Cada povo indígena possui um sistema de organização social, aí incluídas as ordenações jurídicas. O estudo das diversas ordenações jurídicas dos povos indígenas e suas relações com os direitos nacionais fez nascer a Antropologia do Direito e, mais tarde, o conceito de pluralismo jurídico. Esse conceito é central para saber como o Estado brasileiro e o Direito dele emanado lida com a multiplicidade de ordenações jurídicas que regulam as comunidades e povos indígenas no Brasil. Trabalhado esse conceito, e fixado o conteúdo e a importância do direito dos povos indígenas de ter respeitadas sua organização social e jurídica, foi feita minuciosa análise das normas do Direito nacional e internacional que permeiam a vida indígena, tendo sempre como referencial a Constituição brasileira de 1988, que, em seu artigo 231 reconhece aos índios sua organização social, costumes, línguas, crenças e tradições, e os direitos originários sobre as terras que tradicionalmente ocupam. Após o exame crítico da legislação, com o objetivo de concluir sobre se a elaboração e a edição das normas se deram de forma consentânea com o pluralismo previsto no artigo 231 e em tantos outros dispositivos constitucionais, foi importante, para responder sobre se o Estado brasileiro reconhece e respeita a organização social e jurídica dos povos indígenas, tratar da elaboração e aplicação da política do Estado brasileiro o que abarcou o trabalho dos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário, além da atividade do Ministério Público e da sociedade civil organizada, principalmente, dos próprios povos indígenas. Avaliou-se se a política indigenista é consentânea com as normas estudadas e com as aspirações dos povos indígenas, enfatizando e historiando o período que compreende os dois mandatos de presidente da República de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e os dois primeiros anos da presidenta Dilma Roussef. Para perceber que a necessidade de reconhecimento e respeito às organizações sociojurídicas dos povos indígenas irradia-se por todas as relações sociais dos indígenas e que o único meio de não tolher a sua autodeterminação é a promoção do diálogo intercultural, com o absoluto respeito aos direitos de informação e de consulta sobre toda a atividade que impacte os povos indígenas, e a busca da construção de políticas não homogeneizantes para todas as áreas, mas, sobretudo, a educação, a saúde, a assistência social e as situações de conflito como do indígena com a lei penal. / The study of the rights of indigenous peoples and their relationship with national law led to the Anthropology of Law and, later, legal pluralism. The author studies the rights of indigenous peoples in national and international scope under the focus of legal pluralism. The central question of this thesis is: does the Brazilian state recognize and respect the legal and social organization of indigenous peoples? The 1988 Brazilian Constitution recognizes indigenous peoples\' right to pursue their traditional ways of life and to the permanent and exclusive possession of their \"traditional lands\". The Union has the duty and authority to demarcate these lands, as well as to protect and enforce all of their assets. In order to answer such question, it was necessary to describe the last 10 years of public policy for indigenous peoples in Brazil as well as the participation of indigenous peoples in Brazilian politics. In summary, it was found that the Brazilian state must take into account the characteristics of each indigenous people to improve its policies about territorial recognition, education, health and social care.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-03-30T12:12:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Carolina Lima Miranda - 2014.pdf: 3637906 bytes, checksum: 0842e3e16fa68dc47a5ac082b5564c04 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-03-30T15:43:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Carolina Lima Miranda - 2014.pdf: 3637906 bytes, checksum: 0842e3e16fa68dc47a5ac082b5564c04 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-30T15:43:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Carolina Lima Miranda - 2014.pdf: 3637906 bytes, checksum: 0842e3e16fa68dc47a5ac082b5564c04 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This present thesis intends to investigate the actual traits of an insurgent discursive space that stems from the fight for rights of the Santuário Tapuya dos Pajés, an indigenous community in Brasilia, Brazil. Rigorously, the production of this space stands out by its wide effectiveness in articulating symbolic production and