This study is an investigation into water management policies in South Africa, their effect on water users and the perceptions users have of these policies. The investigation begins with an exposition of concepts such as water demand management (WDM), as well as integrated water resource management (IWRM). A sub-discourse of the main theme is the societal tendency to neglect its common property. Garret Hardin's groundbreaking observations on the "tragedy of the commons" (1968) are explored in an effort to locate issues of relevance in effective water management strategies. In contemplating the commons, it is evident that aspects of morality and ethics are involved. The morality of a society be it in a global or national context, seems to manifest itself in legislation and policies, and in the way these are implemented. The relevance of good governance, hydropolitics and sustainable development is also discussed to provide the necessary theoretical background to an understanding of the relationship between consumers and the water commons. Access to safe drinking water is protected in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act, 108 of 1996. Flowing from the government's obligation to take reasonable legislative and other measures to achieve the progressive realisation of fundamental human rights stipulated in section 27(2) of the Constitution, the challenge since 1994 has been to provide access to water for all inhabitants and to manage the available water resources effectively. Furthermore, the objective of subsequent water legislation such as the National Water Act, 36 of 1998 and regulatory plans, like the National Water Resource Strategy has been to incorporate international trends in water governance. The Department of Water and Environmental Affairs (DWEA) divided South Africa into 19 regions, called water management areas (WMA). In this study, attention is focused on what constitutes a catchment and how a catchment management agency (CMA) governs its water resources. A description is provided of the functions of water user associations (WUAs) and how ththe Lower Orange Catchment Management Area is, for example, the blueprint from which stakeholders develop their goals. In this study, the water situation in the Lower Orange Water Management Area is under scrutiny. The focus is on the three main institutional components of water management (the Lower Orange catchment management, the Upington Islands Water User Association [UIWUA] and the //Khara Hais Local Municipality). The progress of the establishment of the Lower Orange Catchment Management Agency is outlined over a period of five years. Meanwhile, the Upington Islands Water User Association was developed and this has grown in stature. The work being done by these institutions is investigated by looking at grassroots effects, especially in respect of irrigation activities. The unique water management circumstances of the //Khara Hais Local Municipality are then investigated along with the plans outlined in their Integrated Development Plan {lOP) and their Water Services Development Plane Internal Strategic Perspective (ISP) of(WSDP). Because local irrigation operations consume most of the available surface water in the Lower Orange Water Management Area, irrigation farmers and their activities warrant closer attention. A historical overview is given of the development of irrigation in the region followed by an assessment of the role of two of the most prominent historical figures in Upington, Reverend Adriaan Schroder and Abraham "Holbors" September. Ultimately, however, the focus falls on the current state of irrigation in the area. It is possible to distinguish between the approach of large commercial farming operations and that of smaller irrigation farming units to irrigation. Specific attention is given to the perceptions of irrigation farmers as far as the policies and legislation pertaining to water issues is concerned. This study will hopefully provide the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs(DWEA), //Khara Hais Local Municipality and organised agriculture with some recommendations on efficient integrated water management strategies. It might well be of value to other municipalities who are experiencing similar problems. The aim has been to identify typical problems and potential disputes between water management institutions and relevant role-players. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Public Management and Administration))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

The thesis is about environmental values that we encounter in our everyday life. The thesis also talks about environmental justice dialogues and tensions that play in Bangladesh. The thesis, in the first place, explores how an environmental planning and resource management approach causes a particular type of environmental injustice; i.e., non-recognition of access to the decision making process of local ethnic communities, which identifies them as adivasi meaning indigenous, poses a threat to their livelihood and culture, and obstructs the process of environmental protection in Bangladesh. / The existing theories of environmental justice and four case studies conducted in Bangladesh have been used to interrogate the research findings. I argue, along with Low and Gleeson (1998) that for environmental justice, recognition of environmental needs for every entity as an ingredient of human dignity should be basis of the planning process. The research findings also suggest that , at all levels of decisions, fair access to decision, information and justice for all entities should be an integral part of environmental planning and resource management. / The thesis explores avenues for fair access to justice, meaning redress and remedy of environmental injustice, in the context of Bangladesh. I argue that capillaries of justice such as Salish, a process and institution for public interest negotiation (PIN) embedded in Bangladesh culture, can be reinvented. In addition, access to information should be a prerequisite for meaningful deliberation at all levels of decision making and dispute resolving processes.

