In a golden era for comic based media, this paper uses the hypothetical emergence of superheroes to analyze the assumptions and predictions of three international relations theories: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Comics consistently reflect the real world, paralleling events and concepts discussed in foreign affairs dialogues. The thought experiment, and the comic genre itself, provides a vehicle for thinking broadly about the political and social ramifications of successful or failed problem solving, state interaction, and scientific advances.

This dissertation seeks to conceptualise and operationalise the concept of soft balancing in international relations by articulating a “theory of tripartite strategic balancing” which is applicable to both international and regional unipolar systems. It has a twofold purpose: one theoretical and the other empirical. First, it seeks to develop a theory of tripartite strategic balancing which encompasses three forms of strategic balancing: internal, external, and soft balancing. The second part seeks to test the theory’s utility in explaining international political outcomes in the post-Cold War international system. In particular, it seeks to ascertain whether and how “second-tier great powers” have strategically balanced against the United States on a global level since the end of the Cold War. The analyses will focus largely on the foreign policies of Russia and France – the chief soft balancers. However, this dissertation also seeks to extend the concept of soft balancing into the regional level of analysis by examining whether and how minor-regional powers soft balance against regional unipolar leaders. For instance, it will examine whether and how the Russian Federation has been soft balanced against by states in the “European Near Abroad.” The analyses will focus primarily on the foreign policies of Poland – the chief soft balancer in the region. The dissertation will employ three in-depth case studies – the Kosovo Crisis (1999), the Iraqi wars (1991-2003), and the Georgia Crisis (2008) – to verify whether or not tripartite strategic balancing is actually occurring as the theory predicts. It will heavily rely on sources and interviews conducted during my time working at the United Nations Security Council and the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. These findings seek to contribute a more nuanced strand of thinking to the realist paradigm in international relations, and they offer practical implications for both US and Russian foreign policymaking.

The Sino-Soviet Split of the late 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s was a multidimensional crisis of nationalism, national interests, domestic politics, personal problems, cultural differences, border issues, Soviet-American détente, communication misunderstanding, and different interpretations of ideology. The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse the important domestic and foreign factors which contributed to the worsening of Sino-Soviet relations. In this interdisciplinary study, the author wants to over bridge the differences between Diplomatic History and International Relations Theory, the subfields of History and Political Science. In the first part, there is an analysis of current Sino-Soviet Split historiography (Lorenz Lüthi, Sergey Radchenko, Xia Yafeng, Austin Jersild) by using theories of International Relations (liberalism, realism and constructivism). The second part provides a historical description of the Sino-Soviet Split. Emphasis is placed on the Chinese side and especially regarding the role of Mao Zedong. This thesis focuses on the period between 1958 and 1964, nevertheless it is neccessary to include preceding and subsequent phases of the relations. It is essential due to cultural, ideological and national factors. These factors endured a long time and it would be impossible to...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Terra Friedrich Budini.pdf: 511107 bytes, checksum: bc2739b6f7e5328af7d6139fba7e85f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-21 / This research shows the diversification of the debate on global civil society and the non-state political action beyond borders in the recent International Relations literature. The interest of an increasing variety of theoretical perspectives on these issues reflects wider debates on the concepts that as the idea of global civil society have emerged in the discipline since the beginning of the 1990s. The insufficiencies of liberal-oriented literature to explain the maintenance of inequalities and power hierarchies in the world system is the background to this diversification. Part of the positive image associated to a global civil society lies on the idea that the lost of autonomy in domestic realm engendered by the globalization processes could be counterbalanced with the transnational/global activism, that is to say in the idea of reformulating the mediation between universality/particularity formalized by the constitution of modern political boundaries. The objective is establishing dialogues between these variety of perspectives and mapping these discussions, not only in relation to the actors and process directly involved in the transnational political action, but also shedding light in their intersection with the wider and more theoretical debate on the problem of borders, of mediation between domestic and international realms, and the idea of constitution of a global political field / O trabalho retrata a diversificação do debate sobre sociedade civil global e sobre a ação política não-estatal além das fronteiras na literatura recente no campo das Relações Internacionais. O interesse no tema por parte de uma crescente gama de perspectivas teóricas reflete debates mais amplos em torno de conceitos que, ao lado da idéia de sociedade civil global , surgiram na disciplina a partir do início dos anos 1990. Apresenta-se como cenário desta pluralização a insuficiência da literatura de inspiração liberal para explicar a permanência das desigualdades e hierarquias de poder no sistema mundial. Parte do imaginário positivo associado à sociedade civil global reside na idéia de que a perda de autonomia em âmbito doméstico - causada pelos processos de globalização - poderia ser compensada com o ativismo transnacional e/ou global, ou seja, na idéia de reformular a mediação entre universalidade/particularidade, formalizada na constituição das fronteiras modernas. Desse modo, o objetivo é estabelecer diálogos entre as várias perspectivas e mapear estas discussões tanto no que se refere aos atores e processos diretamente envolvidos na ação política não-estatal transnacional, quanto apontar sua inserção no debate teórico sobre as transposições de fronteiras, rearticulações das relações entre o doméstico e o internacional e a idéia de constituição de um campo político global"

