The core value of any democracy is the right to freedom of expression and thought. In a system of representative democracy, the citizens vote in regular elections to choose a representative to best govern their interests. Of importance is a chance for citizens to have insight into how the public authorities exercise the power given to them. The principle of public access to information is a fundamental principle in Sweden’s form of government and is supposed to ensure transparency regarding public sector activities. One way to achieve transparency is with the possibility for officials to report alleged illegal, immoral, or illegitimate practices directly to the organization, an act known as whistleblowing. The question of possible corruption in Swedish municipalities has become a topic of discussion. A concern for an extensive silence within the public sector from numerous actors such as media and labor organizations has also arisen.  The contribution of this study is to analyze and evaluate the possibilities provided by Swedish municipalities to encourage internal whistleblowing, as previous research stresses its value for the organizational integrity and ethical climate. Applying a qualitative method, the aim of this thesis is to empirically study policies and documents for implemented whistleblowing systems in Swedish municipalities. The results show that the ways vary in which it is made possible for public employees to blow the whistle within their organization. Most of the reporting channels are managed within the municipality. Possibilities for external reporting, which could strengthen review of reported wrongdoings, are limited. The used definition in Swedish municipalities mainly refers to corruption as a behavior that violates the law. The definition is problematic as it might fail to detect other forms of corruption such as nepotism, cronyism, or discrimination. Implemented whistleblowing systems do not guarantee a high sense of protection for a reporting person. A fear of retaliation could therefore have the effect of employees not reporting. The results of this thesis are of great importance as it shows that Swedish municipalities might not gain information of potential wrongdoings and unethical practices.

Political tolerance is defined as the willingness to tolerate political ideas, actions, or practices of others that one disapproves of or finds objectionable. Tolerance is considered an indispensable democratic virtue. Contemporary debate in liberal, pluralistic societies covers a variety of controversies regarding tolerance as a concept, its exact meaning as well as its practical boundaries. Other factors such as different perceived threats by the majority group lower tolerance towards minority groups even in democratically stable countries. Sweden as a state rest on a strong liberal democratic foundation with emphasis on individual freedom and dignity as well as to the idea of political equality. Meanwhile, Sweden is confronted with increasing intolerant attitudes and public expressions of intolerance towards immigrants as well as other minority groups. Another consequence is hesitation among citizens to publicly express their opinions and a sense of self-censorship. Thus, the state fails to guarantee all individuals their equal right to political freedom and self-determination.  Although previous research has recognized the challenge of balancing political tolerance with other democratic values such as equality and autonomy, no such study has yet been conducted. This thesis is a contribution to the field of research. The aim is to empirically study how tolerance is expressed from a liberal democratic perspective on freedom of expression and thought towards three minority groups in Sweden: Jews, the Saami people, and Muslims. Applying a qualitative, comparative method, the thesis analyses how tolerance is expressed in media based on three liberal democratic core values: participation, autonomy, and equality. The chosen method provides a deeper understanding of how toleration is expressed towards each minority group. It also shows how the minority groups equal right to freedom of expression and thought is perceived. The results show that each minority group provides a different perceived threat in which toleration towards them are affected. The results therefore questions if there is an indication of a difference in the perception of citizens equal right to freedom of expression and thought in Sweden as a liberal democratic, pluralistic state.

Diploma thesis The Right to be Forgotten on the Internet applies to the functions of Internet search engines, search algorithms and the impact of the digital footprint that on the Internet user essentially leaves. With this issue is, on the one hand, inseparably linked the protection of personal data in the online environment, on the other hand the constitutionally enshrined right to information and other fundamental rights. Not ignored should be also the risk of censorship of the Internet. An application of the right to be forgotten adds a whole new dimension to this problems. The right to be forgotten is inferred from the judgment of the European Court of Justice on 13 May 2014 in the case Costeja versus Google Spain, where an Internet user named Mario Costeja Gonzáles first succeeded with a request of removal of unflattering information about himself from results of the search engine Google. Thus a reform precedent will have a big impact on seeking information on the Internet in the future, since the pronouncement of the judgment about the removal of his personal data may ask any European Internet user. The thesis aims to analyze the issue of right to be forgotten in the context of searching for information on the Internet in the European Internet environment - it means not to be searched on the...

