste sur deux plans: d'un côté, les principes d'application du droit communautaire et le fonctionnement propre du système de l'intégration, jouent le rôle d'un facteur puissant de l'encadrement de la souveraineté pénale des Etats. D'autre part, au cours du développement de la construction européenne, se pose la question de mettre le dispositif de l'intégration en service de la lutte contre la criminalité transfrontalière, qui résulte dans la création du Troisième pilier en tant que cadre européen spécifique en matière pénale, vu le manque de volonté à consacrer explicitement une compétence communautaire dans le domaine étudié.La Deuxième partie est ciblée sur la reconnaissance même d'un pouvoir de l'ensemble européen pour intervenir en matière pénale, en fonction des deux facteurs essentiels - l'application effective du droit de l'intégration et la nécessité de mettre le dispositif communautaire en service de la lutte contre la criminalité transfrontalière. Elle cherche également à clarifier la nature et les conditions d'exercice de cette compétence. Sur ce plan sont d'abord étudiées les deux sources d'affirmation d'une compétence pénale de l'ensemble européen et les expressions concrètes de la communautarisation du domaine pénal. Ainsi est démontré le lien dialectique entre le développement de la construction communautaire en tant qu'une nouvelle forme de régulation publique et la reconnaissance d'un pouvoir du niveau européen d'agir en matière pénale. En deuxième lieu, le cadre juridique de la compétence pénale de l'Union européenne sous l'emprise du Traité de Lisbonne est profondément analysé. Cela permet de révéler la nature de la compétence pénale du système de l'intégration et de tirer des conclusions sur l'originalité de la construction européenne en tant qu'une forme de fédération de type nouveau.De cette manière on arrive à établir, que l'affirmation d'une compétence de type communautaire en matière pénale est une émanation de la nature particulière de la construction européenne, une fonction de l'approfondissement du projet communautaire et de la consolidation du système de l'intégration en tant qu'une nouvelle organisation du pouvoir public. / The present thesis focuses on the assertion of Community competence in criminal matters. It aims not only to answer the question as to how the European integration process allows room for the recognition of a power of the European system in the field of criminal law, but also to shed light on the various aspects of the above-mentioned competence.The first part of the study revolves around the problem how the two essential factors leading to the recognition of a Community competence in criminal law brought about an effect of framing criminal sovereignty as towards the Member States of the European construction. This phenomenon manifests itself in two aspects. On the one hand, the principles of the application of European law alongside the functioning of the European integration system together play a very important role in limiting the sovereignty of the Member States in the field of criminal law. On the other hand, the important matter of using the set of legal tools of the European integration to combat cross-border criminality, resulted, despite the lack of common will to make explicit conferral of competence in the field of study, in the establishment of the Third Pillar as a specific European legal framework in criminal matters.It is the recognition of power of intervention of the European integration system in criminal law matters that is analysed in the second part of the present study. This recognition is conditioned by two main factors - the effective implementation of European integration law and the need to use the integration legal tools to combat cross-border criminality. It also made a constructive attempt to clarify the nature and the conditions of the exercise of the abovementioned competence. In this aspect, the two sources of the assertion of a Community competence in criminal matters and the precise legal expressions of this process are examined in the first place. Thus, the dialectical interconnection between the development of the European legal construction as a new form of public regulation and the recognition of the power of the European community to intervene in criminal matters is demonstrated. In a second step, the legal provisions of European competence in the field of criminal law according to the Treaty of Lisbon are analysed in depth. This shows the legal understanding of European competence in the field of criminal law and allows a positive conclusion on the originality of the European integration system as a federation of an unseen kind to be drawn. In this respect, the present study establishes that the assertion of a Community-based competence in the field of criminal law is an emanation of the peculiar nature of the European construction, a function of the deepening of the European project and of the consolidation of the integration system as a new form of public power.

