<p>I denna studie analyseras Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik utifrån deras motion Egenmakt, arbete och jämlikhet – Liberal integrationspolitik. Fokus ligger på hur de behandlar utanförskapet och de människor som anses leva i utanförskap. En brännpunkt när utanförskap diskuteras är etnicitet varför detta också ligger i denna undersöknings centrum. Vidare ligger intresset på hur deras liberala ståndpunkter i motionen kommer till uttryck.</p><p>I analysen av det empiriska materialet använder jag mig av kritisk diskursanalys för att metoden inte uppfattar sig själv som politiskt neutral och är politiskt engagerad i social förändring, vilket jag finner väsentligt i en undersökning av ett politiskt dokument som säger sig eftersträva lika rättigheter och lika möjligheter och som riktar sig till alla människor som lever i utanförskap. För att analysera de liberala ideologiska ståndpunkterna i motionen använder jag mig även av kritisk ideologianalys. Båda dessa metoder fokuserar på maktfrågor.</p><p>De teoretiska utgångspunkter som ligger till grund för studien är socialkonstruktionism och postkoloniala studier. Socialkonstruktionismen innebär ett förhållningssätt till exempelvis etniciteter och kulturer som sociala konstruktioner skapade i interaktion människor emellan och vidare att samhällets påverkan är avgörande i konstruktionen av dessa kategorier. Postkoloniala studier utgår från att kolonialismens historiska processer fortfarande präglar världen och ävenledes synen på människor med annan etnicitet eller kulturell bakgrund än den vita västerländska bakgrunden.</p><p>Det som jag anser visa sig tydligast, och som är den viktigaste slutsatsen i min undersökning, är Folkpartiet liberalernas ignorerande av det individualistiska perspektivet i diskussionerna kring utanförskap, kultur och etnicitet. Den individuella dynamiken och samhälleliga mångfalden som är fundamental i liberalismens ideologi får i folkpartiets naturalistiska kulturkonstruktioner inget utrymme.</p>

With the advent of globalisation driving the People.s Republic of China to embrace its future, the local government has shown great enthusiasm promulgating one of the oldest industries. Foreign higher educational providers that operate in China through the mode of joint venture cooperatives between a Chinese and foreign institution of higher learning are becoming increasingly .knowledgeable-hungry. public or private universities and colleges. Such operations commonly known as Sino-foreign educational cooperatives (SFEC), are hotly spawned on the mainland, enrolling Chinese students through the division of responsibilities, roles and resources. The Chinese party is mostly responsible for the hardware support, supplying facilities and logistics as the part of the bargain, whereas the foreign party provides the intellectual software of academic programs. The locus of this qualitative study aims to present and investigate a distinct phenomenon of learning in SFEC through the theories of sociocultural perspective encumbered in a transitional context; Sino-foreign (SF) graduates to other workplace communities. Without common interests of social interaction, co-participation, and transformation, SFEC are often discredited due to various factors. The learning aims will feature participative and transformative themes that feature qualitative and interpretive methods. Thus, this research involves interviewing four relevant participants from the likes of two Chinese nationals and two non-Chinese, and how they view learning in SFEC applied to a transitional context, the workplace. My furtherance of analysis will generally stress learning, co-participation and transformative learning in activities that circumvents discriminatory elements of artifacts, identity profiling, relationships, commitment and workplace employment for the necessary transition. In the initial research phase, it did seem that putting learning into community practice in China was essential. In the closing stages, thoughts will flow to the legitimisation of participative and transformative learning, which forms the backdrop of this original theme of research gathered through previous works of similar purview. Prawatt and Floden (1994) remark that knowledge, and the belief that knowledge is the result of social interaction and language usage, and thus is a shared, rather than an individual, experience. Presumably, my chosen theories frame the interactive and shared communal nature of the Chinese society and learning systems. / na