Lorsqu’un salarié s’exprime publiquement à propos de son travail, deux normes juridiques interviennent généralement : l’obligation de loyauté et la liberté d’expression. La première étant prévue à l’article 2088 du Code civil du Québec et la seconde bénéficiant d’une protection constitutionnelle et quasi constitutionnelle, ce mémoire porte sur l’interprétation actuelle de ces deux normes par les tribunaux canadiens et québécois dans les cas de critique ou de dénonciation de l’employeur. Nous nous sommes intéressés à trois questions distinctes. La première de ces questions a consisté en l’analyse du raisonnement des décideurs mobilisés dans des causes relatives à la critique et à la dénonciation de l’employeur. Nous avons vérifié si les sources de droit utilisées par ces décideurs et les décisions qu’ils ont rendues ont pu être influencées par différents facteurs émanant du contexte du litige. Ensuite, nous avons analysé l’impact de l’utilisation des technologies numériques de communication dans ces mêmes décisions. Nous voulions déceler de potentielles divergences dans le raisonnement des décideurs en fonction du recours par le salarié d’une telle technologie afin d’acheminer son message. Enfin, nous avons évalué la protection offerte aux salariés contre les mesures disciplinaires par les récentes lois québécoises encadrant la divulgation d’actes répréhensibles lorsque ceux-ci se sont exprimés publiquement. Nous avons observé que s’il existe des différences dans le raisonnement des décideurs selon les différents facteurs contextuels, ces différences sont négligeables en comparaison avec l’impact de l’utilisation d’une technologie numérique de communication : les décideurs ont interprété largement la liberté d’expression et ils ont été plus sévères envers les salariés utilisant une technologie numérique de communication. Les recours provenant des lois québécoises encadrant la divulgation d’actes répréhensibles ont été très peu utilisés par les salariés et les décisions qui en résultèrent furent désavantageuses aux salariés pour l’ensemble. / When an employee speaks publicly about his work, two legal norms generally come into play: the duty of loyalty and freedom of expression. The first being codified in the Civil Code of Québec in art. 2088 and the second benefiting of a constitutional and quasi-constitutional protection, this research focuses on the current interpretation of these two norms by Canadian and Quebec courts in cases of criticism or denunciation of the employer. We looked at three separate questions. The first of these questions consisted of the analysis of the reasoning of mobilized decision-makers in cases relating to criticism and denunciation of the employer. We verified whether the sources of law used by these decision-makers and the decisions they rendered could have been influenced by various factors emanating from the context of the dispute. Then, we analyzed the impact of the use of digital communication technologies in these same decisions. We wanted to identify potential differences in the reasoning of decision-makers based on the employee's use of such technology in order to get their message across. Finally, we assessed the protection offered to employees against disciplinary measures by recent Quebec laws governing the disclosure of wrongdoings when they have expressed themselves publicly. We observed that while there are differences in the reasoning of decision-makers based on different contextual factors, these differences are negligible in comparison with the impact of the use of a digital communication technology: decision-makers have broadly interpreted freedom of expression and they have been tougher on employees using a digital communication technology. The remedies provided by Quebec laws governing the disclosure of wrongdoing have been rarely used by employees, and the resulting decisions were all disadvantageous for them.

[pt] Nos últimos anos, países democráticos presenciaram a participação de fake news em seus processos deliberativos. A forma como ela ocorreu variou de acordo com as especificidades da estrutura comunicacional de cada nação. A expressiva presença de fake news em eleições recentes suscitou a preocupação sobre a possibilidade de esses materiais estarem interferindo em processos deliberativos, causando contextos de desinformação, enganando e manipulando eleitores e, consequentemente, afetando seus resultados. Esta dissertação analisa a participação das fake news na eleição presidencial de 2016 nos Estados Unidos, bem como nas eleições presidenciais de 2018 e municipais de 2020 no Brasil. Busca compreender de que forma esses conteúdos foram utilizados em cada um dos contextos acima, quais os mecanismos de disseminação usados, as abordagens adotadas, os principais temas levantados, a abrangência da sua difusão, as possíveis influências que podem ter exercido e a sua relevância em cada um desses contextos. / [en] In recent years, democratic countries have witnessed the participation of fake news in their deliberative processes. The way it has taken place has varied according to the specifics of the communication structure of each nation. The significant presence of fake news in recent elections has raised concerns about the possibility that these materials are interfering with deliberative processes, causing contexts of disinformation, deception and manipulation of voters, consequently affecting their results. This dissertation analyzes the participation of fake news in the 2016 presidential election in the United States, as well as in the 2018 presidential and 2020 municipal elections in Brazil. It seeks to understand how these contents were used in each of the above contexts, which dissemination mechanisms were used, the approaches adopted, the main issues raised, the extension of their diffusion, the possible influences they may have had and their relevance in each one of those contexts.

