Despite the fact that the issue has been discussed for several decades, there are still no rules in Sweden mandating political parties and candidates to disclose received donations. Because of this lack of transparency, Sweden is not fulfilling some of its international obligations and has fallen behind in the international trend to increase the transparency of election campaign finance. The lack of disclosure rules in Sweden has led to extensive criticism, most notably from the Council of Europe´s group of states against corruption, Greco, who criticized Sweden in light of the guidelines on the subject from the Council of Europe. At this writing, a new proposal for disclosure rules is being prepared at the Department of Justice, DoJ. The proposal is to be presented in spring 2013. For the time being, the only thing that exists regarding transparency of election finance in Sweden is an agreement from 2000, struck between some of the parties in parliament, to voluntarily disclose some of their received donations. In 2004 a government report proposed implementing disclosure rules. The proposal received extensive criticism from the reviewing bodies regarding its compliance with the rights protection in the Swedish Instrument of Government, RF. RF provides absolute protection against the government forcing individuals to disclose their opinions in political matters and absolute protection against the government keeping records of individuals' political opinions. Since these rights are absolute, they can be restricted only by constitutional amendment. It is uncertain if disclosure rules can be considered infringements under these absolute provisions, but even if they are considered infringements, it is likely that the disclosure provisions can be designed so as not to violate the RF absolute protections. Furthermore, RF provides relative protection of the freedom of expression and association. Disclosure rules would probably not infringe the freedom of expression but are likely to be considered infringements of the freedom of association. Restrictions of the freedom of association can only be implemented in the order specified in RF and since the order for restricting the freedom of association is very rigid, it is unlikely that such a restriction would be allowed under the current RF. The DoJ has expressed that the pending proposal will not include a proposal for a constitutional amendment. For Sweden to fulfill its international obligations in regards of transparency in campaign finance, more extensive disclosure rules must be implemented than those included in the agreement between some parties in parliament and those included in the 2004 proposal. The DoJ has expressed, however, that the pending proposal will be modeled upon both the voluntary agreement and the 2004 proposal. It is therefore not entirely unlikely that the pending proposal will be either illegal under the constitution or not far reaching enough, or both. / I Sverige saknas regler som kräver av politiska partier och kandidater att redovisa mottagna donationer (redovisningskrav). Detta trots att frågan diskuterats under flera decennier. Frånvaron av redovisningskrav innebär att Sverige inte uppfyller vissa av sina internationella åtaganden och att Sverige halkat efter i den mycket tydliga internationella trenden att öka transparensen kring valkampanjernas finansiering. Frånvaron har även lett till omfattande kritik, framförallt från Europarådets grupp mot korruption, Greco, som kritiserat bristen utifrån Europarådets riktlinjer i ämnet. I skrivande stund bereds vid Justitiedepartementet ett förslag till redovisningskrav som kommer att presenteras under våren 2013. Tills vidare är det enda som finns avseende transparens i valkampanjfinansieringen en överenskommelse från 2000, mellan några av partierna i Riksdagen om att frivilligt redovisa vissa mottagna bidrag. År 2004 föreslog en offentlig utredning införandet av redovisningskrav. Förslaget mötte omfattande kritik från remissinstanserna gällande dess förenlighet med regeringsformens, RF:s, rättighetsskydd. RF innehåller ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna tvingar en enskild att tillkännage sin politiska åskådning och ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna registrerar en enskilds politiska åskådning. Eftersom dessa skydd är absoluta kan de endast inskränkas genom grundlags-ändring. Det är osäkert om redovisningskrav kan anses vara inskränkningar av dessa absoluta skydd. Om redovisningskrav är inskränkningar av dessa absoluta rättigheter torde det ändock vara möjligt att utforma kraven så att de är förenliga med skydden. RF innehåller även relativa skydd för yttrandefrihet och föreningsfrihet. Redovisningskrav skulle förmodligen inte vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för yttrandefriheten men troligtvis vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för föreningsfrihet. Detta innebär att inskränkningen endast får göras enligt i RF stadgad ordning. Eftersom möjligheterna att inskränka föreningsfriheten enligt RF är mycket små är det tveksamt om en sådan inskränkning är möjlig att införa utan grundlagsändring. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att det nya förslaget inte kommer att inkludera något förslag till grundlagsändring. För att Sverige ska uppfylla sina internationella åtaganden avseende öppenhet i valfinansieringen måste mer långtgående redovisningskrav införas än de som ingår i den frivilliga överenskommelsen och som föreslogs av utredningen 2004. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att just utredningen från 2004 och den frivilliga överenskommelsen ska ligga till grund för de nya redovisningskraven. Det är alltså inte helt osannolikt att det kommande förslaget till redovisningskrav kommer att vara antingen oförenlig med regeringsformen eller inte tillräckligt långtgående, eller både och