I denna studie analyseras Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik utifrån deras motion Egenmakt, arbete och jämlikhet – Liberal integrationspolitik. Fokus ligger på hur de behandlar utanförskapet och de människor som anses leva i utanförskap. En brännpunkt när utanförskap diskuteras är etnicitet varför detta också ligger i denna undersöknings centrum. Vidare ligger intresset på hur deras liberala ståndpunkter i motionen kommer till uttryck. I analysen av det empiriska materialet använder jag mig av kritisk diskursanalys för att metoden inte uppfattar sig själv som politiskt neutral och är politiskt engagerad i social förändring, vilket jag finner väsentligt i en undersökning av ett politiskt dokument som säger sig eftersträva lika rättigheter och lika möjligheter och som riktar sig till alla människor som lever i utanförskap. För att analysera de liberala ideologiska ståndpunkterna i motionen använder jag mig även av kritisk ideologianalys. Båda dessa metoder fokuserar på maktfrågor. De teoretiska utgångspunkter som ligger till grund för studien är socialkonstruktionism och postkoloniala studier. Socialkonstruktionismen innebär ett förhållningssätt till exempelvis etniciteter och kulturer som sociala konstruktioner skapade i interaktion människor emellan och vidare att samhällets påverkan är avgörande i konstruktionen av dessa kategorier. Postkoloniala studier utgår från att kolonialismens historiska processer fortfarande präglar världen och ävenledes synen på människor med annan etnicitet eller kulturell bakgrund än den vita västerländska bakgrunden. Det som jag anser visa sig tydligast, och som är den viktigaste slutsatsen i min undersökning, är Folkpartiet liberalernas ignorerande av det individualistiska perspektivet i diskussionerna kring utanförskap, kultur och etnicitet. Den individuella dynamiken och samhälleliga mångfalden som är fundamental i liberalismens ideologi får i folkpartiets naturalistiska kulturkonstruktioner inget utrymme.

La ricerca focalizza l'attenzione sul disagio adulto. Il concetto di persona è riletto alla luce del clima definito (neo)moderno all'interno del quale l'uomo vive una difficoltà quotidiana nel riconoscere se stesso e il contesto a lui circostante. Le relazioni interpersonali subiscono questa pressione socio culturale la quale va pertanto analizzata e considerata. L'età adulta è l'ambito specifico della ricerca; in questa fase della vita maturità e saggezza sono elementi da declinare e rileggere in relazione ai limiti costitutivi la persona stessa: riconoscere e assumere i propri limiti è una prima operazione di maturità. I limiti e il disagio chiamano in causa la necessaria lettura interdisciplinare: medicina e pedagogia dialogano nell'interesse della persona sofferente; da questo dialogo nascono indicazioni concrete per una pratica corresponsabile sui piani biologico ed educativo. Si sostanzia in definitiva una pedagogia del disagio e della marginalità adulta quale risultato dello scambio epistemologico fra le due discipline. questa prospettiva postula interventi rinnovati nell'ambito del disagio adulto poiché il disagio e la sofferenza non sono sempre ascrivibili a questioni di natura patologica. La pedagogia oltre a riconoscere il ruolo delle altre discipline è altresì riconosciuta come scienza impegnata nell'educazione degli adulti in stato di disagio. / The research focuses on adult hardships. The concept of person is considered by the light of a climate defined (neo) modern in which man lives a daily difficulty in recognising both himself and the surrounding context. Interpersonal relationships are strongly influenced by this socio cultural pressure that needs to be considered and analysed. Adulthood is the specific field of the research. During this stage of life, maturity and wisdom are elements to be considered and analysed in relation to the constitutive limits of the person: the awareness and the acceptance of the limits represent a first act of maturity. The limits and hardships require an interdisciplinary understanding: medicine and pedagogy interact on behalf of the person in hardships; factual proposals derive from this interaction for a joint responsibility on a biological and educational level. It gains substance after all a pedagogy of the hardships and adult marginality as a result of an epistemological exchange between the two disciplines. This perspective requires renewed interventions in adult marginality because the hardships and suffering cannot be always ascribed to pathological matters. Pedagogy, besides recognising the role of the other disciplines, is considered as a science engaged in the education of adult people in hardships.