Prenant appui sur le Statut de Rome et les textes de référence issus des instances de la Francophonie, cette thèse vise à mettre en lumière la contribution de cet acteur, dans le processus de lutte contre l’impunité. Il s’agit, en effet, de démontrer que les crimes, d’une extrême gravité, prévus et punis par le Statut de Rome sont aux antipodes des valeurs humanistes prônées par la Francophonie.Regroupant 80 Etats et gouvernements (54membres, 3 associés et 23 observateurs) dont 55 sont Parties au Statut, disposant d’un vaste réseau institutionnel et comptant 274 millions de locuteurs à travers le monde, la Francophonie, en dépit de ses imperfections, est tout autant légitime que capable pour insuffler le processus de mise en œuvre du Statut. Pour corriger les imperfections de la Francophonie, cette thèse a insisté, tout particulièrement, sur la nécessité de créer, dans chaque État, des organes ayant pour compétence de mobiliser tous les acteurs susceptibles d’être impliqués dans la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. / On the basis of the Rome Statute and the reference or authoritative text from bodies or instances of Francophonie, this dissertation aims to highlight the contribution of this author in the fight against impunity. In fact, this is necessary to demonstrate that extremely serious offences laid down or defined and punishable by the Rome Statute are the clear opposite of humanistic values promoted by the International Organization of the Francophonie (IOF).The IOF consists of 56 states and governments, as well as 23 observers, 3 associates and 54 members in 5 continents. With 55 of members being states parties to the Rome Statute, sharing a wide institutional network and having 274 millions of people speaking a common language. The IOF, in spite of its imperfections, is equally legitimate and has the capacity to provide fresh momentum for the Rome Statute implementation process.To overcome the shortcomings of the present system of Francophonie, this dissertation particularly insists on the need or the importance to create in member’s states authorities or departments in order to mobilize and involve actors or partners to the implementation of the Rome Statute.

FARIAS, José Airton de. Além das armas: guerrilheiros de esquerda no Ceará durante a ditadura militar. 2007. 201 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2007. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-27T14:51:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_JAFarias.pdf: 917994 bytes, checksum: 709acc8851efd3c95699726a3b2c105b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-27T14:54:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_JAFarias.pdf: 917994 bytes, checksum: 709acc8851efd3c95699726a3b2c105b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-27T14:54:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Dis_JAFarias.pdf: 917994 bytes, checksum: 709acc8851efd3c95699726a3b2c105b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / The present work has as object the guerrilla fighters of left – mainly of the ALN (National Liberating Action) and the PCBR (Communist Revolutionary Brazilian Party) – in the state of Ceará during the military dictatorship, necessarily between 1968 and 1972. It interprets its trajectories and experiences, as they had been changing with the increase of the repression on the part of the existing authoritarian regimen in Brazil since 1964. By means of analysis of interviews, official periodicals and documents, it equally tries to understand the bonding between the model of solidarity and the yearning of militants for a fair society with old traditions, mostly of the Jewish-Christian culture, without discarding the direct influences of family, friends, the school’s space, the Catholic Church and Nationalism. It also studies the context in which the guerrilla occurred and the main actions of the revolutionaries in the state. / O presente trabalho tem como objeto os guerrilheiros de esquerda – sobretudo da ALN (Ação Libertadora Nacional) e PCBR (Partido Comunista Brasileiro Revolucionário) – no Ceará durante a Ditadura Militar, precisamente entre 1968 e 1972. Interpreta suas trajetórias e experiências, bem como estas foram mudando com o aumento da repressão por parte do Regime Autoritário existente no Brasil desde 1964. Por meio da análise de entrevistas, jornais e documentos oficiais, igualmente tenta compreender os vínculos entre os ideários de solidariedade e anseio dos militantes por uma sociedade mais justa com tradições antigas, sobremaneira da cultura judaico-cristã, sem descartar as influências diretas de familiares, amigos, espaço escolar, Igreja católica e nacionalismo. Também estuda o contexto em que se deu a guerrilha e as principais ações praticadas pelos revolucionários no estado.