This study examines the ancient Greeks’ attitudes to children during the Classical and Hellenistic periods. The investigation is limited to literary sources in selected pre-Christian texts. Problems which might bias interpretation have been noted. Parent-child relationships, as revealed in literary examples of parental love and concern, are of particular interest. Hazards affecting survival in early childhood, and factors which influenced attitudes regarding the fetus, abortion, exposure and infanticide are considered. Legal, political and socio-economic factors are amongst motivating forces. Childhood experiences such as education, sport, pederasty, step-families, slaves and slavery, preparation for marriage, and deprivation due to war and environmental factors are also examined. Ancient attitudes to children are compared with modern attitudes to children in similar situations prevailing in Western culture in the 21st century. The findings reveal that basic human behaviour has changed little over the millennia; however, factors influencing attitudes have undergone some change as society evolved.

L’utilisation de παιδεύω dans la Septante (LXX) a été interprétée comme le témoin d’un glissement dans la pensée religieuse aux temps hellénistiques. L’idée hébraïque d’un Dieu qui corrige son peuple (יסר), aurait laissé place à l’idéal grec de l’éducation. Pourtant, dans la LXX, παιδεύω porte une nuance de correction corporelle, absente de la littérature classique et serait, par conséquent, un mot grec utilisé dans un sens hébreu. La présente thèse se veut une approche nouvelle. Constatant l’équivalence lexicale entre יסר et παιδεύω, puis ayant analysé la racine hébraïque et le lemme grec dans leur contexte, elle vise à expliquer pourquoi les traducteurs grecs ont fait un tel choix lexical et pourquoi ils s’en démarquent parfois. Elle démontrera que dans la LXX, le Dieu éducateur reste un Dieu « correcteur » comme dans la Bible hébraïque. Cependant, une autre idée apparaît aussi : Dieu pourvoit aux besoins de son enfant Israël. / It has been held that the use of παιδεύω in the Septuagint (LXX) reflects a shift in religious thinking in the Hellenistic era. The Hebrew idea of a God who disciplines (רסי) his people is thought to have given way to the Greek ideal of education. However, in the LXX, παιδεύω has the nuance of punishment, something that is absent from Classical Greek literature. Consequently, the Greek word could be thought to be used in a Hebrew sense.This doctoral dissertation suggests a new approach to the issue. After establishing the lexical equivalence between רסי and παιδεύω, and then analyzing the hebrew root and the Greek lemma in context, it aims to explain why the Greek translators have chosen this equivalence and why they have sometimes departed from it. It will be stated that, in the LXX, God the educator remains a God who disciplines, as in the Hebrew Bible. However, another idea appears to be associated to the word παιδεύω: that of God who provides for the needs of his child, Israel.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:25:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-03-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:26:23Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 diniz_fgm_me_arafcl.pdf: 368462 bytes, checksum: 1e08cbd969a82659d74f773bc564027d (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Pretende-se levantar pontos da obra Argonáutica (Ἀργοναυτικά), de Apolônio de Rodes que possam demonstrar a caracterização das personagens Jasão e Héracles, em oposição. A análise parte da observação de C. Beye (Epic and Romance in Argonautica of Apollonius, 1982), que vê Jasão como um novo perfil de herói, próximo a um anti-herói, mais afeito ao gosto do Período Helenístico e Héracles como paradigma do herói da épica homérica visto pelos olhos da crítica e poética do Período Helenístico - principalmente do ponto de vista estético do poeta Calímaco, tido como mentor de Apolônio. Serão analisadas, então, as características desses heróis que serviriam a essa análise, como representações figurativas de cada um e metáforas da evolução natural das estruturas narrativas. Apolônio faria, portanto, além de literatura, uma crítica, análise e releitura do próprio épico nos moldes das narrativas helenísticas a ele contemporâneas. / The intent is to raise points of the work Argonautica (Ἀργοναυτικά), of Apollonius Rhodius that can show the characterization of the characters Jason and Heracles, in opposition. The analysis comes from the notice of C. Beye (Epic and Romance in Argonautica of Apollonius, 1982), that sees Jason as a new outline of hero, near to an anti-hero, more wont to the taste of the Hellenistic Period and Heracles as a paradigm of the hero of the Homeric epics seen through the eyes of the critics and poetics of the Hellenistic Period – mainly through the aesthetic point of view of the poet Callimachus, taken as the mentor of Apollonius. It will be analyzed, then, the characteristics of these heroes that had served to this analysis, as figurative representations of each one and as metaphors of the natural evolution of the narrative structures. Apollonius would do, therefore, besides literature, criticism and analysis and re-reading of the epic itself in the form of the Hellenistic narratives contemporary to him.