Les processus participatifs reposant sur les principes d’information et de participation en matière d’environnement contribuent à la démocratie environnementale en Afrique de l’Ouest. Cette contribution s’effectue au-delà de la mise en œuvre de ces principes dans la gestion des écosystèmes, par la recherche d’une justice sociale environnementale et la tentative de mettre en œuvre les principes de bonne gouvernance au service de la gestion des écosystèmes et le respect des droits de l’homme dans le domaine de l’environnement. Toutefois, pour que les processus participatifs apportent une meilleure contribution à la démocratie environnementale en Afrique de l’Ouest, il est nécessaire que le cadre juridique de la participation du public soit clarifié. Ce cadre juridique concerne aussi bien l’accès à l’information, les procédures de participation du public à la prise de décision et à la gestion en matière d’environnement, mais surtout offrir la possibilité au public de se faire entendre par la justice ou par d’autres modes de règlement des différends en matière d’environnement et de gestion des écosystèmes. / The participative processes basing on the principles of information and participation regarding environment contribute to the environmental democracy in Africa the West. This contribution is made beyond the implementation of these principles in the management of the ecosystems, by the research for an environmental social justice and the attempt to implement (operate) the principles of good governance in the service of the management of the ecosystems and the respect for human rights in the field of the environment. However, so that the participative processes make a better contribution to the environmental democracy in western Africa, it is necessary that the legal framework of the participation of the public is clarified. This legal framework concerns as well the access to the information, the procedures of participation of the public in the decision-making and in the management regarding environment, but especially to offer the possibility to the public to be listened by the justice or by of other one methods of payment of the disputes regarding environment and regarding management of the ecosystems.

Records management plays a significant role in ensuring accountability, transparency and good governance. Chapter nine institutions, on the other hand, are democratic institutions responsible for the promotion of accountability, transparency and good governance in the public sector through various forms such as investigation, reporting and recommendations. Although the regulatory role of records management in the public sector is the responsibility of the National Archives and Records Service of South Africa (NARSSA), it seems that this responsibility is cumbersome for the organisation as several scholars concur that the public sector is characterised by poor records management. As a result, NARSSA is unable to support governmental bodies in managing records properly. Given the position of chapter nine institutions in government and their mandate as set out by the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, these institutions are able to hold the state accountable for their actions, unlike NARSSA. This study adopted the World Bank’s evolution of good governance as the conceptual framework to investigate the contribution of selected chapter nine institutions, specifically the Auditor-General South Africa (AGSA) and the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) towards records management in the public sector in South Africa. Qualitative data was collected through document analysis and interviews with purposively selected participants from the AGSA and the SAHRC. At the AGSA, participants were records management professionals and auditors, whereas at the SAHRC only staff members responsible for the implementation of access to information legislation were interviewed. Although the study established that records management is a key enabler to the process of access to information and the auditing process, the relationship was not fully explored by the SAHRC, which has little or no interaction with the NARSSA. However, the AGSA has taken the lead in this regard as it has managed to develop a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with NARSSA. Organised records enable the AGSA to audit the public sector and to facilitate access to records in terms of freedom of information legislation. The study concludes that there is a need for chapter nine institutions to work hand in hand with NARSSA for the purpose of fostering proper record keeping in the public sector. It is recommended that this study be extended to other chapter nine institutions such as the Public Protector. / Information Science / M. Inf. (Archival Studies)

The introduction of PPPs in infrastructure provision has changed the way in which governments around the world now view infrastructure provision. However, the introduction of PPPs to deliver the needed infrastructure has benefited only a few companies. Most of these companies are the big construction firms that possess technological know-how and those that have the financial ability to execute large infrastructure projects. Although SMEs are important for employment creation, inequality and poverty reduction, the participation of SMEs in these PPP projects is very low. This is because PPP models in developing countries are based on those used in developed economies, and such models ignore the socio-economic problems facing developing countries. Therefore, this study argues that PPP projects in developing countries present an opportunity for growing the SME sectors in developing countries. It challenges the viewpoint of seeing infrastructure backlogs only as providing opportunities to big private sector companies and argues that infrastructure backlogs can be used by governments to reduce the triple challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality by linking SMEs to PPP projects. The traditional PPP model that is being applied by many developing countries does not fully encourage the participation of SMEs in PPP projects, as most of the projects executed through this model are bundled into big projects that SMEs cannot execute due to a lack of technological know-how and weak balance sheets. The study therefore suggests different ways in which the participation of SMEs in PPP projects could be improved based on the results of the survey conducted for this study. The study then proposes an “innovative conceptual PPP model for sustainable SME development” that takes into account the needs for developing countries to create jobs, reduce poverty and inequality. It also takes into account all challenges for SMEs identified through the review of literature and the study survey. / Economics / D. Litt. et Phil. (Economics)

