Text in English / The study aims to investigate criminal jurisdiction of the visiting SADC armed forces during peace time focusing only on the Republic of Botswana and the Republic of South Africa. Since the adoption of the Declaration and Treaty of SADC, the armed forces of both Botswana and South Africa at times find themselves on each other’s territory. Once in each other’s territory the question of criminal jurisdiction becomes imperative. The two countries seem not to agree on the content of status of force agreements while cooperating in terms of the SADC Treaty. The contentious point is that the death sentence is still a competent sentence for certain offences under certain circumstances in terms of Botswana laws, whereas in South Africa the death sentence was declared unconstitutional. In the absence of any agreement, South African armed forces may face a death sentence while in Botswana and Botswana authorities might not be able to carry out a death sentence over their members for offences committed while in South Africa. In trying to answer the question of criminal jurisdiction while on each other’s territory during peace time, a study of the evolution of jurisdiction is undertaken. The laws of both countries are considered, especially the application and protection afforded by their respective constitutions. The approach followed by the UN in sending a peace-keeping force to conflict areas is analysed. A micro-comparison of agreements concluded by selected countries, more especially the NATO agreement, is undertaken. Treaties as a source of international law are analysed to show that rights can be extended and be limited by agreement. The study concludes by recommending that concurrent criminal jurisdiction with certain qualification seems to be the accepted norm and compromise amongst the international community, and that the two countries may consider this approach as the basis for such agreement. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LL.M

Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-04T12:36:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009 / A Fiocruz tornou-se ao longo da sua história importante ponto focal nas políticas de saúde do governo brasileiro tanto nacional como internacionalmente. Este crescimento levou a Fiocruz a enfrentar desafios na gestão dos processos de cooperação internacional, principalmente aqueles relacionados a fragmentação da informação sobre estas atividades. Escolhemos dois programas historicamente importantes para a Fiocruz, a cooperação Fiocruz - França e a Fiocruz - África (PALOP), e buscamos identificar e analisar as redes de cooperação intra-institucional existentes na Fiocruz no âmbito destas cooperações, com base nos processos de afastamento do país, no período de 2005 a 2008 como ferramenta de gestão do conhecimento. Utilizamos a metodologia para analise de redes sociais, que permitiu identificar não somente as redes existentes, sua estrutura e seus fluxos de informação, mas também os atores centrais e aqueles que necessitam de maior integração no contexto da cooperação internacional desenvolvida pela Fiocruz no objeto deste estudo. O mapeamento, a identificação e a analise das redes internas encontradas, com base nesses processos administrativos possibilitou evidenciar que a analise das redes de cooperação se constitui numa forma de gestão do conhecimento, tanto técnico quanto cientifico, e uma ferramenta importante para a gestão da cooperação internacional da Fiocruz. Entretanto, os limites apontados neste trabalho orientam para a necessidade de uma revisão no sistema de registro de informações, melhorando a interface tanto com o usuário quanto com o gestor, facilitando a captura de dados mais relevantes que possibilitem, inclusive, a migração ou integração com outras bases de dados específicos para a análise de redes, constituindo a criação de contextos favoráveis para que o conhecimento possa ser explicitado, formalizado e passível de ser incorporado ao ambiente organizacional; e, do outro lado, do oferecimento de incentivo à construção de redes formais e informais e de comunidades de prática para a valorização do aprendizado contínuo dentro da organização no contexto da cooperação internacional. / Fiocruz became along his history an important focal point in the Brazilian government health policies both national and internationally. This growth carried Fiocruz to face challenges in the processes administration of international cooperation, mostly those related on information fragmentation about these activities. We choose in this work two historically important programs for Fiocruz, the cooperation Fiocruz- France and Fiocruz-Africa (Palops), and we seek to identify and to analyze the cooperation chains intra-institutional existing in Fiocruz in the scope these cooperations, with base in the country dismissal processes, in the period from 2005 to 2008 as knowledge administration tool. We use the methodology to analyze of social networks that allowed identifying not only the existing networks, its structure and its information flows, but also the central actors and the ones that need larger integration in the context of the international cooperation developed by Fiocruz in the object of this study. The plotting, the identification and analyze her of the found internal networks, with base in these administrative processes enabled evidence that it analyzes her of the cooperation chains constitutes in a knowledge administration form, so much technician as scientific, and an important tool for the administration of the international cooperation of Fiocruz. However, the pointed limits in this work guide at the need to a revision in the information record system, improving the interface so much with the user as with the manager, facilitating the data capture more important than enable, besides, the migration or integration with other specific databases for the networks analysis, constituting the creation of favorable contexts so that the knowledge can be demonstrated , formalized and possible to of being incorporated to the organizational environment; And, from other side, of the offering of incentive to the construction of formal and informal networks and of practice communities for the increased value of the continuous learning inside the organization in the context of the international cooperation.