Orientador: Maria Celeste Consolin Dezotti / Banca: Adriane da Silva Duarte / Banca: Brunno Vinícius Gonçalves Vieira / Resumo: Pretende-se levantar pontos da obra Argonáutica (Ἀργοναυτικά), de Apolônio de Rodes que possam demonstrar a caracterização das personagens Jasão e Héracles, em oposição. A análise parte da observação de C. Beye (Epic and Romance in Argonautica of Apollonius, 1982), que vê Jasão como um novo perfil de herói, próximo a um anti-herói, mais afeito ao gosto do Período Helenístico e Héracles como paradigma do herói da épica homérica visto pelos olhos da crítica e poética do Período Helenístico - principalmente do ponto de vista estético do poeta Calímaco, tido como mentor de Apolônio. Serão analisadas, então, as características desses heróis que serviriam a essa análise, como representações figurativas de cada um e metáforas da evolução natural das estruturas narrativas. Apolônio faria, portanto, além de literatura, uma crítica, análise e releitura do próprio épico nos moldes das narrativas helenísticas a ele contemporâneas. / Abstract: The intent is to raise points of the work Argonautica (Ἀργοναυτικά), of Apollonius Rhodius that can show the characterization of the characters Jason and Heracles, in opposition. The analysis comes from the notice of C. Beye (Epic and Romance in Argonautica of Apollonius, 1982), that sees Jason as a new outline of hero, near to an anti-hero, more wont to the taste of the Hellenistic Period and Heracles as a paradigm of the hero of the Homeric epics seen through the eyes of the critics and poetics of the Hellenistic Period - mainly through the aesthetic point of view of the poet Callimachus, taken as the mentor of Apollonius. It will be analyzed, then, the characteristics of these heroes that had served to this analysis, as figurative representations of each one and as metaphors of the natural evolution of the narrative structures. Apollonius would do, therefore, besides literature, criticism and analysis and re-reading of the epic itself in the form of the Hellenistic narratives contemporary to him. / Mestre

La présente thèse, intitulée « Contribution à l’histoire et à l’épigraphie de la Béotie hellénistique de 335 à 167 av. J.-C. », La thèse propose une nouvelle synthèse sur certains aspects de l’épigraphie et de l’histoire de la Confédération béotienne hellénistique de 335 av. J.-C., date de la destruction de Thèbes par Alexandre le Grand, jusqu’en 171, date de la dissolution de la confédération par les Romains, et 167 av. J.-C. date de l’instauration d’un nouvel ordre oligarchique en Béotie. En dehors des ouvrages publiés par Br. Gullath en 1982 et surtout par M. Feyel en 1942, il n’existe aucune étude globale de l’histoire et de l’épigraphie de la Béotie hellénistique, alors même que plusieurs études de grande qualité sont parues depuis, notamment sous la signature de D. Knoepfler. Le réexamen des inscriptions déjà publiées et l’édition des inscriptions récemment découvertes contribuent à faire progresser notre connaissance de l’histoire et de l’épigraphie béotiennes. Le premier volume propose une nouvelle chronologie des archontes de la Confédération, qui éclaire d’un jour différent une série d’événements historiques, comme l’intégration d’Oponte au Koinon. Jointe à une étude de l’organisation politique et militaire du Koinon, elle permet de proposer une nouvelle histoire événementielle, de 335 jusqu’en 171. Le deuxième volume consiste en un choix d’inscriptions, dont 28 sont inédites et plusieurs autres n’avaient pas été réexaminées depuis le XIXe s. La thèse dans son ensemble met en évidence le perfectionnement des institutions de la Confédération béotienne, et les apports du Koinon à l’idée fédérale. / This dissertation puts forward a new synthesis of several aspects of the epigraphy and history of the Boeotian koinon from the 335 B.C. to between 171 B.C., date of the dissolution of the federation by the Romans and 167 B.C, date of the establishment of a new oligarchic regime by the Romans. Ever since M. Feyel’s major work of 1942, and to some extent the publication of B. Gullath’s 1982 piecemeal investigation into early Hellenistic Boeotia, we have not had a comprehensive treatise on the history and epigraphy of Hellenistic Boeotia, with the exception of a series of seminal studies by D. Knoepfler. The scrutiny of previously published inscriptions and the publication of new epigraphical documents in the second volume of this thesis offer novel perspectives on the study of Boeotian epigraphy and history. The first volume of the dissertation comprises a new chronology of the federal archons of Boeotia. This new chronology has important ramifications for the history of Boeotia during this period, for example for the date of the integration of the city of Opous into the Boeotian federation. The first volume also includes a new study of the political and military organisation of the Boeotian koinon and cities during the Hellenistic period, on the basis of new epigraphical material and the publication of numerous related studies. In effect, the whole results in a new history of Hellenistic Boeotia. In the second volume of this thesis one finds a selection of published and unpublished inscriptions from several Boeotian cities. More specifically, volume II includes 28 unpublished epigraphical texts as well as a fresh examination of inscriptions that in many cases have not been thoroughly studied since the 19th century. In sum, these two volumes offer a major new synthesis on the Hellenistic Boeotian koinon, one of the most developed and democratic federal organization of ancient Greece.