This historical study analyses the holistic dynamics of Ethiopia, taking into account political, social, economic, cultural, religious, and media development aspects, with a focus on the three most recent governments (1930–2014), in relation to freedom of expression. The analysis indicates that the Feudalist-Imperial system was clearly the extension of centuries-old imperial hegemony which had used religious, cultural and patriotic hegemony to stifle freedom of expression. During the Socialist-Military regime every sphere of society, including acts of expression, were oriented towards the revolution and socialist political ideology. During the current ethnically based so-called Revolutionary-Democratic regime, freedom of expression has been stifled by means of legislation, government and party structures, complex surveillance, and social networks. While the instruments of repression have differed, relatively speaking, from government to government, the extent of repression has remained similar over a number of centuries. Threats to freedom of expression derive from rulers or governments, in which instances they are entrenched through policies, laws and bureaucracies, from religious and cultural hegemonies, from poverty and a related lack of education and access to information, and from conflicts, rivalry and wars. These threats have their origins in three main interrelated causal or determining factors, namely the Certainty–Uncertainty Dilemma, Ethno-Luminary Thought and Narcissism, which together form a pyramid beneath which freedom of expression in Ethiopia has been trapped. This pyramid is identified in the study as the Social Pyramid, or the Pyramid of Repression Instruments, and it in turn gives rise to an overall web of suppression, that is, the Pyramid Trap of Repression. The study concludes that the repression of freedom of expression in Ethiopia is likely to remain intact, insofar as the threats to freedom of expression and the factors giving rise to those threats persist. While limited gains concerning the right to freedom of expression are achieved periodically, these are routinely undone and rolled back, since the Pyramid Trap of Repression is not dismantled. / In hierdie historiese studie word die holistiese dinamika van Etiopië ontleed, met inagneming van politieke, sosiale, ekonomiese, kulturele, religieuse, en media-ontwikkelingsaspekte. Daar word op die drie mees onlangse regerings (1930–2014) gefokus, ten opsigte van vrye meningsuiting. Die ontleding dui daarop dat die feodalisties-imperialistiese stelsel duidelik die uitbreiding van eeue-oue imperialistiese hegemonie was wat religieuse, kulturele en patriotiese hegemonie gebruik het om vrye meningsuiting te onderdruk. Gedurende die sosialisties-militêre regime was elke sfeer van die samelewing, insluitende dade van uitdrukking, georiënteer tot die revolusie en sosialisties-politieke ideologie. Tydens die huidige, etnies gebaseerde sogenaamde revolusionêr-demokratiese regime, is vrye meningsuiting onderdruk deur wetgewing, regering- en partystrukture, komplekse bewaking, en sosiale netwerke. Hoewel die instrumente van onderdrukking relatief gesproke verskil het van regering tot regering, het die mate van onderdrukking oor ʼn aantal eeue heen soortgelyk gebly. Bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting is afkomstig van heersers of regerings (en in sulke gevalle word hulle beveilig deur beleide, wette en burokrasieë), van religieuse en kulturele hegemonieë, van armoede en ʼn verwante gebrek aan opvoeding en toegang tot inligting, en van konflikte, mededinging en oorloë. Hierdie bedreigings het ontstaan vanweë drie vernaamste kousale of bepalende faktore wat onderling verwant is, naamlik die sekerheid-onsekerheid-dilemma, etno-voorligter-denke en narsisme, wat gesamentlik ʼn piramide vorm waaronder vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië vasgevang is. Hierdie piramide word in die studie as die sosiale piramide, of die piramide van onderdrukkingsinstrumente, geïdentifiseer, en dit lei op sy beurt tot ʼn algehele web van onderdrukking – die piramidelokval van onderdrukking. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die onderdrukking van vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië waarskynlik onaangeroer gaan bly, so lank as wat die bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting en die faktore wat tot daardie bedreigings aanleiding gee, onveranderd bly. Hoewel beperkte suksesse van tyd tot tyd behaal word rakende die reg tot vrye meningsuiting, word sulke prestasies dikwels ongedaan gemaak, omdat die piramidelokval van onderdrukking nie afgebreek word nie. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

The Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993 is a old order piece of legislation, but gives full recognition to the right to freedom of assembly and expression. These rights are entrenched in sections 16 and 17 of the Bill of Rights and enjoy a generous interpretation. Section 5 of the Act creates limitations on these rights, as the responsible officer of a local authority is allowed to prohibit a gathering when he has reasonable grounds to believe that the police will not be able to prevent traffic disruption, injury or substantial damage to property. Given the fact that this limitation serves to protect a compelling state interest, it constitutes a reasonable and justifiable limitation in terms of section section 36 of the Bill of Rights. / Law / LL.M.

