[pt] O presente estudo visa a apresentar uma análise acerca da atividade de moderação de conteúdo exercida pelas grandes redes sociais, como Facebook, Instagram e Twitter. Para tanto, inicialmente, serão analisados como as redes sociais alcançaram o status que têm hoje como grandes influenciadoras do discurso público e como a atividade de moderação de conteúdo se desenvolveu e se encontra na atualidade, sendo uma atividade necessária para assegurar o direito à liberdade de expressão dos usuários, que devem ser resguardos de espaços digitais tóxicos, com a proliferação de conteúdo ilícito e falso. Em seguida, serão apresentados os desafios envolvidos na atividade de moderação de conteúdo. Por fim, com base nos conceitos e problemas apresentados, será feita uma análise da melhor forma para se regular a atividade de moderação de conteúdo, em consonância com as normas do Marco Civil da Internet (Lei número 12.965/2014). / [en] The present study aims to present an analysis about the content moderation activity carried out by the major social networks, such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter. To do so, initially, it will be analyzed how social networks reached the status they have today as major influencers of public discourse and how the content moderation activity has developed and is currently found, being a necessary activity to ensure the right to freedom of expression of users, who must be safeguarded of toxic digital spaces, with the proliferation of illicit and false content. Next, the challenges involved in the content moderation activity will be presented. Finally, based on the concepts and problems presented, an analysis will be made of the best way to regulate content moderation, in accordance with the Internet Legal Framework (Law No. 12,965/2014).

The aim of this study is to explore the complex system of sanctuary networks created to safeguard artists, journalists, publicists, and writers internationally. The two sanctuary networks included in the study are International Cities of Refuge Network and Artists at risk, both aimed to create sanctuaries and advocacy for freedom of speech but with different scopes and focus. The analytical methods used consists of system- and organizational theory tools, to map the components of the networks and contingency theory to analyze the external aspects that affect the networks. The mapping of the networks provides an overall picture of the organizational system structure containing permanent organization, cooperating actors, political actors, meeting points, funding and direction of process. The analysis show that the networks produce different types of safeguarding of artists, long-term and short-term. Both structures create pros and cons but complement each other in a complex system with a plurality of needs and solutions. Challenges that the networks face mostly consist of economic uncertainty and a need for flexibility towards external changes whilst needing structural stability to face challenges efficiently.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka om individens grundläggande värderingar påverkade individens begränsningar i yttrandefriheten. För att redovisa grundläggande värderingar utgår studien från Schwartz teoretiska ramverk. De värderingar som undersöktes var konservativ och öppenhet till förändring. Författarna undersökte även om det fanns någon skillnad i begränsad yttrandefrihet hos de människor som förlikade sig mer eller mindre med de olika värderingarna, i en svensk kontext. Tidigare forskning menar att politiskt konservativa upplever sig mer begränsade än människor som är öppna till förändring. Urvalet i studien bestod av individer över 18 år som hade röstat i det senaste riksdagsvalet 2022, det blev totalt 155 respondenter som besvarade enkäten. Enkäten publicerades på plattformen Facebook. Datanalysmetoden som utfördes var en enkel linjär regressionsanalys för att undersöka hur grundläggande värderingar påverkar begränsningar i yttrandefriheten. Studiens resultat visar att konservativa upplever sig begränsade i sin yttrandefrihet i samtliga miljöer vilket också stämde överens med tidigare forskning. / The purpose of this study was to investigate whether the individual's basic values affected the individual´s limitations in freedom of expression. In order to present basic values, the study is bases on Schwart´s theory. The values examined were conservativeand openness to change. The authors also investigated whether there was any difference in limited freedom of expression in the people who reconciled more or less with the different values, in a Swedish context. Previous research announced that politically conservative people feel more restricted than people who are open to change. The sample in the study consisted of individuals over the age of 18 who had voted in the last parliamentary election in 2022, there were a total of 155 respondents who answered the survey. The survey was published on the Facebook platform. The data analysis method that was performed was a simple linear regression analysis to examine how fundamental values affect restrictions on freedom of expression. The study's results show that conservatives feel limited in their freedom of expression in all environments, which also agreed with previous research.

[pt] O presente trabalho pretende analisar como a desinformação é monetizada no ambiente virtual e compreender aspectos regulatórios estruturais e concretos para reduzir os efeitos nocivos desta prática. Assim, será demostrado o conceito de desinformação e de publicidade personalizada, além da relação que possuem entre si. Em virtude dos diversos benefícios gerados por este tipo de publicidade e dos riscos para a liberdade de expressão que podem advir da regulação focada em conteúdo, são apresentadas soluções centradas na arquitetura da plataforma e na proteção de dados pessoais. Como proposta, se apresenta uma regulação multiparticipativa, com amplitude de instrumentos e com a mescla de conceitos mais precisos e mais vagos, buscando segurança jurídica sem descuidar da necessária elasticidade diante da dinâmica que envolve novas tecnologias. Por fim, são apresentadas medidas concretas voltadas para (i) transparência e empoderamento do usuário; (ii) transparência e controle para o anunciante; (iii) accountability e dados pessoais. / [en] The present work intends to analyze how disinformation is monetized on the virtual environment and comprehend the concrete and structural regulatory aspects to reduce the damaging effects of said practice. Thus, the concept of disinformation and programmatic advertising will be shown, as well as the link between them. By virtue of many benefits gerated by this kind of advertising and the risks to the freedom of speech that can come from regulation focussed on contente, solutions based on the the architecture of the plataform and personal data privice protection are presented. As a proposal, a multi-stakeholder regulation is presented with te amplitude of mechanisms and with the mix of the most accurate and vague concepts looking for legal security without neglecting the elasticity there is required in view of the dynamics that involves new thecnologies. Finally, concrete measures designed for (ii) transparency andu ser empowerment are presented; (ii) transparency and control for the advertiser; (iii) accountability and personal data.