Established in 2003, the Kimberley Process (KP) is a binding agreement; backed by the United Nations, that unites civil societies, state actors and the diamond industry to safeguard ‘conflict' diamonds from entering legitimate rough diamond trade around the world. The unique international tripartite organization is voluntary but mandates state participants to abide by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) minimum requirements in order to stem the financing or wars against legitimate governments. This study represents the first to explore the communications within the KP. The linguistic turn relies on Classical rhetoric theory with an emphasis on Aristotle's three appeals of persuasion (“pisteis”): ethos, logos and pathos of elite actors in the KP. As for the precise nature of the contribution to rhetorical analysis, this project is best characterised as an application of Classical principals of rhetorical analysis, rather than as a development of theory. A comprehensive literature review of the KP and KPCS is another distinctive contribution. Furthermore, this academic endeavour offers a unique method as shown in the observation of a KP Intersessional meeting. Supplementing the qualitative inquiry, semi-structured interviews were conducted with all of the KP groups and included a wide sample of civil society international and national non-government organizations, state actors and industry members otherwise not represented in previous empirical efforts on the subject. The data chapters achieve the primary aim to add to the understanding of the KP. Firstly, the civil societies engage in boycott rhetoric using ethos and negative pathos. As for state actors, the KP Chair exhibits charismatic leadership rhetoric, while ‘recognized' established states use logical reasoning, the ‘outlier' states evoke positive pathos. Lastly, the diamond industry experts appeal to negative emotions, the World Diamond Council to logos, and De Beers to positive emotional appeals. Combined, the rhetoric shows (a) how KP rhētors use different rhetorical strategies; (b) which in turn shape distinct discourses; (c) and contain dissimilar claims; (d) points to different motivations; (e) highlight different identities; (f) reveal key characteristics, and; (g) the nature of relationships within the KP. The organization rhetorical analysis also entails how the multiple KP leaders view the KP and KPCS and change. While the rhetoric helps demonstrate the constraints surrounding the KP and KPCS it also underlines the primary human rights and human security in which they all share. This thesis provides an extended critical view of the rhetoric by connecting Aristotelian pisteis with different conceptions of power outlined by French and Raven (1959) and Lukes (2005/1974). Combined, the rhetoric helps to explain the ways the KP attempts to achieve their specific political and economic goals while also building relationships with their stakeholders. Rhetoric is a worthwhile theory and methodological approach in order to explore organizations. The KP, and other international organizations provide an opportune arena for further rhetorical attention.

This work focuses on specifics of a project in an international or intercultural team. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate experience of participants with working in international or intercultural team and to propose a method to create such team. In theoretical part we will describe existing forms of cooperation, theory of intercultural communication and the basis of preparation and implementation of a project, including the theory of management of a project team. Practical part consists of a questionnary created for the research, gathered data via this questionnaire and a guideline for creating an international/intercultural team. Sources will be literature and other bibliography related to particular chapters of our work.