Esta tese investiga, basicamente, o ensaio Que philosopher cest apprendre a mourir, do filósofo francês Michel de Montaigne. Trata-se de um texto que é um bom exemplo da forma como o filósofo rejeita a tradição metafísica na qual o problema da morte sempre foi pensado (dos pensadores gregos aos teólogos medievais). Mostramos que a originalidade deste ensaio reside no fato de Montaigne nos aconselhar a seguir a natureza (a qual, em seu pensamento, se confunde com o costume), e, com isso, ele se distancia não só da dogmática cristã, mas também dos ensinamentos morais helenísticos. / This thesis investigates, basically, the essay Que philosopher cest apprendre a mourir, by the French philosopher Michel de Montaigne. This is a text which is a good example of how the philosopher rejects the metaphysical tradition in which the problem of death has always been thought (from the Greek thinkers to Medieval theologians). We show that the originality of this essay lies in the fact of Montaigne in advising us to follow the nature (which, in his thoughts, it confuses with the usual), and thus, it gets away not only from the Christian Dogmatics, but also from the Hellenistic moral teachings.

Parte significativa da historiografia sobre o Egito antigo ainda tem usado os termos gênero e mulheres como sinônimos. O estudo das cartas gregas e demóticas foi feito em grande parte com foco nas análises formais dos textos e na filologia. São raros os estudos de epistolografia que privilegiam o aspecto relacional e social das fontes. Se, por um lado, os autores interessados no gênero no Egito usam as cartas como um documento que pode dar acesso às mulheres, a historiografia sobre essas cartas parece negligenciar as mulheres e o gênero como temas relevantes. No período ptolomaico, as relações entre homens e mulheres foram constituídas por processos intrínsecos e específicos que operavam diferentes categorias de gênero simultaneamente, combinando uma multiplicidade de tradições e valores, muito além de nossas percepções do que é masculino e feminino, ou grego e egípcio. A proposta da dissertação é analisar a historiografia sobre gênero no Egito ptolomaico e como ela se apropriou de determinados grupos de papiros, em especial as cartas. A discussão sobre os estudos de gênero com base na epistolografia grega e demótica do Egito ptolomaico articula diferentes disciplinas que expõe os enquadramentos teóricos enviesados de leitura das cartas. / A significant part of the historiography on ancient Egypt has used the terms gender and women synonymously. The study of Greek and demotic letters focused mainly on formal textual analysis and philology, disregarding the understanding that letters are relational sources.. Studies of epistolography rarely emphasize the relational and social aspects of sources. If, on one hand, authors interested in gender in Egypt use letters as documents that can give access to the understanding about women in the period, the historiography of these letters appears to neglect women and gender issues as relevant. In the Ptolemaic period, relations between men and women were constituted by intrinsic and specific processes that operated different gender categories simultaneously, combining a multiplicity of traditions and values, far beyond our perceptions of what is masculine and feminine, or is Greek and Egyptian. The purpose of the dissertation is to analyze the historiography of gender in Ptolemaic Egypt and how it has appropriated certain groups of papyri, especially the letters. The discussion about gender studies based on Greek and demotic epistolography of Ptolemaic Egypt articulates different disciplines which exposes the biased theoretical frameworks imposed to the interpretation of letters.