This study aims to investigate how two forms of non-violent campaigns, one run by unionsand one without, have arisen. It is investigated by analyzing the mobilization processes of the two campaigns. The materials used in this study is the theoretical framework of Resource Mobilization Theory’s five resource mobilization categories. It was used as an alternative way to examine how and understand why the two movements turned out to be so different, where one was a labor movement and the other were not. The method used was a qualitative comparative case study. Through the comparison the study could identify some differences between the two movements campaigns. Through the comparison, the study was able to identify certain differences between the two movement campaigns. On the one hand, the scope and network of the campaigns were important for their emergence, and on the otherhand, the temporal context was important for the mobilizations of the cases.

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[pt] Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a liberdade religiosa e a liberdade de expressão ambos como normas fundamentais, cláusulas pétreas do Estado Constitucional Democrático de Direito, em face da também constitucional laicização do Estado moderno, analisando os limites desta se suas respectivas efetividades partindo do princípio da liberdade religiosa, tendo em vista que tal relacionamento entre ambas é composta de colisões. A pesquisa mostrará a dimensão da experiência religiosa do homem como fundamento material e a função da religião como sistema social, um breve panorama histórico da relação entre Estado e religião no início da era cristã até o processo de laicização do Estado Moderno, liberdade religiosa e a liberdade de expressão na Constituinte de 1988, até onde pode ir um discurso de um líder religioso de matriz cristã revestido pela liberdade religiosa e da liberdade de expressão e também algumas propostas para estas situações problemáticas da prática jurídica contemporânea, refletindo sobre possíveis encaminhamentos no sentido da efetivação da liberdade religiosa em consonância com a laicização do Estado Democrático de Direito. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze religious freedom and freedom of expression, both as fundamental norms, essential clauses of the Democratic Constitutional State of Law, in the face of the also constitutional secularization of the modern State, analyzing the limits of this and their respective effectiveness based on the principle of religious freedom, considering that such a relationship between the two is composed of collisions. The research will show the dimension of man s religious experience as a material foundation and the function of religion as a social system, a brief historical overview of the relationship between State and religion from the beginning of the Christian era to the secularization process of the Modern State, religious freedom and the freedom of expression in the 1988 Constituent Assembly, how far can a speech by a religious leader of a Christian matrix go, covered by religious freedom and freedom of expression and also some proposals for these problematic situations of contemporary legal practice, reflecting on possible referrals towards the realization of religious freedom in line with the secularization of the Democratic State of Law.

Copyright is conventionally justified as an incentive to produce and disseminate works of authorship. We can justify and theorise copyright more richly, not least because empirical evidence does not support the incentive narrative. Rather than focussing on quantitative matters such as the number of works incentivised and produced, we should consider copyright's qualitative influence on culture. A threshold objection to such an approach is the risk of cultural paternalism. This objection can be overcome. Rather than specifying paternalistic standards of merit for works, we can target the conditions under which their creation and consumption takes place. I argue, firstly, that we should adopt the following high-level principles: (i) that the conditions of creation and consumption of works should be conducive to democratic deliberation (democracy) and (ii) that they should facilitate the development of human capabilities (autonomy). Secondly, I propose that we pursue three mid-level objectives, which are helpful indicia of democracy and autonomy: - a fair and wide distribution of communicative and cultural power (inclusiveness); - diversity in the content and perspectives available to the public (diversity); and - conditions that permit authors and users of works to engage rigorously with the conventions of the media in which they operate (rigour). It is often said that copyright obstructs important qualitative objectives, like freedom of expression, and that we could better pursue these goals by weakening copyright and relying on non-proprietary alternatives. My approach produces a more optimistic, but also more complicated, view of copyright. While copyright's qualitative influence is not optimal, reductions in the strength and scope of copyright sometimes produces conditions and incentive structures that are worse for inclusiveness, diversity and rigour than stronger copyright. For example, both attention and wealth are highly concentrated in networked information economies driven by free sharing of content, and this is bad for diversity or inclusiveness. Online business models, based on surveillance of users' consumption of free works, are corrosive of autonomy and democracy. Merely removing copyright-based restrictions on the sharing of works is not a panacea for copyright's ills. A qualitative theory such as mine equips us to better understand and calibrate more richly the trade-offs involved in copyright policy decisions, and encourages us to treat copyright as part of a broader, qualitatively-oriented information and cultural policy.