Climate change is a daunting problem that results in actions-interactions from a number of actors in complex global systems, which require multi-level governance and a myriad of national policies. Academics and policy makers alike have been grappling with how to devise effective strategies on the international coordination of climate change policies. It is challenging because climate change problems involve actors with different positions, interests and motivation to cooperate due to the risks involved, the uncertainty and the high costs of adaptation and mitigation. Deforestation is the second largest source of GHG emissions. Success in this area can have a large impact on mitigation. This study focuses on the case of REDD+, a large scale governance experiment in climate finance and a promising cost-effective mitigation mechanism to motivate developing countries to implement policy approaches to reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. REDD+ is considered a breakthrough mechanism in international cooperation under the UNFCCC regime as it was designed to be performance-based. Brazil is the world\'s largest recipient and has the most important REDD+ experiment - the Amazon Fund. The lack of developed theory in this domain led to the use of grounded theory methodology to understand the REDD+ governance process in Brazil. The \'REDD+ Governance Theoretical Framework\' emerged from the data. It is a substantive theory formed by seven major categories (Governance, Strategy, Financing, Implementation, Participation of stakeholders, Joint action and Collective learning) that are related to each other and explain the phenomenon. This study suggests that the lack of institutional arrangements to stimulate collective learning and incorporate lessons learned from the ground experience has been a major constraint on improving its governance in Brazil. Improving the effectiveness of the policy cycle may depend upon the establishment of specific arrangements focused on peer review processes involving lower-level entities responsible for implementation and experts from civil society. The establishment of a recursive learning system could solve certain policy coordination problems and create new opportunities to improve the effectiveness of the REDD+ governance process and implementation. This theory adds to the limited body of literature in the field by extending the knowledge on climate finance, stimulating discussion, and creating opportunities for further research and theoretical advances. The theoretical framework and lessons learned in Brazil from success and failure can help other developing countries to implement a national REDD+ strategy, system or regime. The theory can contribute to the international debate on the principles of good governance in official development assistance and aid effectiveness. This study provides an opportunity for policy makers and practitioners to learn about the challenges and constraints faced by Brazil when implementing an unprecedented results-based mechanism focused on mitigation. / A mudança climática é um problema desafiador resultante de ações e interações entre diversos atores em sistemas globais complexos, o que demanda governança em vários níveis e uma miríade de políticas nacionais. Acadêmicos e policy makers vêm se desafiando sobre como elaborar estratégias eficazes na coordenação internacional das políticas em mudança climática. É desafiador porque os problemas relacionados à mudança do clima envolvem atores com diferentes posições, interesses e motivação para cooperar, já que existem riscos envolvidos, alto nível de incerteza e custos de adaptação e mitigação. O desmatamento é a segunda maior fonte de emissões de gases causadores do efeito estufa. Sucesso nesta área pode ter um grande impacto em mitigação. Este estudo enfoca no caso de REDD+, um experimento de governança no financiamento do clima e um promissor mecanismo de mitigação com baixo custo para incentivar os países em desenvolvimento a implementar abordagens políticas que reduzam emissões oriundas do desmatamento e da degradação florestal. O REDD + é considerado um mecanismo inovador em acordos de cooperação internacional sob o regime da UNFCCC, pois foi idealizado para ser baseado em desempenho. O Brasil é o maior receptor do mundo e tem o mais importante experimento de REDD+ - o Fundo Amazônia. A ausência de teorias desenvolvidas nessa área levou ao uso da metodologia grounded theory para compreender o processo de governança de REDD+ no Brasil. A partir dos dados primários foi desenvolvido o \'REDD+ Governance Theoretical Framework\'. Trata-se de uma teoria substantiva formada por sete categorias (Governança, Estratégia, Financiamento, Implementação, Participação de stakeholders, Ação coletiva e Aprendizagem coletiva) que se relacionam e explicam o fenômeno. Este estudo sugere que a ausência de arranjos institucionais para estimular a aprendizagem coletiva e incorporar as lições aprendidas durante a implementação tem sido um grande obstáculo para melhorar a governança de REDD+ no Brasil. Melhorar a efetividade do ciclo político pode depender do estabelecimento de arranjos específicos com foco em processos de revisão por pares que envolvam entidades responsáveis pela implementação e especialistas da sociedade civil. O estabelecimento de um sistema de aprendizagem recursiva poderia facilitar a resolução de alguns problemas de coordenação política e criar novas oportunidades para aprimorar o processo de governança de REDD+. Esta teoria contribui para a construção do conhecimento científico focado no financiamento do clima, estimula a discussão, sugere oportunidades para novas pesquisas e avanços teóricos. O framework teórico pode ajudar outros países em desenvolvimento a implementar estratégia, sistema ou regime nacional de REDD+. As lições aprendidas no Brasil, baseadas no sucesso e fracasso, podem ser absorvidas por outros países em desenvolvimento. A teoria contribui para o debate internacional sobre os princípios da boa governança nos acordos de cooperação internacional e na eficácia da ajuda financeira. Este estudo oferece uma oportunidade para que os policy makers e os profissionais aprendam sobre os desafios e obstáculos enfrentados pelo Brasil ao implementar um inovador mecanismo de financiamento do clima baseado em resultados.

Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström “The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign policy” Supervisor: Jan Olsson The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the foreign policy.

Les dernières décennies ont témoigné d’un important accroissement des concentrations transnationales dans le monde et d’une multiplication des systèmes de contrôle des concentrations. Alors que les enjeux économiques revêtent désormais une dimension internationale, les mécanismes juridiques de régulation demeurent cantonnés à une échelle nationale ou régionale. En effet, la soumission d’une même opération de concentration à différents régimes de contrôle engendre plusieurs problématiques juridiques, dont le risque d’être confronté à des décisions contradictoires ou incohérentes rendues par différentes autorités de la concurrence. Ceci dit, il nous semble que des mécanismes juridiques pour réguler les concentrations transnationales s’imposent. S’agissant d’une réalité au niveau européen, la « régionalisation » du droit de la concurrence apporte une aide précieuse à ces problématiques. Au niveau mondial, différentes approches de solution sont envisageables. Cette thèse soutient, à court terme, la convergence des règles et des pratiques, afin de réduire les inconvénients associés au contrôle des concentrations transnationales, accompagnée, à long terme, par l’adoption de certaines règles contraignantes au sein de l’OMC. / In the past decades, the number of transnational mergers worldwide has significantly increased. Merger control systems follow the same trend and have proliferated during this period. While economic issues are globalized, legal mechanisms remain national or regional. The notification of one single merger to different merger control systems raises several legal issues, in particular with respect to the risk of achievingcontradictory or incoherent decisions from different competition agencies. Thus, revised legal mechanisms are required in order to adequately regulate transnational mergers. A“regionalization” of merger control, as set by the European experience, offers useful insights towards proposals to deal with these issues. In a global perspective, several alternative approaches are possible. This thesis supports, on the short-term, a permanent convergence of rules and practices to reduce problems related to transnational merger control, followed, on the long-term, by the adoption of certain binding rules within the WTO.

Cette thèse porte sur les opérations militaires menées par l’Union européenne et s’interroge sur leurs effets dans deux domaines :le processus d’européanisation et l’évolution du maintien de la paix. Pour les partisans du choix rationnel, l’européanisation reflète les préférences des principales puissances européennes, qui s’imposent aux autres États, surtout dans le domaine des politiques de défense. Pour les constructivistes à l’inverse, la gestion en commun des crises internationales entraîne des adaptations et un certain rapprochement des façons de faire nationales.<p>Pour solutionner ce débat, cette recherche expose et défend une approche sociologique des opérations militaires de l’UE, qui s’inspire du tournant pratique en relations internationales et des usages de l’Europe en études européennes. Cette approche insiste sur le contexte de l’interaction, les stratégies sociales des acteurs, et le bien-fondé d’une méthode interprétative qui s’appuie sur l’expérience de ces acteurs. La démonstration empirique repose sur une analyse qualitative comparative de deux cas opposés :les acteurs français et irlandais dans le cadre de l’opération militaire EUFOR Tchad/RCA, dont ils eurent la charge.<p>La recherche conclut que l’européanisation n’est pas un phénomène linéaire et homogène, et que sa forme dépend avant tout du contexte et des acteurs observés. Au niveau politique et décisionnel (à Bruxelles), les logiques nationales l’emportent, chaque acteur tentant de mettre à profit ses ressources opportunes (matérielles, idéelles, symboliques) pour faire valoir ses préférences nationales. Cependant, plus on s’éloigne de Bruxelles (vers l’état-major de l’opération militaire et plus encore vers le terrain), plus les militaires, principaux acteurs concernés, développent des pratiques communes qui se superposent à leurs singularités et préférences nationales. Le contexte opérationnel du maintien de la paix génère des dynamiques de socialisation et d’apprentissage qui favorisent l’émergence d’usages communs de l’Europe militaire. Ces usages constituent les fondements d’une approche « européenne » du maintien de la paix, combinaison hybride de pratiques importées d’autres contextes (national, OTAN, ONU), et de pratiques nouvelles, spécifiques à l’UE. Cependant, cette européanisation sociologique demeure essentiellement au niveau des militaires. Elle n’entraîne pas de convergence au niveau formel, politique et décisionnel, où les dynamiques nationales restent dominantes. /<p><p>This dissertation is about European Union-led military operations and their effects on two issues: processes of Europeanization and the evolution of peacekeeping. For rational choice scholars, Europeanization reflects the preferences of Europe’s main powers, which impose those preferences on other states, especially when it comes to defence policies. On the opposite, constructivists argue that handling international crises collectively results in adaptations and a certain rapprochement of national ways to do things.