Diodoro de Sicília historiador que viveu no século I antes da época comum escreveu uma obra intitulada Biblioteca Histórica constituída de quarenta volumes dos quais restaram integrais apenas dos livros I ao V (fragmentos dos livros VI ao X), e dos livros XI ao XX (fragmentos dos livros XXI ao XL). O autor escreveu em sua monumental obra a história universal desde os primórdios (incluindo história egípcia, história dos povos bárbaros, história grega e romana) até à sua própria época (última data citada por Diodoro diz respeito à colonização de Tauromênion, empreendida no reinado de Otávio [XVI, VII, 1]). Entretanto, Diodoro nunca foi considerado, nem em sua própria época, nem em épocas posteriores, um historiador original: sua obra foi considerada uma cópia incessante de outros autores. O centro da controvérsia nos tempos modernos (a partir do século XIX) foi a Quellerforschung (pesquisa das fontes) que intentou buscar no texto diodoriano autores perdidos (que ele cita explicitamente em sua Biblioteca) da época helenística como se o mesmo apenas os tivesse copiado. Essa pesquisa teve por objetivo resgatar a originalidade da Biblioteca Histórica buscando conferir a seu autor a autoria de seus escritos. Longe de ser um mero copista, Diodoro é um historiador-educador que busca instruir seus leitores dando um caráter de utilidade no aprendizado de uma vida correta e justa. Pode-se dividir a Biblioteca em duas partes: a primeira (livros I ao V), de cunho etnográfico-geográfico, narra como os homens foram capazes de caminhar rumo à vida civilizada (ou não, no caso dos bárbaros). A recorrência dos termos parádoxa e thaumázein significando espanto, admiração e maravilhamento mostram como a humanidade foi capaz de superar as dificuldades de uma existência difícil e hostil tornando-se capaz de viver em sociedade. A segunda parte (livros XI ao XX) da Biblioteca, Diodoro dedica-se a narrar a história do mundo (especialmente a da Grécia) mostrando o exemplo dos grandes homens, sobretudo nos campos de batalha. Parádoxa deixa de significar maravilha ou espanto e, aliada à Fortuna (tých), ganha o sentido de contrário a toda expectativa. Assim, Diodoro mostra que a Divina Providência (theia pronoía) interfere nos assuntos humanos e cabe ao historiador mostrar como os grandes homens se comportaram diante dos sucessos / Diodorus Siculus a historian that lived in the first century before the Common Era wrote a work entitled Library of History constituted of forty volumes from which remained intact only the books I through V (fragments of the books VI through X), and from the books XI through XX (fragments of the books XXI through XL). The author wrote in this monumental work of universal history since the primordial times (including egyptian history, barbaric peoples history, greek and roman history) through his own (last date mentioned by Diodorus concerns the Tauromenion colonization that took place during the reign of Octavian [XVI, VII, 1]). However, Diodorus has never been considered, not even on his own time, nor in the eras after that, an original historian: His writings were considered an inexorable copy of others authors. The focus of this controversy in modern times (starting in the XIX century) was the Quelleforschung (sources research) that intended to search on the diodorian texts for lost authors (that he explicitly quotes in his Library) from the Hellenistic era as if they were solely copied. This research had for objective to reclaim the originality of the Library of History seeking to confer to its author the authorship of his writings. Far from being a mere copyist, Diodorus is a historian-educator that seeks to instruct his readers giving a utility character in the learning of a correct and just life. The Library can be divided in two parts: the first one (books I to V), of ethnographicgeographical connotation, narrates how humankind was able to walk towards civilization (or not, in the case of the barbarians). The recurrent terms parádoxa and thaumázein meaning amazement, admiration and marvelous-ment, show how humanity was capable of overcoming the difficulties of a hostile existence and becoming apt to live in society. The second part (books XI to XX) of the Library, Diodorus dedicates into narrating the history of the world (specially Greece), by setting the example of great men, especially in the battle field. Parádoxa does not signify marvelous or amazed and, allied to Fortune (tých), it gains the meaning of contrary to all expectations. Hence, Diodorus shows that the Divine Providence (theia pronoía) interfere in human business and its up to the historian demonstrate how the great men behaved facing the success and failures of existence. The moralizing character from the Library attributes to history an extremely important role, for it is up to it demonstrate who deserves to figurate in glory or abasement through the perennially that only history can confer. Diodorus behaves as a judge that points out those who, in their acts, have succeeded and made mistakes, not only narrating the facts, but incentivizing his reader to a virtuous behavior and to a moral aret.