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-10-04T14:22:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ VALTECIO BRANDÃO SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2002..pdf: 26076754 bytes, checksum: bdad12ab35a6018b5f19e56d423d0ab1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-04T14:22:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ VALTECIO BRANDÃO SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2002..pdf: 26076754 bytes, checksum: bdad12ab35a6018b5f19e56d423d0ab1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-08-27 / Buscou-se estudar a experiência de assentados rurais, ungidos a esta condição, após uma extensa história de vida na condição de moradores de engenhos e trabalhadores assalariados da cana, quando superaram um processo de dominação social secular que os reservava à condição de sujeição para assumirem uma nova identidade social, agora como novos sujeitos coletivos de direitos. Essa evolução social dos assentados se deu num processo de luta pela terra como compensação pelas perdas salariais e dívidas trabalhistas, contraídas pelo empreendimento agro-industrial no qual trabalhavam por gerações, após a falência daquele. Um diferencial nesta experiência de luta pela terra do agrupamento investigado é que este não obedeceu aos mesmos critérios, formas e métodos de organização de outros movimentos pela reforma agrária mais organizados e politizados. A construção de nova identidade social ocorreu num processo de resistência pelo direito de ficar na terra, direito esse ameaçado pelas omissões do Estado e insuficiências das suas políticas públicas na fase de implantação do assentamento, constituindo-se numa séria ameaça à viabilidade econômica e social dos Projetos de Assentamento. Em linhas gerais, concluiu-se que mesmo nas particularidades políticas e temporais dos assentados pesquisados, estes estão sendo capazes de se firmar como sujeitos sociais, capazes de empreender uma legitimação social das suas ações como assentados. / We searched to study the experience of rural seateds anointed to this condition after an. Extensive history of life in the condition of habitants of sugar plantation and mill and wageearned workers of sugar cane, when they had surpassed a process of secular social domination that reserved them to the subjection condition to assume a new social identity, now as new collective citizens of right. This social evolution of seated gave in a process of fight for the land as compensation for the looses working salaries and debt, contracted for agro-industrial enterprise in wich they worked for generations after the bankrupptey of that one. A differential in this experience of fight for land investigated grouping didn't obey the same criterions forms and methods of organization of the other movements for the agrarian reform, more organized and politicized. The construction of the new identity occurred in a process of resistance for the right to be land, the this, threatened by omissions of the State and insufficiencies of its public politics in the phase of implantation of the seating consisting in a serious threat the economic an social viability of the projects os Seating. In general lines, we exactly conclude that in the particularities politics and temporal of investigated seated, these are being capable of firming as citizens social capables to undertake a social legitimation of its as seateds.

傳統的國家安全威脅之應處，係以確保國家軍事、政治及外交衝突等國家安全問題為目標。隨著冷戰結束後，全球化時代來臨，國際戰略環境的變遷與威脅性質的演變，「非傳統安全」威脅已逐漸取代「傳統安全」威脅。換言之，傳統安全思維僅著重在主權國家的軍事安全層面，非傳統安全則是基於整體人類安全的考量。我國在面對非傳統安全威脅下，如何調整適應環境之變化，以確保生存及發展，已成為當前刻不容緩之要務。 非傳統安全議題相當廣泛，主要包括：經濟及金融安全、自然生態環境安全、網路資訊安全、大規模殺傷性武器擴散、疫情傳播、恐怖主義、跨境犯罪、走私販毒、非法移民、海盜、洗錢等。中國大陸對臺威脅亦包含傳統與非傳統安全威脅性質。傳統安全係以軍事戰略威脅為主，非傳統安全威脅則來源多元、形式多樣，所呈現以走私、海盜、偷渡、偽造貨幣、詐欺、洗錢等跨境犯罪最為顯著， 本論文將探討兩岸共同打擊跨境犯罪背景發展，並分析兩岸交流衍生之大陸民眾非法來臺所呈現之態樣與現況，闡明我國所面臨的非傳統安全威脅，希冀由相關資料分析比較，藉此驗證現行實務面執行運作成效，並針對實務運作所面臨之困境提出研究建議，供相關單位參考，建立一個兩岸和平安全的互動環境。 / The aim of dealing with the traditional threats to national security is to ensure the national security in the aspects of military, politics and diplomacy. After the end of the Cold War comes the era of globalization, international strategic environment changes as well as the substantial of threat evolves. As a result, “non-traditional security (NTS)” threats have gradually taken the place of “traditional security” treats. In other words, the concept of traditional security only focuses on the aspects of military security of a sovereign state, whereas the consideration of non-traditional security is based on the general human safety. While confronting with threats of non-traditional security, it’s crunch time to make adjustments and adaptation so as to ensure existence and development of Taiwan. The issues of non-traditional security are extremely wide-ranging, mainly including: economic and financial security, ecological and environmental security, information and network security, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the spread of epidemics, terrorism, transnational crime, narcotics and smuggling, illegal immigration, piracy, money laundering, and so on. The threats to Taiwan from China include traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats. The main threat of the traditional threats is military hostility, while non-traditional