<p>^{With the advent of globalisation driving the People.s Republic of China to embrace its future,}^{the local government has shown great enthusiasm promulgating one of the oldest industries.}^{Foreign higher educational providers that operate in China through the mode of joint venture}^{cooperatives between a Chinese and foreign institution of higher learning are becoming}^{increasingly .knowledgeable-hungry. public or private universities and colleges. Such}^{operations commonly known as Sino-foreign educational cooperatives}</p><p>^(SFEC)^{, are hotly}^{spawned on the mainland, enrolling Chinese students through the division of responsibilities,}^{roles and resources. The Chinese party is mostly responsible for the hardware support,}^{supplying facilities and logistics as the part of the bargain, whereas the foreign party provides}^{the intellectual software of academic programs.}^{The locus of this qualitative study aims to present and investigate a distinct phenomenon of}^{learning in SFEC through the theories of sociocultural perspective encumbered in a transitional}^{context; Sino-foreign}^(SF)^{graduates to other workplace communities. Without common}^{interests of social interaction, co-participation, and transformation, SFEC are often discredited}^{due to various factors. The learning aims will feature participative and transformative themes}^{that feature qualitative and interpretive methods. Thus, this research involves interviewing four}^{relevant participants from the likes of two Chinese nationals and two non-Chinese, and how}^{they view learning in SFEC applied to a transitional context, the workplace.}^{My furtherance of analysis will generally stress learning, co-participation and transformative}^{learning in activities that circumvents discriminatory elements of artifacts, identity profiling,}^{relationships, commitment and workplace employment for the necessary transition. In the}^{initial research phase, it did seem that putting learning into community practice in China was}^{essential. In the closing stages, thoughts will flow to the legitimisation of participative and}^{transformative learning, which forms the backdrop of this original theme of research gathered}^{through previous works of similar purview. Prawatt and Floden (1994) remark that knowledge,}^{and the belief that knowledge is the result of social interaction and language usage, and thus is}^{a shared, rather than an individual, experience. Presumably, my chosen theories frame the}^{interactive and shared communal nature of the Chinese society and learning systems.}</p> / na

Cette thèse analyse la capacité d’action collective des populations marginalisées situées respectivement dans un bidonville appelé Cité de l’Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et dans des campements à la Sierra Santa Catarina, Iztapalapa (Mexico). À Port-au-Prince, avant la chute de la dictature des Duvalier, des «tontons macoutes» envahirent un terrain situé en bordure du quai de la capitale, près du boulevard Harry Truman. Après s’y être installés, ils ont procédé à la vente de parcelles destinées à la construction de logement à des particuliers. Mais après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, des gens de la populace en ont profité pour envahir ce qui restait de ces terrains marécageux. Après l’occupation, ils se sont organisés pour défendre collectivement leur propriété avant d’entreprendre, par la suite, des démarches pour y amener des services et obtenir la régularisation de leur situation sur ces territoires. À la Sierra Santa Catarina, des populations conduites par des militants d’un Front populaire ont occupé des terrains situés au pied d’une montagne de sable afin d’accéder à la propriété et de construire leur demeure. À l’instar des populations de la Cité, ces gens se sont organisés pour aménager des espaces, y ériger des logements provisoires, monter la garde afin de ne pas être déguerpis par les forces de police. Tout en travaillant pour accéder à leur manière aux services de base, elles entreprennent des actions auprès des institutions publiques afin d’obtenir la régularisation de leur situation. Par rapport à la capacité d’action collective de ces populations, les théories sociologiques sont divisées. D’un côté, certains auteurs soutiennent la thèse de l’incapacité de ces populations d’avoir des intérêts collectifs et d’agir en conséquence. Selon eux, sans une médiation sociale ou à défaut d’une agrégation et d’une représentation politiques, ces populations sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective. De l’autre, des auteurs pensent qu’à partir des liens d’amitié de parenté et de voisinage, indépendamment de leurs situations socioéconomiques, ces populations peuvent créer des stratégies de subsistance et de luttes qui leur permettent de trouver des solutions à des problèmes tant individuels que collectifs. S’agissant des populations qui envahissent des terrains en milieu urbain pour habiter, les actions de ces gens là sont définis déjà comme une forme d’action collective inscrite dans des rapports sociaux qui se caractérisent par la différenciation entre les groupes sociaux dans l’accès à la propriété. Ainsi, leurs revendications de reconnaissance et de régularisation auprès des instances étatiques sont déterminées par leur mode d’accès aux biens et