[pt] O objetivo da dissertação é avaliar a contribuição e o desenvolvimento da Escola Inglesa de Relações Internacionais. Para tanto, opta-se pela análise histórica, priorizando-se uma abordagem cronológica. Nesse sentido, analisa-se, inicialmente, a contribuição de dois de seus principais teóricos: Martin Wight e Hedley Bull, que estabeleceram os eixos teóricos e conceituais constitutivos da Escola. Na segunda parte, considera-se o debate sobre a identidade e a validade da contribuição da Escola nos anos 1980. Na última parte, apresenta-se uma avaliação da Escola Inglesa nos anos 1990. Introduz-se, então, a bifurcação entre uma vertente crítica e outra clássica e a inovação trazida por uma nova geração de teóricos. Por fim, procura- se apresentar, de forma crítica, o debate travado dentro da Escola sobre o conflito do Kosovo. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to evaluate the contribution and the development of the English School of International Relations. In order to achieve this, the analytical axis will be historic, emphasising a chronological approach. In this sense, it was accessed the contribution of two of its leading theorists: Martin Wight and Hedley Bull, that together established the mains theoretical and conceptual axis constitutive of the school. In the second part, the debate about the identity and the validity of the contribution of the school in the 1980s was analysed. In the last part, it is offered an evaluation of the English School in the 1990s. Its bifurcation into two approaches, a critical and a classical one; and the theoretical innovation brought by a new generation of theorists, will be introduced. Latter on, it will be offered an critical analysis of the debate that took place in the English School after the conflict at Kosovo.