political rhetoric. Therefore, the central focus of this text is to understand, in that specific dimension of the discursive complex, the cosmopolitcs experience of the Santuário Tapuya dos Pajés, inwhich the appeal to the sacred, as an essential element of its identity, triggers their cultural notions of resistance. This way, the researchdesign is revealed throughthe analysisof their discourses for the outside world,listed around the motion O SantuárioNãoSe Move and intended for the general public, by postsand publications on the Internet’s virtual spaces.Our purpose thereby is to test the hypothesis that this indigenous community, recognized as one collective subject of rights, occupies an alternative place of Law production, way beyond the State Jurisdiction, along the same emancipatory lines of legal pluralism that takes place in Latin America.In view of this discussion, the study was undertaken from an epistemological and interdisciplinary openness to the alterity of the Other, which was made possible, in this thesis, throughthe poetic and sensitive capture of the native cosmovision and the Latin American critical thought theory, ofpluralistic and decolonial bases. / Na presente dissertação se pretendeu investigar os traços reais de um espaço discursivo insurgente que decorre da luta por direitos da comunidade indígena Santuário Tapuya dos Pajés, em Brasília. A rigor, a produção deste espaço se destaca pela sua grande eficácia em articular produção simbólica e retórica política. Assim sendo, o enfoque central do texto é perceber, por esta dimensão específica do complexo discursivo, a vivência cosmopolítica do Santuário Tapuya dos Pajés, na qual o apelo ao sagrado, como elemento essencial de sua identidade, aciona suas visões culturais de resistência. Neste passo, o desenho da pesquisa se desenvolve por meio da análise de suas falas “para fora”,enunciadas no contexto do movimento O Santuário Não Se Move e veiculadasàsociedade através de suas publicações no espaço virtual dainternet. Com isso, queremos elucidar a hipótese do lugar alternativo de produção do Direito que este sujeito coletivo indígena ocupa, para além da juridicidade estatal, nos moldes emancipatórios do pluralismo jurídico que ganha corpo na América Latina. Reflexões acerca desta hipótese foram realizadas a partir da abertura epistemológica e interdisciplinar para a alteridade do Outro, que é ensejada, neste trabalho, pela captura poética e sensível da cosmovisão indígena, bem como pelo pensamento crítico das teorias latino-americanas aqui esposadas, de bases pluralistas e descoloniais.

Depuis l’Accord de Nouméa de 1998 et la reconnaissance de l’identité kanake, le registre international des droits des peuples autochtones est apparu en Nouvelle-Calédonie. Si depuis l’Accord de Matignon de 1989, la réflexion de la doctrine se concentre sur la souveraineté de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, la question autochtone est désormais un nouvel aspect de la décolonisation kanake. Elle n’est pas directement revendiquée pour l’indépendance, mais pour obtenir des droits de peuple autochtone. Ce point de vue s’émancipe de la doctrine moniste classique de l’État nation, en considérant que d’autres entités puissent prétendre à l’autodétermination par la reconnaissance d’un système juridique propre. Une relecture de la Constitution de 1958 ainsi que l’analyse des pratiques administratives et juridictionnelles démontrent la capacité du droit français à prendre en considération les aspirations et les particularités de la société kanake. Au delà de l’Accord de Nouméa, une réflexion doctrinale alternative est donc proposée à partir du comparatisme avec le droit canadien. / Since the 1998 Noumea Accord and the recognition of the Kanak identity, the International Register of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples has appeared in New Caledonia. Since the Matignon Agreement of 1989, the doctrine has focused on the sovereignty of New Caledonia, the indigenous issue is now a new aspect of Kanak decolonization. It is not directly claimed for independence, but for the rights of indigenous peoples. This point of view emancipates itself from the classical monist doctrine of the nation state, considering that other entities can claim self-determination by recognizing a proper legal system. A review of the 1958 Constitution and the analysis of administrative and judicial practices demonstrate the ability of French law to take into account the aspirations and particularities of the Kanake society. Beyond the Noumea Accord, an alternative reflection is proposed based on comparatism with Canadian law.