In this thesis I address the question of sympathetic action - action by one group of workers designed to aid another group of workers in their struggle with an employer, manifested most obviously through refusals by workers to cross a picket line - through the lens of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As the law currently stands in Canada, undertaking sympathetic action collectively is invariably illegal as it is considered an illegal "strike" under Canadian labour legislation. Further, workers who undertake sympathetic action - whether collectively or individually - can be subject to discipline or discharge by their employer. I argue that workers who undertake sympathetic action can have numerous motivations, ranging from economic self-interest to deeply-held political or moral beliefs (the latter manifested through the concept of "solidarity"), and that when those motivations include expressive or conscientious interests, sympathetic action should be entitled to protection by the fundamental freedoms of conscience, expression, and association found in section 2 of the Charter. I further argue that a each of these freedoms represents a different aspect of the inherent dignity and worth of an individual, and that a right to sympathetic action promotes both those freedoms and Charter values. Finally, I argue that a constitutional right to sympathetic action is a free-standing right that can exist even in the absence of a constitutional right to strike. This thesis reviews the current and historical state of Canadian law (in both the statutory labour relations regimes and in common law) regarding sympathetic action, the potential application of the Charter freedoms of conscience, expression, and association to sympathetic action, and finally options for reform that reduce or eliminate restrictions on sympathetic action and therefore make our labour relations system more in keeping with Charter values.

This thesis revisits the effects of moving image regulation, exploring its histories in Canada with an interest in the intersections between arts practitioners and legal processes in the administration of culture. During the 1980s and 1990s, intensified film and video regulatory activities necessitated a coalition space for cultural activism populated by media artists and exhibitors, legal and academic scholars, and public intellectuals engaged with representational and identity politics, producing discourses about sexuality, pornography, race, AIDS, censorship, fundamental freedoms, and art. Considering the current state of the law, largely ignored by arts exhibitors in between moments of crisis, I ask how is the reception of this history reflected in practice with regard to regulation and self-regulation? Drawing on work that develops out of Michel Foucault’s theories of governmentality, I argue that actors across Canada were confronted with the task of negotiating not just how contemporary art survives regulatory scrutiny in public policy arenas and the courts, but also the acceptable boundaries of sexual identities and citizenship. This approach prompts a rethinking of contradictory liberal and libertarian notions of censorship to foreground the way ideas are constrained in all aspects of policy, and the way protocols of dissuasion often fail. As such, censoring acts reveal themselves to be less about restricting access than they are about the administration or legitimation of particular cultural values. This thesis historicizes the mandate of the Ontario Film Review Board, explores aspects of movement strategies as they work to crystallize identities, documents specific speech constraints and their justifications in the law, and suggests functions of counter-speech in video productions of the period. This thesis is guided by a concern with the relationship between cultural citizens and the state and asks what role does the state imagine itself playing in regulating the circulation of images? What are the (mis)understandings of censorship within more recent anti-censorship movement efforts, and what are the opportunities for cultural citizens to negotiate change, both in public policy and in popular consciousness? / Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-23 11:09:40.235

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 2007. / "Publication number: AAT 3295522."