aux richesses inégalement réparties en Haïti et au Mexique. Les populations des deux territoires ont entrepris diverses démarches auprès de certaines institutions et réalisé des actions collectives soit pour amener des services de base tels que l’eau et l’électricité, soit pour obtenir de l’État la reconnaissance des territoires envahis, c’est-à-dire leur jonction à la cartographie de la ville. Cette reconnaissance implique non seulement l’installation des services réguliers au bénéfice de la population mais aussi l’octroi à chaque propriétaire de son titre de propriété. Si dans le cas de la Sierra Santa Catarina les démarches sont entreprises auprès des institutions publiques, dans celui de Port-au-Prince, ce sont les ONG ou les agence de coopération qui sont touchées et qui fournissent certains services à la population conformément à la priorité de leurs bailleurs de fonds. Les interventions auprès de l’État se font plutôt dans le but d’obtenir une autorisation de fonctionnement d’une association locale. Il ressort des approches théoriques et des actions collectives réalisées par ces populations qu’on ne peut pas dire qu’elles sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective et des intérêts communs sans une agrégation et une représentation politique. À partir de différents liens entre les individus, des associations sont créées lesquelles permettent d’établir une médiation entre les populations et d’autres organismes. Dans le cas des campements, les actions collectives sont certainement mises à contribution par quelques leaders. Cela participe de toute une tradition politique au Mexique. Néanmoins, dans certains campements, des populations parviennent à tenir tête jusqu’à révoquer certains leaders. Au-delà de leur situation socioéconomique, de l’emprise de certains dirigeants de campement, de l’indifférence de l’État (dans le cas de Port-au-Prince, notamment), ces populations font preuve d’une étonnante capacité critique de leur situation tant dans leurs relations avec les dirigeants des associations et des campements que par rapport à l’État. Ceci pourrait soulever des doutes quant à la possibilité qu’elles soient réellement ou inconsciemment manipulées. Cela suggère la possibilité d’actions collectives autonomes de portée critique là où les circonstances le permettent Mots clés : Marginalisation, action collective, reconnaissance, Débrouille, capacité critique, bidonvilles, instrumentalisation politique, reconnaissance fragmentée. / This thesis analyzes the collective action of marginalized populations located respectively in Cité de l’Éternel» in Port-au-Prince (Haiti) and in « Sierra Santa Catarina », Iztapalapa (Mexico City). In Port-au-Prince, before the fall of the dictatorship of Duvalier, the “tontons macoutes” invaded a terrain located on the edge of the quay of the capital, close to the boulevard Harry Truman. After being installed there, they proceeded to sell of lots intended for the construction of private housing. But after the fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier, in 1986, a part of the population took the opportunity to invade what remained of these marshes. After the occupation, they organized collectively to defend their property before undertaking actions to bring services and to obtain the regularization of their situation. In the Sierra Santa Catarina (Mexico) populations led by militants of the Popular Front occupied ground at the foot of a sandy mountain in order to build their homes. Like the populations of «Cité de l’Éternel », these people organized to keep watch in order not to be evicted by the police. While working to gain access to the basic services, they undertake actions at the public institutions in order to obtain the regularization of their situation. In relation to the capacity for collective action of these populations, sociological theories are divided. On one side, certain authors support the thesis of the incapacity of these populations to have collective interests and to act consequently. According to them, without social mediation and without aggregation and a political representation, these populations are unable to acquire a collective subjectivity. Other authors think that at the basis of ties of friendship, family and vicinity, independently of their socio-economic situations, these populations can create strategies of subsistence and fight to find solutions that are individuals as well as collective. Concerning populations that invade territory to establish their homes, their actions are already a form of collective action. They are also involved in collective action either to bring basic services such as water and electricity, or to obtain public recognition of the invaded territories. This recognition implies not only the installation of regular services for the benefit of the population but also the granting to each owner of title. In the case of the Sierra Santa Catarina the actions undertaken with respect to public institutions, while in the case of Port-au-Prince, NGO’s or cooperation agencies are directly implicated. We cannot conclude that populations are unable to have a collective subjectivity and shared interests without an aggregation and a political representation. Starting from various bonds between the individuals, associations are created which make it possible to establish