Cybercrime offences know no limits to physical geographic boundaries and have continued to create unprecedented issues regarding to the feasibility and legitimacy of applying traditional legislations based on geographic boundaries. These offences also come with procedural issues of enforcement of the existing legislations and continue to subject nations with problems unprecedented to its sovereignty and jurisdictions. This research is a critical study on the legal aspects of cybercrime in Nigeria, which examines how laws and regulations are made and applied in a well-established system to effectively answer questions raised by shortcomings on the implementation of cybercrime legislations, and critically reviews various laws in Nigeria relating or closely related to cybercrime. This research will provide insight into current global cybercrime legislations and the shortfalls to their procedural enforcement; and further bares the cybercrime issues in Nigeria while analysing and proffering a critique to the provisions as provided in the recently enacted Nigerian Cybercrime (Prohibition and Prevention) Act 2015, in contradistinction to the existing legal framework in the United Kingdom and the other regional enactments like the Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime, African Union Convention on Cybersecurity and Personal Data Protection 2014, and the ECOWAS Directive on Cybercrime 2011.

This thesis contends certain contentious court cases can be traced beyond their legal roots to deep, sometimes incommensurable philosophical disagreements. However, the unitary nature of the judicial system effectively forces the court to take sides, putting its institutional weight and moral authority behind one set of principles and not another. Following Cover, I contend that this encourages future litigants to rephrase their claims in the court’s preferred normative language, thus influencing our normative environment. The theories which guide judicial decisions, however, are generally insufficiently attentive to the court’s normative influence. In response, I attempt adapting Dworkin’s Law as Integrity around Cover’s more sociological view. Chapter 1 examines Cover’s view, Chapter 2 explores Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem and Delmaagukw v. B.C. as case studies, and Chapter 3 adapts Dworkin around Covers view. My conclusions argue that further inspiration can be drawn from EU Coordinate Constitutionalism and Sui Generis aboriginal rights.

This thesis explores if and how states can regain control over large social media platforms like Facebook, and by doing so ensuring that individuals on those platforms can de facto enjoy their human rights, as enshrined in international treaties. Today, the platforms are crucial facilitators of human rights but at the same time facilitators of threats towards the enjoyment of the same rights. Behind this duality hides three gaps, namely between individuals’ de jure enshrined human rights and their de facto possibilities to enjoy them on social media, states extensive de jure obligations to ensure those rights on social media and their limited de facto possibilities to actually do so, and lastly between the platforms limited de jure responsibilities to respect human rights and their extensive de facto influence over human rights. The reason that these gaps have arisen is essentially that public international law – mainly its strict horizontal character and its definition of jurisdiction as something exclusively tied to a delimited physical territory – is inadequate to tackle the virtual, cross-border, and non-state activity that the platforms are pursuing. To find what could be done to lessen these gaps, this thesis turns to theories in analytical jurisprudence and public international law: the identity of systems, legal pluralism and international legal subjectivity. The first suggests that this issue cannot be solved due to different legal systems having different identities and thus cannot be bridged. The second also suggests that the issue cannot be solved not because of differing identities of systems but because the platforms should be regarded as autonomous legal systems, not subordinate to state law. Finally, the third alternative suggests an actual solution: making the platforms subject directly to international law and universal jurisdiction. Even though this is a legally sound solution it is, however, not as simple a solution as it might appear.