Submitted by Bárbara Bressan Belan null (ba_92_b@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-19T14:44:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DEFESA MESTRADO BÁRBARA_AUTOARQUIVAMENTO.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-22T13:46:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 belan_bb_me_bauru.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-22T13:46:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 belan_bb_me_bauru.pdf: 2487772 bytes, checksum: d8af82cf6dce1283b21db1c295660e2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-11 / O direito à liberdade de expressão é garantido pela Constituição brasileira de 1988, e pode ser exercido de diversas formas. Entre junho de 2013 e julho de 2014, esse direito foi exercido por milhões de brasileiros que foram às ruas protestar contra a precariedade da saúde e educação pública, a corrupção, o aumento da tarifa de ônibus e também contra os gastos excessivos para a realização da Copa do Mundo. As manifestações sociais aconteceram na mesma época em que dois megaeventos esportivos eram realizados no país: a Copa das Confederações, em 2013, e a Copa do Mundo, em 2014. O objetivo desta pesquisa é verificar se dois veículos de comunicação impressos, Folha de S. Paulo e O Globo, que noticiaram as manifestações sociais, trataram-nas como um exercício pleno do direito à liberdade de expressão, ou criminalizaram o movimento. Para cumprir os objetivos, será utilizada a metodologia da análise de conteúdo. A hipótese é de que os jornais abordaram o assunto de maneira superficial e negativa. A partir das análises quantitativas e qualitativas realizadas com base na metodologia escolhida, tornou-se possível a confirmação de tal hipótese. / The right to freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and can be practiced by many different ways. Between june of 2013 and july of 2014, this right was practiced by millions of Brazilians, that went to the street to protest against the precariousness of public health and education, corruption, the increase in the bus pass and also against excessive expenses for the realization of the World Cup. The social manifestations happened in the same time that two sportive mega events were realized in the country: The Confederations Cup, in 2013, and The World Cup, in 2014. The object of this research is to verify if two newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo, that noticed the social manifestations, treated them as an exercise of the right to freedom of expression, or criminalized the protest. To meet the goals, it will be used the methodology of content analysis. The hypothesis is that the newspapers dealt with the issue in a superficial and negative way. By the quantitative and qualitative analysis based on the chosen method, it became possible to confirm this.

A presente dissertação aborda os diferentes aspectos que impulsionam a demanda pelo reconhecimento do direito humano à comunicação como um direito fundamental, assim como as características teóricas que compõe o escopo deste novo direito. A partir do relato histórico sobre a evolução dos meios de comunicação, aponta o papel da comunicação mediada por tecnologias no desenvolvimento e reprodução do capitalismo, e descreve as peculiaridades atuais do modelo brasileiro, constatando a insuficiência do direito à liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação para a garantia da dignidade humana no campo da comunicação na medida em que os mesmos não impediram a privatização da esfera pública. Evidencia, a partir de pesquisa documental relacionada às iniciativas gestadas no âmbito do governo federal, como os proprietários dos meios de comunicação brasileiros se apropriaram destes princípios jurídicos, utilizado-os, no plano político e jurídico, como instrumento para obstrução de políticas públicas e regulatórias, na busca da perpetuação de privilégios no campo da comunicação. Apresenta o direito à comunicação como um direito guarda-chuva, abrigo de uma série de outros direitos e liberdades, na busca da superação da limitação historicamente imposta à compreensão da liberdade de expressão e do direito à informação, avançando rumo ao direito à participação na esfera pública em condições de igualdade material. No DHC se encontram direitos e liberdades que possuem relação com o campo da comunicação, mas que historicamente foram considerados de forma estanque e sem conexão. Defende a tese que o reconhecimento oficial do direito à comunicação no plano jurídico é a melhor forma garantir a dignidade humana neste campo, dando unidade e coerência aos princípios que possuem algum tipo de interface com o tema, assim como melhor definindo o perfil da pretensão a qual se almeja que os cidadãos e grupos sociais devem exercer. / This dissertation deals with different aspects that imposes the demand for recognition of Communication Rigths as a fundamental right, and presents the characteristics that compose the scope of this new human right. The chronicle of communications technologies points out its role in the development and reproduction of capitalism, and describes the current peculiarities of the Brazilian model, noting the insufficiency of the legal principle of freedom of expression and the right to information to guarantee human dignity in the communications field. From the research of documents related to the initiatives of the federal government, this work shows how Brazilian media\'s owners uses these principle and right as a political and legal tool to obstruct regulatory and public policies, seeking perpetuation of privileges in the communication field. It also presents Communication Rigths as an umbrella shelter of a series of other rights and freedoms, in order to overcome imposed limitation on the historical understanding of freedom of expression principle and right to information, moving towards the right to participate in the public sphere on equal terms. The communications rights deals with rights and freedoms which are related to the communication field, but were historically considered unconnected. Finally, this study argues that official recognition of the communications rights as human rights is the best way to ensure dignity, giving unity and coherence to the principles related to the topic, and better defining the claim which citizens and social groups should have.