Orientador: Francisco Benjamin de Souza Netto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T04:22:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bezerra_David_D.pdf: 2857425 bytes, checksum: 4d079f11450e92069b74a7de1ddc95fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Inicialmente o propósito do trabalho era apenas definir e comparar os conceitos de felicidade para dois autores dos período helenístico, distantes no tempo e afastados por um universo cultural: o grego Epicuro e o romano Sêneca. Mas a hipótese inaugural da tese exigiu que se fosse além, primeiro operando com um conceito encontrado no inverso ou negativo do conceito inicial, ou seja, a infelicidade, e depois lidando com as razões que fundamentam a movimentação dos autores pesquisados, isto é, os motivos pelos quais eles se dedicaram a tal tema em particular. Esse impulso secundário levou-nos a um estágio ulterior, que foi a caracterização do universo no qual existiram os pensadores, pois descobrimos ter sido ele o responsável pela pergunta acerca da felicidade tanto em um quanto em outro caso. Quer dizer, a produção filosófica tinha uma base histórico-social e em segundo plano acadêmica. Esta situação nos forçou a, por fim, determinar o que é um produto filosófico helenístico, já que a motivação dos autores se deveu tanto ao entorno no qual se viam envolvidos, que assim deveriam trazer a marca desse tempo (a preocupação com a felicidade gerou, inclusive, manuais de vida produzidos pelos homens de baixa cultura), separando-o, por exemplo, do tempo imediatamente anterior, a chamada época clássica. Particularizando o assunto, estabelecemos que Sêneca foi mais do que um leitor de Epicuro, e assim as suas idéias em relação ao problema da felicidade são tributárias relativamente às idéias de Epicuro sobre o tema. Por outro lado, em ambos os autores é preciso uma leitura ulterior a suas próprias falas para completar a sua definição de felicidade, pois a base dessa, o retiro da vida civil, não está relacionado em tal definição. E ainda, vemos que a virtude ideal, cultivada pelos estóicos radicais, como Crisipo, e entendida como a própria felicidade, cede lugar a uma virtude do possível em Sêneca e que em Epicuro a luta pela felicidade encontra sentido no esmagamento dos desejos / Abstract: Firstly, the purpose of this work was just defines and compares the concepts of happiness for two authors of the Hellenistic period, far way one of each other and separated by a cultural universe: the Greek Epicurus and the Roman Seneca. Therefore, the inaugural hypothesis ordered that we move farther, first working with a concept found at the reverse or negative of the initial concept, its says, the unhappiness, and then operating with the reasons which establishes the movimentation of the authors pesquised, i.e., the motives by which they dedicated themselves to this particular theme. This secondary impulse pushed us to another stage, the characterization of the universe in which the thinkers lived, for we found it as the responsible by the ask about happiness in both of them. In another words, the philosophical production had a socio-historical basis and, in second plane, an academic one. Such situation put us, at the end, to determine what is a philosophical Hellenistic product, once the motivation of the authors is owe so much to the environment in which they kept themselves involved that by this they should bring the stamp of this time (the preoccupation with happiness spawn, includes, manuals of how to live by men of low culture), separating it, for instance, of the time immediately posterior, the so called Classical Era. Particularizing the matter, we establishes that Seneca was more than a reader of Epicurus, and thus your ideas relating to the problem of happiness are tributaries to the ideas of Epicurus about the theme. By the other side, in both thinkers we demanded a interpretation beyond their own speeches to complete your definition of happiness, because the basis of this, the retirement of civil life, is not related in such definition. And more, we observe that the ideal virtue, defended by the radical stoics, like Chrysippus, and took as the happiness itself, gives place to a virtue of the possible in Seneca and that in Epicurus the fight for happiness find meaning in the smashing of the desires / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

The present thesis aims to expand and acquire new knowledge on the emergence of portrait mummies during the Roman period in Egypt and their socio-religious status. The emergence and decorative program of these mummies are commonly understood as an artistic expression of Hellenistic Greek and Roman settlers in Egypt. This attestation is often based upon uncontextualized isolated portraits. The study of uncontextualized isolated portraits has also caused an unsatisfactory approach to dating criteria. In response, the present thesis aims to study contextualized portrait mummies – with the image of the deceased still forming part of the mummy and ideally with an attested find spot – in light of a multicultural society consisting of Egyptian, Hellenistic and Roman cultural and religious traditions.  A total of 85 portrait mummies have been collected to provide context for the expressed cultural traditions. Seven group burials have been reconstructed based upon excavation reports for further contextualization. The results of the collected portrait mummies and reconstructed group burials are subsequently studied against a background of Egyptian, Hellenistic and Roman cultural and religious traditions to highlight dominant cultural features. The results of the present thesis illustrate portrait mummies were an expression of a culturally complex society. The treatment of the body and decorative program suggests cultural and religious notions were rooted within Egyptian traditions that were appropriated, re-defined and adapted by a society comprised of Egyptians, Hellenes and Romans. Portrait mummies consequently express multiple cultural layers. Previously established dating criteria were found to remain to be the most valid and reliable. Contextualized portrait mummies, however, have put forward a new dating criterion that ought to be taken into consideration: octagonal framing.