On Constate aujourd’hui une avancée significative du processus de démocratisation au Togo et au Zimbabwe grâce à la politique de la conditionnalité démocratique de l’aide européenne au développement et aux sanctions financières édictées contre ces pays. C’est la synergie des forces externes et internes qui a contribué au changement de politique au Togo et au Zimbabwe. La mobilisation de la société civile a également été utile. Cependant, le système politique produit par la politique de la conditionnalité n’est que de façade car les résultats obtenus ne sont pas à la hauteur des attentes. Le bilan est mitigé. Les réformes entreprises au Togo et au Zimbabwe ne sont qu’apparentes. La dépendance de l’aide a engendré la corruption, les dettes, et a sapé les investissements. Tant que des solutions appropriées n’auront pas été trouvées à l’aspiration démocratique des peuples africains en tenant compte de leurs réalités sociales, culturelles, économiques et politiques ; les crises sociopolitiques risquent de perdurer sur le continent. L’Afrique a besoin aujourd’hui d’une institution forte capable de concilier la démocratie et le développement. Elle a aussi besoin de l’indépendance budgétaire et monétaire. / Today there is a significant advance in the democratization process in Togo and Zimbabwe because of the political democratic conditionality for EU development aid and financial sanctions imposed against the country. It is the synergy of internal and external forces that contributed to the change in policy in Togo and Zimbabwe. The mobilization of civil society has been helpful. However, the political system produced by policy conditionality is only façade since the results are not up to what was expected. The results are mixed. The reforms undertaken in Togo and Zimbabwe are only apparent. In addition, aid dependence has fostered corruption, debt, and undermined investment. Unless appropriate solutions can be found to the democratic aspirations of the African peoples, taking into account their social, cultural, economic and political realities; sociopolitical crises are likely to persist on the continent. Africa today needs a strong institution capable of reconciling democracy and development. It also needs fiscal and monetary independence

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.

La Communauté Economique des Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest est une organisation internationale qui s’est très tôt impliquée dans le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité. Elle a entrepris des interventions militaires dans certains Etats ouest-africains, comme le Libéria, la Sierra Léone, la Guinée Bissau, dans les années 1990. A partir de 1999, la CEDEAO a procédé à une réorientation stratégique en matière de sécurité. Celle-ci s’est manifestée par l’adoption d’un nouveau mécanisme de sécurité visant à placer l’individu au cœur des préoccupations sécuritaires. Le nouvel objectif de la CEDEAO est de réaliser la sécurité humaine au profit des citoyens ouest-africains. Il se trouve que la réalisation de la sécurité humaine nécessite des moyens économiques et financiers, or les Etats ouest-africains sont parmi les plus pauvres du monde. Aussi, depuis l’adoption du nouveau mécanisme de sécurité, la CEDEAO rencontre de plus en plus de difficultés à concrétiser les nobles recommandations et principes contenus dans son ordonnancement juridique, dans un contexte marqué par l’accroissement des menaces militaires contemporaines et des menaces non militaires.Après plus de 30 ans d’expériences dans le processus d’intégration, n’est t-il pas désormais évident que la réussite de l’organisation dans le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité est intimement liée au progrès accompli dans l’intégration économique ? La faiblesse des perspectives économiques des Etats de la CEDEAO n’appelle-t-elle pas à modifier la stratégie d’intégration de la CEDEAO ? L’adoption du fédéralisme à l’échelle ouest-africaine ne peut-elle pas constituer une voie salvatrice pour la CEDEAO ? / The Economic Community of West Africa is an international organization that was involved very early in the peacekeeping and security. It undertook military intervention in some West African states, like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau. In 1999, ECOWAS has made a strategic shift in security. This was manifested by the adoption of a new security mechanism to place the human at the heart of security concerns. The new objective of ECOWAS is to achieve human security for the citizens of West Africa. It turns out that the realization of human security requires economic and financial means, or the West African states are among the poorest in the world. Also, since the adoption of the new security mechanism, ECOWAS meeting more and more difficult to achieve the noble principles and recommendations contained in its legal system, in a context of increased of contemporary military and non military threats. After over 30 years of experience in the integration process, is there not now clear that the success of the organization in peacekeeping and security is closely linked to progress in the economic integration? The weak economic outlook states of ECOWAS calls does not change the strategy of integration of ECOWAS? The adoptions of federalism across West Africa cannot it be a way of salvation for ECOWAS?