Based on the analysis of the interdependence between the concepts of democracy and the public sphere, this study investigates the reach of the fundamental right to freedom of expression, especially when conducted through media communication and their chances of litigation, distinctively when it occurs by an inhibitory guardianship that forbids the act of communicating. To that end, the procedural conceptions of democracy developed from the mid-twentieth century by Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos and Jürgen Habermas are initially addressed. Each conception emphasizes the role of freedom of expression and its relevance to the public sphere formation, whose concept and assumptions displayed in the works of the aforementioned authors are used for establishing the essential conditioning factors to the media democratic setting. Under these parameters, the study explores the constitutional system of freedom of expression and of media and its Supreme Federal Court interpretation through the decision that declared the former press law non-compatible by the Constitution of 1988, covering the latest court decisions that have attributed an absolute tone to freedom of expression according to a vast concept of censorship, eliminating almost completely from judicial consideration the product of media activity through an ultra-liberal argumentative standard that ignores the unequal and concentrated structure of communication freedoms operating instruments. / A partir da análise da interdependência entre os conceitos de democracia e esfera pública, o presente trabalho investiga o alcance do direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão, notadamente quando realizado através dos meios de comunicação de massa, e suas hipóteses de judicialização, principalmente quando esta se dá mediante uma tutela preventiva que interdite o ato de comunicar. Para tanto, inicialmente são abordadas as concepções procedimentais de democracia desenvolvidas a partir de meados do século XX por Joseph Schumpeter, Norberto Bobbio, Robert Dahl, Boaventura de Souza Santos e Jürgen Habermas, sublinhando-se em todas o papel da liberdade de expressão e sua importância para a constituição da esfera pública, cujo conceito e pressupostos apresentados nas obras daquele último são utilizados para a fixação das condicionantes indispensáveis à configuração democrática dos meios de comunicação social. De acordo com esses parâmetros o trabalho explora o regime constitucional da liberdade de expressão e da comunicação social e sua interpretação pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal a partir da decisão que declarou não recepcionada pela Constituição de 1988 a antiga lei de imprensa, abordando as mais recentes decisões da Corte que têm emprestado um caráter absoluto à liberdade de expressão segundo um amplíssimo conceito de censura, ao expurgar quase que por completo da apreciação judicial o produto da atividade midiática através de um padrão argumentativo ultraliberal e que ignora a estrutura desigual e concentrada dos instrumentos de exercício das liberdades comunicativas.