security threats stem from various sources and come out in multitudinous forms, especially in the fields of transnational crime such as smuggling, piracy, stowaways, currency counterfeiting, fraud, money laundering, etc. This study discusses the background and context of the cross-strait joint fight against transnational crime, and analyzes the current situation and patterns of illegal immigration of the people from Mainland China resulting from the cross-trait exchanges, as well as explicates the non-traditional security threats confronted by Taiwan, whereupon, in the hope of examining the practice performance by means of comparative analysis of related materials, proposed suggestions and strategies for these predicaments are finally concluded as a reference to the competent authorities to build a peaceful and secure environment for cross-strait interactions accordingly.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between the EU and the USA with an emphasis on the period after the year 2000. The analysis was only possible with knowledge of preceding milestones that have formed the partnership, the thesis- therefore- begins with the period after the Second World War, to which the European Union can trace its roots. The thesis follows the changes in the relationship during the decades of the Cold War (long-term trends) and in the first decade after its end (short-term trends), and then, due to the broadness of the issue, concrete themes from the period after the year 2000. The thesis also examines the relationship in terms of partnership and conflict, and examines the reasons and events behind the motivation on both sides. The first chapter deals with the Europe-USA relationship development since 1945 and is divided into five parts according to post-war decades. The second chapter deals with the Europe (EU)-USA relationship development after the Cold War up to the beginning of the new millennium. The third chapter represents the centerpiece of the thesis- key issues in the transformation of the relationship. The chapter is divided into four subchapters: divergent and shared opinions on the fight against terrorism (Afghanistan, Iraq), divergent and shared opinions in relation to international organisations and treaties (the Kyoto Protocol, the International Criminal Court), divergent and shared opinions on solving the financial crisis. The fourth subchapter examines the transformation and continuity of the relationship after the accession of the Obama administration.

No description available.

EN: Jaspers came to philosophy from medicine and psychology. Unique personal situation, authentic life experience, unrepeatable faithful self-respect turned psychopathologist Jaspers from psychiatric physiology of soul to the thesis of ciphers of transcendence, borderline, edge and horizon. He constituted his own pattern of the thinker not only as an explaining teacher, but also as co-creator of original ethics, based on deep comprehension of the other, importance of encompassing communication between man and man. First section of my work deals with the concept of Border. Our attitudes and picture of the universe and its evaluation are limited by borders. The holistic complex being remains behind the horizon The second part is dedicated to border-line situation as an phenomenon of possibility, as seen from the point of view of Jaspers own existence, as presented in his Philosophy, including commentary based on new translations by Vaclav Nemec Closing part deals with existential communication and holistic transition from possible to new horizons of transcendence. My interpretation of chosen excerpts comes mostly from "Psychologie der Weltanschauungen." Quotations appear in my own translation.

EN: Jaspers came to philosophy from medicine and psychology. Unique personal situation, authentic life experience, unrepeatable faithful self-respect turned psychopathologist Jaspers from psychiatric physiology of soul to the thesis of ciphers of transcendence, borderline, edge and horizon. He constituted his own pattern of the thinker not only as an explaining teacher, but also as co-creator of original ethics, based on deep comprehension of the other, importance of encompassing communication between man and man. First section of my work deals with the concept of Border. Our attitudes and picture of the universe and its evaluation are limited by borders. The holistic complex being remains behind the horizon The second part is dedicated to border-line situation as an phenomenon of possibility, as seen from the point of view of Jaspers own existence, as presented in his Philosophy, including commentary based on new translations by Vaclav Nemec Closing part deals with existential communication and holistic transition from possible to new horizons of transcendence. My interpretation of chosen excerpts comes mostly from "Allgemeine Psychopathologie" "Psychologie der Weltanschauungen." Quotations appear in my own translation. KEY WORDS: Prophetic philosophy, philosophy as treatment of world opinion,...