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the concept of the freedom of artistic creation and expression in the European Union law, in particular its recognition in primary law, above all in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Charter), and in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Considering that interpretation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the EU law is greatly based on constitutional traditions of EU member states and on the approach to these rights established within the Council of Europe, this thesis also deals with the conception of the freedom of artistic expression in constitutions of EU member states and in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), as interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). While relevant case law of the CJEU is only fragmentary, it refers systematically to the extensive case law of the ECtHR, which provides comprehensive theory of the freedom of artistic expression in Europe and provides for studying the evolution of the conception in time. The core method of research used in this thesis is the analysis of different sources of primary and secondary EU law, national law and case law; the thesis refers namely to the case law of the CJEU and...

Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert den Umgang mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung durch die Europäische Union (EU) und den Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR). Derzeit befinden sich diese in einer heiklen Situation: Sie müssen das Gedenken an ein für die europäische Identität zentrales historisches Ereignis – den Holocaust – pflegen und schützen und zugleich die Achtung der Grundrechte, insbesondere der Meinungsfreiheit, gewährleisten. Diese besondere Situation erfordert eine gründliche Untersuchung des europäischen Umgangs mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung. Der erste Teil der Dissertation steckt den Anwendungsbereich der europarechtlichen Verpflichtungen zur Kriminalisierung der Holocaust-Leugnung ab. Bewertet wird insbesondere die Bedeutung des Rahmenbeschlusses 2008/913/JHA über Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit für die EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Dabei werden einige Beispiele der Umsetzung in staatliches Recht dargestellt. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rechtsprechung des EGMR und untersucht das Verhältnis zwischen dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung und der Meinungsfreiheit mit dem Ziel, die Grundsätze, nach denen Staaten verpflichtet sind, entsprechende Äußerungen zu kriminalisieren, herzuleiten. Die übergreifenden Ziele der Untersuchung sind: a) den Charakter des Zusammenspiels zwischen EU und EGMR herauszuarbeiten; b) zu ermitteln, ob die jeweiligen Positionen gegensätzlich oder komplementär sind; c) die Rechtsnatur und den Inhalt der für die Mitgliedstaaten begründeten Verpflichtungen zu bestimmen; d) herauszuarbeiten, ob eine europaweite Kriminalisierung verpflichtend ist oder lediglich gefördert werden soll; und e) ob beziehungsweise unter welchen Bedingungen ein mit Kriminalstrafe sanktioniertes Verbot der Holocaust-Leugnung erstrebenswert wäre. / The present study aims to analyse the legal treatment of the crime of denialism by the two main actors in European justice, namely, the European Union (‘EU’) and the European Court of Human Rights (‘ECtHR’). Presently, these two systems find themselves in a delicate position: they must cherish and protect the memory of an historical event – the Holocaust – which is central to Europe’s own identity, while simultaneously promoting respect for fundamental rights such as the freedom of speech. This unique balance raises a need for a thorough investigation into Europe’s approach to the crime of denialism. The dissertation’s first section seeks to measure the scope of EU-imposed obligations to make denialism a crime. Notably, the impact on EU Member States of the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on racism and xenophobia is assessed, with illustrations of a few archetypal examples of domestic implementing legislation. The second part of the dissertation turns to the jurisprudence of the ECtHR to examine the relationship between Holocaust denial as a crime and the right to freedom of expression, with a view to deducing the principles under which States must comply in the criminalization of this kind of utterance. The work’s overall goals are to assess: a) the nature of interactions between the EU and ECtHR; b) whether their positions on denialism are better portrayed in terms of contrast