國際關係理論歷經第三次的理論大辯論後，理論的發展已朝向「自然主義－反自然主義」、「理論－實踐」、「基礎主義－反基礎主義」議題的論爭中。從這些論爭之中使我們發現做為國際關係學科的本體論、知識論及方法論，已經開始向社會學的方向轉折。其中，尤以新自由制度主義及建構主義的轉折更為明顯。然而，從更深層的視野來看目前各學派的理論，多多少少都含有霸權主義的成分於其中。基於此，本論文借用葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論觀點，檢視現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義、新自由制度主義及建構主義等主流國際關係理論中的文化霸權因素，同時運用哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」的概念，對上述主流國際關係理論的霸權性質進行反思，以期建構出一個在本體論、知識論、方法論上都能獲得解放的國際關係理論。 基於以上理念，本論文的發展與架構鋪陳共分為8章35節。 第一章為緒論，主要敍述論文的整個架構及重要理論說明，包括葛蘭西的「文化霸權」及哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，藉由上述兩種理論的哲學基礎，以分析說明目前國際關係理論的爭論議題，及其未來可能的發展趨勢。 第二章介紹國際關係理論三次大辯論及其理論的發展現況，然後闡明國際政治各個學派的哲學與後設基礎。 第三章概述葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論，主要探討葛蘭西的文化霸權；它並不是一個實體的權力，而是一個意識形態及實體相互結合的領導權概念。 第四章是藉由葛蘭西的文化霸權概念，論析目前國際關係理論無論是在物質及精神意識方面，都具有文化霸權的成分。換言之，目前的國際關係理論並無法完達到解放國家受到壓迫的目標。 第五章介紹哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，主要研究溝通行動理論所涵蓋的範圍：包括了主體與主體、主體與客體及主體與社會之間的溝通關係。 第六章是運用哈伯馬斯溝通行動理論分析主體與主體（國家╱國家）、主體與客體（國家╱客觀世界）、主體與社會（國家╱國際社會、組織、制度…）之間的溝通關係，藉以解放國際關係理論所受到的壓迫與不公平現象。 第七章陳述反思下的國際關係理論其本體論、知識論及方法論。 第八章章為結論，提出本論文的主要貢獻：第一，以溝通行動為媒介的國際關係理論，會出現以國際社會的整體做為各個行動體溝通行動的場域，這個場域是一個「實體（物質）結構」、是一個「關係（權力、制度）結構」、也是一個「觀念（意義）結構」，更是經由實踐所織構出的「網絡結構」；第二，國際關係的本體論、知識論及方法論之間是一個相互辯證的過程，他們彼此之間可以相互辯證轉換。 關鍵詞：文化霸權、溝通行動理論、國際關係理論、國際政治、社會理論 / After three times of intensive debates, the direction of International Relations theory has moved to “naturalism-anti-naturalism”,”theory-implementation”, ”fundamentalism-anti-fundamentalism”. From the debates we can realize the International Relations is supported by Ontological, Epistemological, Methodological and it has change into sociology. Although the direction of neo- Liberalism and Constructivism has become clear and if we read of those theories, all of them have included some degree of Cultural Hegemony. This research takes Antonio Gramsci’s “Cultural Hegemony” theory to exam Realism, neo-Realism、Liberalism、neo-Liberalism and Constructivism. At the same time, I also use “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to talk about the hegemony among those theories, in order to let the ontological, epistemological and methodological can be applied to the theories. This research paper is divided into 8 sections and 35 chapters. Chapter one is introduction, of both theories of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci and “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to illustrate today’s international disputes for International Relations and the possible development for the future. Chapter two is the three intensive debates for International Relations and the development of those theories, including international politics fundamental philosophy. Chapter three is the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci. It’s not an existing power but an ideal form in connection with concept of leading power. Chapter four is the use of the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci in the concepts of today’s international relations. Both substantial and spiritual aspects include hegemony. In other words, today’s theories of international relations can’t reach the goals of resolve the nations under pressure. Chapter five is the theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas, focusing on the relations of communication of Subjective to subjective, subjective to objective and subjective to community. Chapter six is the use of theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas in terms of the communicate relations among subjective to subjective(nation/nation), subjective to objective(nation/objective world), subjective to social(nation/ international community, organization, institution…) and then to prevent from the pressure and unfairness of theory of international relations. Chapter seven is the theory of international relations of ontology, epistemology and methodology. Chapter eight is the conclusion, with two major points: First, the use of communication actions on the theory of international relations will make the global community into a unique arena in order to provide it for different communication groups. These areas are a entity (substantial) structure, a relation(power, institutional) structure and also a aspect(meaning) structure and furthermore it can be implemented into network-structure；Second, the theory of international relations on ontology, epistemology and methodology is a dialogue and development process, that can be interacted and transfered to others. Key Word: Cultural Hegemony, Theory of Communication, International Relations theory, International Politic, Social Thiory