En Écosse (Royaume-Uni), la majeure partie du territoire est détenue par une minorité de grands propriétaires terriens. Au début des années 1990, certaines communautés rurales des Highlands et des îles de l’Ouest créèrent les Community Land Trust (CLT) et développèrent ainsi de nouvelles formes de gouvernance locale, fondées sur une démocratie directe. Ces petites révolutions régionales aboutirent à la consolidation d’une réforme territoriale nationale, au début des années 2000. À première vue, ce bouleversement juridique contemporain semble favoriser une compétition entre deux groupes aux intérêts divergents : les propriétaires terriens et les crofters (paysans locataires de leur parcelle). L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à relativiser cette perspective binaire du conflit social. La recherche ethnographique que j’ai menée sur l’île de Great Bernera s’intéressait aux querelles intracommunautaires dans ce nouveau contexte politico-juridique. Mon analyse se concentre sur les divergences entre ce modèle de gouvernance démocratique fondé sur les principes de l’État de droit et l’ancien système normatif local fondé sur des critères identitaires et culturels. Pour illustrer cette problématique, des témoignages sont retranscrits, notamment ceux d’un groupe de résidents qui se considèrent comme des locaux (locals), et pour qui les critères culturels et généalogiques agissent comme principes fondateurs d’une communauté. Cette vision entre en contradiction avec le point de vue des nouveaux arrivants (incomers) qui, par l’aboutissement du projet d’appropriation collective de l’île, espèrent la concrétisation d’une communauté politique. / The Scottish land tenure system is one of the most unequal in Europe. Most of the territory is owned by a minority of landowners. In the early 1990s, some rural communities in the Highlands and Islands created the first Community Land Trusts (CLT) and thus developed new forms of local governance based on direct democracy. These small local revolutions culminated in the consolidation of a national land reform in the early 2000s. At first glance, this contemporary legal upheaval fosters competition between two interest groups : landowners and crofters (Scottish peasants). The objective of this dissertation is to put this binary vision of social conflict into perspective. My ethnographic research carried out on the island of Great Bernera in the Outer Hebrides was focused on intra-community conflict in this new political and legal context. My analysis concentrate on the contradictions of a model of democratic governance based on the principle of the Rule of Law with the constraints of the old local normative system characterized by relational, identity and cultural logics. I present the testimonies of a group of residents who consider themselves “locals” and who value cultural and genealogical criteria as founding principles of a community. This vision contradicts the point of view of foreigners (“incomers”) who, by the culmination of the project of collective appropriation of the island, hope for the realization of a political social community.

Le notariat existe depuis le tout début de la création de la province et il a traversé les différentes époques sociétales et sociales. Le notaire québécois contemporain possède des prérogatives professionnelles et une manière de pratiquer dont les caractéristiques semblent encore relever des origines de sa genèse, ce qui paraît peu adapté aux réalités de la société d’aujourd’hui. Cette étude nous amènera, dans un premier temps, à nous intéresser aux différentes dimensions du passé du notaire pour déterminer leurs liens avec le rôle qui est actuellement le sien. Par la suite, nous tenterons de préciser le concept de notaire « architecte de l’ordre social privé » développé par Roderick A. Macdonald et de définir le concept de « notaire clérical ». Ces deux concepts seront à la base de notre analyse du notaire québécois contemporain. / The notarial profession has existed since the beginning of the creation of the province of Québec and has survived different social eras. The modern notary in Quebec has professional prerogatives and a way of practising that still seem to have little in common with their origins in the foundations of the notary's profession. The latter seems to not be well adapted to the realities of modern society. This study will lead us, in the first instance, to examine the different dimensions of the past of the notarial profession to determine its links with its current role. We will then try to clarify the concept of the notary as "architect of the private social order" developed by Roderick A. Macdonald and to define the concept of "clerical notary". These two concepts will form the basis of our analysis of the contemporary Quebec notary.