mediation between the populations and other organizations. In the case of the Sierra Santa Catarina, collective action is certainly instrumentalised by leaders. That is part of a political tradition in Mexico. Nevertheless, some settlements people manage to resist their leaders. A part from the socio-economic situation, the influence of certain leaders in Mexico and the indifference of the State (in the case of Port-au-Prince, in particular), these populations show an astonishing critical capacity with respect to their situation as well as their relations with the leaders of associations and the settlements. This suggests possibility for autonomous critical collective action where circumstances allow Keys words: marginalization, collective action, recognition, smartness, critical capacity, slums fragmented recognition, denial recognition

The study interrogates the marginalisation of the Tonga language in the school curriculum of Zimbabwe. It explores the causes of marginalisation and what can be done by the Zimbabwean government to promote the Tonga language in the school curriculum at all levels in the education domain in Zimbabwe. In the study, the researcher uses a mixed method approach where qualitative and quantitative research techniques are used to corroborate data from different data gathering sources. The postmodernist theory is used in this research because of its encouragement of pluralism in society so as to enhance social cohesion. This is so because all languages are equal and they share the same functions and characteristics. There is no superior or inferior language in the eyes of the postmodernists. Participants for this study were drawn from district officials, selected primary and secondary school educators, primary and secondary school heads, all from Binga district of Zimbabwe and three university Tonga language lecturers, all purposefully selected. Focus group discussions, interviews, questionnaires, documents analysis and observations were used to collect data for this study. The data collected was then analysed using qualitative and quantitative analysis for triangulation purposes. The research established that the marginalisation of the Tonga language in Zimbabwe is caused by both exogenous and endogenous factors. The major factor is Zimbabwe‘s lack of a clear language policy exacerbated by attitudes of the different stakeholders which has also facilitated and enhanced the peripherisation of the Tonga language in Zimbabwe. The government of Zimbabwe has a tendency of declaring policies and not implementing them. Consequently, the government reacts to language problems as they arise. The study also reveals the importance of the Tonga language in the school curriculum in Zimbabwe. It also establishes that, for the Tonga language to be promoted there is need for the expeditious training of educators by the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education, Science and Technology Development. There is need for the government of Zimbabwe to strengthen their language policy so that the status of Tonga is enhanced and uplifted. A strong language policy will compel different stakeholders to stick to their mandate thereby improving the place of the Tonga language in the school curriculum at all levels of the curriculum in Zimbabwe. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

In South Africa, gentrification has a huge impact on the makeup of city spaces where it has been used as a redevelopment tool in order to restore and enhance these spaces. However, socio-economic turmoil is created when development benefits mainly the elite minority whilst marginalising the poor majority, which occurs in many instances of gentrification. In the worst cases, gentrification creates a trickle-up affect whereby the benefits of such a process are felt predominantly by the urban elite. This is evident in this study, where gentrification at the Point Precinct in Durban led to the marginalisation of residents of the Ark, a Christian-run homeless shelter that was forced to shut down as its residents no longer fitted in with the image-conscious ideals of the redeveloping area. These residents were displaced and ultimately relocated to a severely under-developed area known as Welbedacht approximately 30km away. This study aimed to explore the negative socio-economic impacts of displacement as a result of this gentrification and found that these impacts are vast, severe and long-lasting, including the social implications of isolation and exclusion coupled with the economic loss of living along the periphery. The implications of displacement are severe primarily due to the following reasons: the community’s displacement from the core to the urban periphery, the lack of social justice in the area, and the high levels of social exclusion. Furthermore, the implications of the gentrification process itself has resulted in a cycle of impoverishment in which Welbedacht has become entrenched. Due to the neo-liberal policies favoured by developers and policy makers, the urban poor are pushed out of the core and into the periphery with little support from local government, thereby resulting in the further marginalisation of a vulnerable community. Developers and policy makers should therefore strive for development that is equitable for all parties. Furthermore, facilities such as homeless shelters which provide countless services to the urban poor should not be shut down, but rather local government should strive to either redevelop such facilities or relocate them to an area that offers the same characteristics for the continued successful socio-economic development of the urban poor. / Geography / M. Sc. (Geography)