[pt] Partindo das rupturas políticas - simbolizadas pelo ano de 1989 - nos planos teórico e prático, esta pesquisa busca estudar a imaginação política crítica contemporânea. Tomando tal fio condutor, o presente estudo intenta criticar o estado-centrismo de alguns teóricos (Rosenberg, Colás e Panitch) de hoje. Ainda, propõe um diálogo entre outros dois críticos (Walker e Holloway), visando apreender tais limites imaginativos e sugerir - com auxílio da prática de certos movimentos sociais - outros modos de pensar os dilemas da soberania estatal e sua inclusão e exclusão do espaço político. / [en] Beginning from the point of political ruptures - symbolized by 1989 - on the theoretical and practical levels, this research critically explores the contemporary critical political imagination. Following this line of thought, this investigation aims at criticizing the state-centrism of some current theorists (Rosenberg, Colás and Panitch). Moreover, it proposes a dialogue between two other critics (Walker and Holloway), in order to explore and appreciate such imaginative boundaries and to suggest - with the help of certain social movements` practices - other ways of thinking through the dilemmas of state sovereignty and its inclusion and exclusion of the political space.

Neoconservatism has long had a tenuous relationship with International Relations theory. Despite an abundance of explanatory material and its influence in US foreign policy, few works in IR have attempted to build a stand-alone theory out of it. Furthermore, previous work on the topic has resulted in an under-developed and poor understanding of the movement’s core ideas. The thesis redefines neoconservatism as a trifecta of i) a set of explanatory ideas on world politics, ii) an approach to foreign policy, and iii) an ideology that stems from the European Enlightenment, all the way to the present day. Using this expanded conceptualization, the thesis builds a theory out of what can broadly be considered an ideology. The theory takes the form of an ideal-type construct and emphasizes hegemony in the international system. It offers an explanation for the causes of alliances, as well as regional and systemic conflicts. The theory also adopts a prescriptive function and offers an account of foreign policy analysis. It is highly recommended that the assumptions of the theory that are laid out here be tested in future work.

While not uncontested, the finding that liberal democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against each other represents one of the seminal discoveries of international relations (IR) scholarship. Nevertheless, 'democratic peace theory' (DPT) – the body of scholarship that seeks to explain the democratic peace finding – still lacks a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. In this thesis, I argue that a primary source of this failure has been DPT's failure to recognize the importance of collective identification and trust for the eventuation of the 'liberal peace'. Building on existing DPT scholarship, most of it Realist or Rationalist in its inspiration, but also employing insights from Constructivist and Cognitivist scholarship, I develop a new model of how specific forms of collective identification can produce specific forms of trust. On this basis, I elaborate a new explanation of the liberal peace which sees it as arising out of a network of trusting liberal security communities. I then elaborate a new research design that enables a more rigorous and replicable empirical investigation of these ideas through the analysis of three historical cases studies, namely the Canada-USA, India-Pakistan, and France-Germany relationships. The results of this analysis support the plausibility of my theoretical framework, and also illuminate four additional findings. Specifically, I find that (1) IR scholarship needs a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between agents and structures; (2) 'institutionalized collaboration' is especially important for promoting collective identification; (3) DPT scholarship needs to focus more attention on the content of the narratives around which collective identification takes place; and (4) dramatic events play an important role in collective identification by triggering what I term catharses and epiphanies. I close the thesis by reviewing the implications of my findings for IR and for policymakers and by suggesting some areas worthy of additional research.

[pt] O objetivo da dissertação é apresentar a contribuição da Escola de Copenhague para a área de estudos de segurança internacional. Para tanto, será discutida a história da área de estudos de segurança, o contexto histórico no qual a Escola é fundada e por fim, as críticas feitas às teses formuladas por esta. Entretanto, creio que no fim desta dissertação, será possível afirmar que além desta Escola ter contribuído para o desenvolvimento de uma importante perspectiva na área de segurança, será possível sustentar que sua contribuição também se estende para a área de teoria das relações internacionais. / [en] This dissertation seeks to introduce the Copenhague School`s contribution to the area of international security studies. It does so by discussing the history of security studies, as well as the historical context in which the School was founded. It will also be necessary to analyse the main concepts and theoretical perpectives developed by the School. Thereafter, it shall present the criticism levelled at the School`s theoretical and conceptual perspectives. At last, it will become clear that the School`s contribution has surpassed the area of security studies since it has also contributed immensely to the area of international relations theory.