En Afrique subsaharienne francophone, au cours de ces deux dernières décennies, le nombre et l’intensité des crises et conflits restent un sujet de vive préoccupation exigeant une réponse globale. Ces différends ont souvent pour cause profonde la violation des droits de l’homme et l’avènement du processus démocratique débouchant sur des transitions chaotiques, notamment en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad, en Côte d’Ivoire et au Togo.L’OIF, un acteur à vocation culturelle doté dorénavant d’instruments et de mécanismes de prévention et de sortie de crises, s’impose à côté de l’ONU et autres organisations internationales et régionales comme une institution culturelle de démocratie et de sécurité.Outre son rôle prépondérant en matière de contribution au processus démocratique, les actions de la Francophonie se déroulent en complémentarité avec celles des autres organisations impliquées dans la prévention, la gestion et la résolution des conflits.A l’heure des enjeux sécuritaires entre Etats, et en dépit de ses moyens limités, il s’avère nécessaire de construire autour de cet espace géoculturel à dimension politique, une identité stratégique sécuritaire en vue de juguler les menaces et risques majeurs et jouer pleinement son rôle de puissance d’influence. / In francophone Sub-Saharan Africa conflicts and crises have increased in number and intensity over the two last decades and remained a major issue demanding a global response. They are often mainly caused by the breach of human rights and the coming of democratic process leading chaotic transitions, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Ivory Coast and Togo.The international organisation of “ francophonie” – whose role consists in promoting culture and whose new tools and mechanisms aim at preventing and solving crises – play a major part among the UN and other international and regional organisations as a cultural institution for democracy and security. Apart from its prevailing part played in terms of contribution to the democratic process, the actions of the organisation complement those of other organisations involved in preventing, managing, and solving conflicts.At this time of security challenge among countries and despite limited means, working out – within this geo cultural area that has a political dimension – a secure strategic identity, turns out to be necessary in order to curb major threats and risks and fully play the role of influential power.

There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal development resources which distract from or are disinterested in more fundamental questions of redistribution. This thesis explores the potential for Ugandan NGOs to cultivate supportive conditions for a more redistributive development process amidst a semi-authoritarian, patronage-based, political regime and within a predominantly agrarian economy, using the lens of a single case study organisation situated in the Western region of the country. The findings suggest Ugandan NGOs should move beyond strategies associated with inclusive liberal governance towards a closer engagement with the politics and political economy of progressive change. Micro-enterprise and economic associational development emerge as more effective enhancers of political capabilities among the poor than strategies aimed solely at promoting inclusive liberal participation because they can tackle the socio-economic power relations that curb political agency in such contexts, and begin to undermine patronage-politics. In contrast, strategies for enhanced inclusive liberal participation engage with the formal de jure rules of the game in ways that either sidestep or re-enforce the de-facto patronage-based political system and fail to tackle the power relations that perpetuate ineffective forms of governance. Creating new cross-class deliberative spaces which engage with grass roots perspectives, can facilitate the emergence of new ways of thinking that promote a more pro-poor orientation among development stakeholders. Triangulation of qualitative primary data and relevant literature leads to the overarching conclusion that NGOs operating in such contexts are more likely to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups by adhering to a principle of self-determination. This focuses energy and resources on non-directive facilitative support to disadvantaged groups. This enables them to a) make socio-economic progress; b) become (better) organised; c) develop the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their interests; and d) cultivate opportunities for direct engagement with power holders and decision-makers. This approach requires a high level of what the thesis terms ‘NGO political capacity’ and a far more open-ended and programmatic approach to the provision of development aid than currently prevails.