This work discusses the dilemma of the Chopi people, who despite having a rich cultural heritage, were marginalized by other people, owing to menial labour they have done, such as the removal of faeces and grave digging for the city of Maputo. There is a contrast between the Chopis who were historically an exceptional people in rural Mozambique and the rejected and excluded people they have become in the city. This study attempts, to revert this situation, through a participative process of research, action and change, and highlights some aspects related to their cultural and religious identity. Contributing factors to their predicament are political, economic, social and religious in nature. My work entails an intense endeavour towards renewing identity regarding their understanding of employment, through theology and mission in a contextual approach. Transformation and the renewal of the values of the Chopi people are crucial towards this end. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology-Specialisation in Urban Ministry)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Cet article s`occupe d`un rythme véritablement provenant du Nord-Est brésilien, plus spécifiquement de la Bahia. C`est l`Arrocha, lequel est inspiré par la musique collante. D`ailleurs, cet étude s`agit du rapport entre ce rythme et un groupe social particulier, celui des classes ouvrières dont les rémunérations sont plus défavorisées tels que des forains , des servantes et des maçons, comme mentionné par certains répondants d`une enquête. Les oeuvres fondamentales qui ont servi d`apppui à cet artcicle sont celles de Vera Malaguti, de Gilberto Freyre, de Paulo Cesar de Araujo, de Durval Muniz Albuquerque et d`Hermano Vianna. En outre, on a utilisé des reportages et des pages en ligne pour développer des entrevues et la recherche sur le terrain. A cet égard, l`Arrocha est décrit dans une page en ligne par moyen d`une comparaison avec le Funk Carioca, puisque les deux rhytmes sont critiqués par les gens, ce qui peut être apperçu facilement dans les commentaires disponibles dans les réseaux sociaux. En revanche, l`Arrocha et le Funk Carioca ont une audience considérable et atteignent grosses ventes. Cette recherche qualitative parts de l´idée selon laquelle l`Arrocha est destiné à la classe ouvrière et pour cette raison nous avons utilisé la recherche sur le terrain avec des observations, des interviews et des photographies en envisageant développer des analyses et des discussions sur le site occupé par l`Arrocha dans la société brésilienne, les convergences et les différences avec d`autres rhytmes. En plus,on discute les raisons de la disqualification, de la marginalisation et du mépris de l`Arrocha par la société et même des possibles liens entre la désapprobation publique du rhytme et son succès. À partir de l´expérience de la recherche, les données produits explicitent que le préjugé social est déguisé en préjugé esthétique, et soulignent le besoin de continuer les explorations scientifiques sur cette manifestation culturelle,l` Arrocha. / O presente trabalho versa sobre o ritmo musical genuinamente nordestino e de origem baiana, o Arrocha, inspirado na música brega, bem como, sobre a sua vinculação a determinado segmento social, como por exemplo, classes trabalhadoras com remunerações menos favorecidas, tais como feirantes, empregadas domésticas e pedreiros, conforme mencionado por alguns entrevistados. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, tem-se como basilar as obras de Vera Malaguti, Gilberto Freyre, Paulo Cesar de Araújo, Durval Muniz Albuquerque e Hermano Vianna, além da utilização de reportagens e páginas online para o desenvolvimento das entrevistas e pesquisa de campo. Para tanto, parte-se da definição do Arrocha descrita em uma página online que apresenta uma comparação deste ritmo com o Funk Carioca, visto que ambos são criticados por muitas pessoas, fato que podemos observar com facilidade em comentários disponíveis em redes sociais, mas em contrapartida, têm um público significativo e atingem grande sucesso de vendas. Partindo da ideia de que o Arrocha é voltado para as classes populares, nesta pesquisa qualitativa foi utilizada a pesquisa de campo com observações, entrevistas e fotografias, tendo como objetivo desenvolver análises e discussões sobre o local que o Arrocha ocupa na sociedade brasileira, suas convergências, divergências e os possíveis motivos das mesmas entre o Arrocha, o Funk Carioca e outros ritmos brasileiros. Foram discutidos também os motivos da desqualificação, marginalização ou desvalorização dos mesmos por parte da sociedade e os possíveis vínculos entre tal desqualificação ao público a que se destina e que lhe garante tanto sucesso. Com a experiência da pesquisa, os dados produzidos explicitaram a relação entre o preconceito de classes disfarçado de preconceito musical ou estético, além de ressaltar a necessidade de maiores explorações científicas sobre a manifestação cultural, Arrocha.