<p>To sort out this debate, this research puts forward and defends a sociological approach to EU military operations, which is inspired by the practice turn in international relations and usages of Europe in European studies. This approach emphasizes the context of interaction, actors’ social strategies, and the merits of an interpretive method grounded in actors’ experiences. The empirical demonstration rests upon a qualitative and comparative analysis of two most different cases: French and Irish actors during the military operation EUFOR Tchad/RCA, in which they got involved.<p>The research concludes that Europeanization is not a linear and homogenous phenomenon, and that its shape mostly depends on the context and actors under scrutiny. At the political and decisional level (in Brussels), national logics prevail, and each actor tries to take advantage of its opportune resources (material, ideal, symbolic) in order to enforce its national preferences. However, the further one moves away from Brussels (towards the operation’s headquarters or the field), the more military actors – the main actors concerned with EU operations – develop common practices that come on top of their national singularities. The operational context of peacekeeping yields dynamics of socialization and learning, which themselves make common usages of military Europe possible. These usages make up the grounds of a “European” approach to peacekeeping, which is a hybrid combination of existing practices imported from other contexts (national, NATO, UN) and new, EU-specific practices. However, this Europeanization tends to remain mostly at the military’s level. It does not bring about convergence at the formal, political and decisional level, where national dynamics still prevail.<p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Die Staatsexamensarbeit befasst sich sowohl mit den Potentialen, als auch mit den möglichen Problemen des Desertec Projekts im französischsprachigen Norden Afrikas. Der Autor beleuchtet im ersten Teil die Potentiale des Projekts für von einem kultur-, politik-, sozialwissenschaftlichen Standpunkt. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit setzt sich der Autor intensiv mit der Frage nach der Kritik der neokolonialistischen Bestrebungen der Projektinitiatoren auseinander. Darüber hinaus beleuchtet er die Kommunikationsstrategie der Desertec Foundation näher und legt das interkulturelle Potential dieses Unterfangens dar. Daran schließt sich ein Überblick über die französischen, marokkansichen und deutschen Pressestimmen im Zeitraum von 2009 - 2012 zum Desertec Projekt an. Den Abschluss bildet eine Standortanalyse mit dem Fokus auf den von der AQIM ausgehenden Terrorismus und der Korruption vor Ort. / The author of the exam thesis „Das Desertec Projekt und der Arabisch-Frankophone Maghreb am Beispiel Marokko“ discusses various important cultural aspects of the implementation of the mega-project Desertec in the francophone area of North Africa. In this thesis, the author puts the advantages presented by the Desertec Foundation into perspective and discusses possible impediments from a cultural point of view. The first part of the paper covers the topics of solar powered drinking water abstraction as a possibility to meet local needs and Desertec as a promoter of social stability and economic development in the MENA region. The second part is concerned with a discussion of alleged neo-colonial intentions of the companies supporting the Desertec project as well as its management. Moreover, the author discusses the communication strategy of the project and the influence of intercultural aspects on the success of the Desertec vision. Furthermore, the thesis contains a review on press reactions on the topic in the period of 2009 – 2012 and a brief location study discussing the topic of terrorism and corruption in the Maghreb region. The author comes to the conclusion that a mega-project like Desertec cannot solely rely on economic facts and engineering ingenuity, but has to take all cultural points into account and make use of the synergetic effect in order to lead this project to success.