This dissertation is the first ever written Institutional Ethnography (IE) of the Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social, or "AUH" [Universal Child Allowance], Argentina's CCT (conditional cash transfer) program. CCTs are one of international development's favourite and fastest-growing anti-poverty initiatives. Through the AUH, the State transfers cash to the poor attaching certain conditions that refer to the health and education of their children. Most CCT programs target women, and the AUH is no exception, as the overwhelming majority of legal recipients of the AUH are poor mothers. CCTs have been praised for contributing to human capital accumulation and empowering women. Using IE, a feminist socio-legal methodology drawn from Canadian sociologist Dorothy Smith,† I conducted research with a total of fifty-eight informants: thirty-nine AUH recipient women - through in-depth semi-structured individual interviews, focus group discussions, and narrative photovoice - and nineteen professionals working at diverse corners of the AUH institution. I use the findings to answer two main questions: (1) What are AUH recipients' experiences with and attitudes toward the program? and (2) How do both State and non-State legal regimes work to influence the lives of the most vulnerable women in Argentina? In other words, how does the AUH play within a system of rules - formal and informal - that have traditionally exerted control over poor women? Following IE and Social Reproduction Feminism (SRF), I found that while the AUH program indicates women's decision-making roles within their families and communities, this policy initiative serves to entrench rather than rectify inequalities. The problematic that I have found through this study is administrative and obstetric violence against AUH recipient women. Discussion about the administrative and obstetric violence that AUH recipient women suffer while doing AUH work has remained at the margins of legal and social policy debates, generally underdeveloped in policy and scholarship conversations about the realities of Argentina's most vulnerable people. Recipient women depicted diverse acts of violence they suffered while doing AUH work: they were mistreated, dismissed, neglected, humiliated, and discriminated against by State agents; recipient women were treated as ignorant or infantilized; recipient women had their stipend partially stolen by bureaucrats; had to wait countless hours in unsafe conditions; were not heard by health actors when expressing concerns about their health; had no opportunity to give prior informed consent; and they faced barriers to accessing health services and contraception. I have found a disjuncture between women's lived experiences and the broader ruling relations that organize "AUH work." The findings show a disconnection between women's experiences of violence, bureaucratic actors' experiences and knowledge of the AUH, and a misalignment between bureaucrats' knowledge and the black-letter law. These disjunctures enable and facilitate violence against recipient women through fragmentation, invisibilization, rationalization, minimization, standardization, and objectification of women's experiences. In sum, the AUH facilitates violence against women and systematically obscures that violence. Following a legal pluralist approach, I show the complex role of the law: at times, it problematically excludes recipient women's actual experiences from the AUH legal framework; at others, it fails to protect recipient women against violence. I identify the formal legal regimes interacting and immersed in the AUH institution: human rights and constitutional law, administrative law, and the violence against women (VAW) legal framework. Despite an outstanding formal repertoire of rights, there is a gap between the formal laws and their effective translation into women's lives. The law is fragmented, complex, and sometimes contradictory. It cannot be limited to State-enacted formal laws; informal laws substantially impact people's lives, such as the rule to avoid retaliation from State actors by avoiding complaining. I argue that IE and legal pluralism can provide a more nuanced understanding of the law's complex institutional hierarchy and of the myriad ways by which recipient women's voices continue to be ignored and discredited within the law in the hope that the law can better respond (or at least stops interfering) with their needs. Ultimately, nothing less than the transformation of the socioeconomic order will achieve gender equality. Rather than "empowerment," we should strive toward emancipation, abolishing the structural colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist foundations of exploitation and oppression instead of integrating women into existing institutions and "empowering" them with shallow cash transfers.

我國繼受羅馬－日耳曼法系傳統，法學教育的內涵是博雅教育。英國與美國在普通法學徒制的傳統下，法學教育的目標是訓練合格律師的職業教育。此即Max Weber區分的理性的法學教育與經驗性的法學教育模式。本文將以法律文化研究中法律多元主義的觀點，觀察並描述整體法律運作的實際狀況，包含法律歷來的演進過程，以及支配法律運作的原理原則。並將法律體系與社會的其他部門，同樣置諸文化脈絡之內，探究法學教育模式之間的相互影響。 法律文化傳統影響法學教育目標，而教育目標的確定又帶動教學方法的演進。近年來美國的學士後法律學位模式，亦即一般為期三年的J.D，被東亞的日本、南韓與中國紛紛借鏡，我國也有全面引進之議。但在確定法學院的教育目標和教學品質之後，即不應以任何形式控制法律從業人員的數量，而應依循資格考的原則，讓接受過充分法學訓練者皆能進入法律的實踐階段。