This thesis proposes to study the Freedom of Expression and Journalistic view with the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 and the hermeneutic foundation for harmonization of fundamental rights in a democratic society. To this end, we conducted a historical review, based on the modern constitutionalism associated with liberal thinking, comparing it to contemporary constitutionalism, for which matter the understanding of rights in its ethical and moral essence. Instead of an abstract entity protection, this is the political individual or the subject of rights, the contemporary constitutionalism aims to establish humanitarian valid parameters for all men regardless of race, color, sex, power, language, political opinion and belief. Sediment was also, according to the main idea of the fundamental right of freedom of expression by the expression of thought. We stand also that in addition to these essentially ethical character of freedom seen as guiding the Constitution of 1988, considering the purpose of social dignity and the set of targeted instruments to ensure a common dignified existence for all, in a society and to develop instrument in the pursuit of democratic, and thus promote equality, freedom and universality of the right given to the fundamental importance. It is necessary to clarify the changes occurred in the means of social communication in line with the fundamental rights whose mainspring freedom of expression and its consequences on the right to information, free expression of thought, corroborated with the ethical, moral and free factors of journalistic opinion symmetry in the Brazilian legal system. As well as argumentative way through the constitutional effectiveness of fundamental rights. Therefore the examination unfolds in the analysis about the autonomy of freedom of expression as a synonym for freedom of the press and see how personality rights are guaranteed due to non-transferability of those rights that are supported with the dignity of the human person. For ultimate and symmetry accusation of breach of fundamental precept 130 that made the press law unconstitutional to have its birth in a totalitarian regime guided by the critical analysis of the interpretation of trial of the Supreme Court, but precisely the incompatibility of higher diploma journalist for professional practice. We hope, in our conclusion, identify the places of legal science in which freedom of expression and journalistic opinion may have more weight. / A presente dissertação propõe estudar a Liberdade de Expressão e Opinião Jornalística com a Constituição Brasileira de 1988, bem como a fundamentação hermenêutica para uma harmonização dos direitos fundamentais numa sociedade democrática. Para tal, realizamos um resgate histórico, partindo do constitucionalismo moderno associado ao pensar liberal, comparando-o ao constitucionalismo contemporâneo, para o qual importa a compreensão dos direitos em sua essência ética e moral. No lugar da proteção de um ente abstrato, seja este o indivíduo político ou o sujeito de direitos, o constitucionalismo contemporâneo visa estabelecer parâmetros humanitários válidos para todos os homens independente de raça, cor, sexo, poder, língua, opinião política e crença. Sedimenta-se, também, na forma da ideia principal do direito fundamental da liberdade de expressão pela manifestação do pensamento. Defendemos também que, além desses caracteres essencialmente éticos da liberdade visto como norteador da Constituição de 1988, considerando o objetivo da dignidade social e o conjunto de instrumentos voltados para garantir uma existência digna comum a todos, em uma sociedade e que desenvolva instrumento na busca da democracia, e assim fomentar a igualdade, a liberdade e a universalidade do direito dado à importância fundamental. É mister esclarecer as mutações ocorridas nos meios da comunicação social alinhada aos direitos fundamentais que tem como mola propulsora a liberdade de expressão e suas consequências no direito à informação, na livre manifestação do pensamento, corroborado com os fatores éticos, morais e livres da opinião jornalística em simetria ao ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Como também de forma argumentativa através da eficácia constitucional dos direitos fundamentais. Por conseguinte o exame se desdobra na análise acerca da autonomia entre a liberdade de expressão como sinônimo da liberdade de imprensa e verificar como os direitos da personalidade são assegurados, devido a intransmissibilidade desses direitos que são respaldados com a dignidade da pessoa humana. Por derradeiro e em simetria com a Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental 130 que tornou a lei de imprensa inconstitucional por ter seu nascedouro num regime totalitário pautando-se pela análise crítica da interpretação de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, mas, precisamente a incompatibilidade do diploma superior de jornalista para o exercício profissional. Esperamos, em nossa conclusão, identificar os lugares da ciência jurídica nos quais a liberdade de expressão e a opinião jornalística possa ter mais peso.

The submitted diploma thesis provides an introduction into the topic of conflict of the personality rights of an individual with the freedom of expression of media and right to receive information of others. The emphasis is put on the Czech and European case law. Marginally is mentioned also the topic of new media, especially the latest case law of the European Court of Human Right on this matter. The diploma thesis is divided into introduction, conclusion and three chapters. The first chapter introduces the basic definitions and theoretical basics of the topic. The reader is acquainted with the concept of human personality and its components, with the concept of personality rights and their nature as well as with the possible infringements of these rights. The chapter also provides the definitions of media and new media. The second chapter focuses on the legal framework of the personality rights, freedom of expression and right to receive and impart information. The chapter first analyses the international legal framework with the focus on the European Convention on Human Rights and later it deals with provisions of the Czech civil code as well as provisions of the Czech media laws. The last section of this chapter analyses Czech as well as European legal provisions on liability of internet...

About two years after publishing so called Muhammad cartoons in Denmark, the Swedish regional newspaper Nerikes Allehanda in Orebro published an editorial on self-censorship. A drawing of Prophet Muhammad as a Roundabout dog, drawn by Lars Vilks, was illustrating the article. Publishing of Muhammad drawing was followed by reactions both in Sweden and in some other countries especially in the muslim world. There are many differences and similarities between the publishing in Denmark and Sweden. There are differences and similarities between the two cases even regarding to the reactions in muslim countries. Mass media have certainly played an important role in mediating information about the publishing to people in muslim countries. Which information and how they were mediated are significant for shaping perceptions and thereby the reactions that followed the publishing of Muhammad drawing in Sweden. This essay is investigating how newspapers and online newspapers (web newspapers) in nine muslim countries reported about the publishing of Muhammad drawing. The subjects that newspapers were interesting of and the discourses domination reporting are in focus for this investigation. This essay will also investigate how newspapers and online newspapers in muslim countries covered two issues which were well covered by Swedish media, A threat against Lars Vilks from organization "Islamic State in Iraq" and a statement from the Iranian president Ahmadinejad regarding the Muhammad drawing in Nerikes Allehanda.