or mutual support; c) the legal nature and content of the obligations originating for the Member States; d) whether a Europe-wide criminal prohibition on denialism is dictated or simply encouraged; and e) whether such a prohibition would be desirable, and if so, under what conditions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiane Maria Freitas de Mello.pdf: 814956 bytes, checksum: b0e04d3332d5cd3010f5271cc77b1b72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-12 / This study aims to investigate the freedom of expression of the employee on social networks, focusing on the right to criticism and its impact on the employment contract, notably with reference to the image of the employer, because there is no law that concerns this complex discussion. The deductive method was used, and by reason of incipient discussion about the topic in Brazil, the foreign doctrine and jurisprudence has been studied with use of the comparative method. By reason of multiple laws of several derivations, this study extended to other areas of legal sciences as Constitutional, Civil and Labor law, aiming to show the connection between freedom of expression, Democratic State, as a finalistic political formula, and human dignity. Adopting this interdisciplinary perspective, it can be shown how natural persons and business' entities are bound to constitutional laws that define rights and guarantees, and can yield the assertion of the labor rights claims that are nonspecific in the company scope. Since the worker, in his special situation of subordination, has several duties that impose restrictions on his freedom of expression, the obligations of fidelity and loyalty were also studied. By reason of absence of primacy among rights to honor and image, and right of freedom of expression. It was deduced that the need for implementing the method of weighing between the principles of the factual case and preserving the essential core principle that does not prevail, even in social networks. Therefore, the reasonable exercise of the right of criticism in social networks without abuse and without the use of excessive and insulting terms is, in principle, given the importance of freedom of expression in a democratic state. This right however, does not protect either crimes of libel, defamation and slander, or the criticisms aiming to disseminate strategic information, by instances from the organization structure, methods of production or sensitive data of the company / O presente estudo busca investigar a liberdade de expressão do empregado nas redes sociais, mormente o direito de crítica e sua repercussão no contrato de trabalho, especialmente quanto à imagem do empregador, pois não existe no ordenamento jurídico pátrio qualquer normativo que verse sobre essa complexa discussão. Para tanto, foi utilizado o método dedutivo e, em razão do incipiente debate no Brasil acerca do tema, o método comparativo, com verificação da questão na doutrina e jurisprudência estrangeira. Em razão da pluralidade de normas de diversas derivações, a pesquisa se estendeu por outras áreas das ciências jurídicas, como Direito Constitucional, Civil e Trabalhista, visando evidenciar a conexão entre a liberdade de expressão, o Estado Democrático de Direito, enquanto fórmula política de caráter finalístico, e a dignidade da pessoa humana, para assim concluir pela vinculação dos particulares às normas constitucionais definidoras de direitos e garantias e pela afirmação dos direitos inespecíficos trabalhistas no âmbito da empresa. Como o trabalhador, na sua especial situação de subordinação, está sujeito a uma série de deveres que supõem restrições ao exercício de sua liberdade de expressão, foram estudadas as fronteiras do direito de crítica, com aprofundamento nos deveres de boa-fé e, consequentemente, de lealdade e fidelidade. Em razão da ausência de primazia dos direitos à honra e à imagem sobre o direito de liberdade de expressão, porque são igualmente tutelados pelo texto constitucional, deduziu-se pela necessidade de aplicação do método de ponderação entre os princípios no caso concreto de colisão, com a preservação do núcleo essencial do princípio não prevalente, ainda que no âmbito das redes sociais. Logo, o exercício razoável, ou seja, sem abusos, sem a utilização de termos excessivos e insultuosos, do direito de crítica nas redes sociais é, em princípio, pleno, dada a importância da liberdade de expressão no Estado democrático. Tal direito, contudo, não protege os crimes de injúria, difamação e calúnia, nem as críticas tendentes a divulgar informações sobre a organização e os métodos de produção da empresa ou dados sigilosos