Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres

Both, the European Union legal order and the World Trade Organization law represent important examples of the supranational legal system. This thesis focuses on their mutual relationship, in concrete through the perspective of the EU law. It aims to analyse how the European law approaches the WTO rules and which effects are granted to them. Introductory chapter provides the reader with a wider perspective of the examined topic dealing with relationship of the European law and the public international law in general. It presents the historical development as well as the current status of the relationship. Attention is brought to relevant provisions of the EU law and related case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. It also outlines a theoretical background of the issue. Chapter Two focuses in a more specific way on the position of WTO norms in the EU legal order. Firstly, it briefly defines the WTO law while reflecting the specifics in regard of the EU. Afterwards, it is examined, which effects are granted to the WTO rules in the European law, particularly through the reasoning of the CJEU. The last chapter puts the results of the analysis into a wider context and sketches the background of the topic at hand. That provides inputs for a final evaluation of the current status and an...

L’essor théorique de l’arbitrage international observé dans les dernières décennies n’a pas toujours été accompagné par le développement d’instruments d’application de ses représentations conceptuelles. L’idée d’un ordre juridique arbitral détaché des ordres étatiques est défendue dans un souci de systématisation théorique du problème plutôt que de résolution pratique du litige entre les parties. En même temps, la justice choisit de s’intéresser plutôt à la solution de l’ordre qu’à celle de l’équité. Nous proposons alors d’examiner les principales distorsions résultant de l’intervention étatique dans l’arbitrage international à partir de cette perspective, soit-elles relatives à la convention (comme les mesures provisoires et référés étatiques ou les contestations de la clause compromissoire), soit-elles relatives à la sentence, spécialement autour de l’exequatur des sentences annulées. Nous présentons la litispendance, les anti-suit injunctions, la res judicata et les tentatives de dialogue entre les différents fors comme des instruments aptes au contrôle de ses déviances, lesquels sont encore trop limités par un raisonnement d’application généralisant, déductif et amoral, fondé sur la méthode du droit international privé, qui n’a plus sa place dans l’arbitrage international. Face à ces distorsions, nous proposons alors la doctrine de l’abus de droit pour permettre un retour vers l’intérêt des parties dans l’arbitrage international. Sans négliger l’importance du « droit », correspondant aux représentations théoriques de l’arbitrage international, cette notion peut néanmoins en saisir les « abus ». La doctrine de l’abus apporte alors une conception matérielle, flexible et finaliste aux mécanismes de contrôle de l’arbitrage international. On ne parlera alors plus de distorsions de l’ordre juridique arbitral, mais d’abus de l’ordre juridique arbitral. / The academic success of international arbitration in the last decades has not always been followed by the consequent development of concrete instrument for its practical applications. The concept of an arbitral legal order detached from national legal systems is defended by doctrine not so much as an useful instrument for practical case resolution, but firstly as a problem of raising a logic and coherent legal scheme. We propose to analyze the main distortions caused by the conflict between this theoretical perspective of an autonomous legal order and the practical matters involved in the pragmatic courts intervention in international arbitration, either relating to the arbitral convention (provisional measures, violation of the arbitration clause) or to the arbitral award, specifically regarding the problem of recognizing annulled awards. We present lis pendens, anti-suit injunctions, res judicata and the efforts of dialogue between jurisdictions judging the sentence regularity as the main instruments contributing to a dialogue, and thus, as instruments to control its possible distortions. However, those mechanisms are deployed through a reasoning that is still too generic, amoral and based in principles of private international law, in a state-centered perspective that cannot serve the international arbitration scheme today. From this finding, we suggest the abuse of rights doctrine as a group of different objectives and subjective standards allowing implementing those mechanisms to control international arbitration in a much more appropriate way, considering its autonomous and material characteristics, embodied in the doctrinal pursuit of an arbitral legal order. This doctrine brings a more flexible, material and finalistic perspective to the international arbitration instruments, approaching the parties interests and leaving a purely conflictual method which is not anymore appropriate in this field. There will be not anymore only distortions of an arbitral legal order, but abuses of that same arbitral legal order.

La coopération décentralisée entre collectivités publiques françaises et africaines revêt divers intérêts qui sont d'ordre historique, économique, politique et socio-éducatif. Cependant, les problèmes posés par cette coopération sont multiples. En effet, la détermination du régime juridique applicable à ces accords reste complexe car peu de textes leur sont consacrés. On est passé de simples accords d'échanges, d'amitiés c'est-à-dire du jumelage, à de parfaits accords de partenariats. Cette évolution entraine inéluctablement des questionnements juridiques de fond. De ce fait, ces accords relèvent-ils du droit international public, ou du droit international privé, ou plutôt du droit administratif ? Donnent-ils naissance à des conflits de lois ? En cas de litiges, quelles sont les juridictions compétentes, et la loi applicable ? Est-ce possible de recourir à l'arbitrage ? Si tel est le cas, quelles en sont les modalités ? D'où la nécessité de déterminer la nature juridique de ces accords.L'assimilation de ces accords au droit international public est tentante. Toutefois, le droit international public régit uniquement les relations entre Etats souverains. D'où la possibilité de soumettre ces accords au droit interne, puisque certaines conventions entre Etats peuvent elles-mêmes être soumises au droit interne. / The decentralized cooperation between French and African public authorities has various interests of a historical, economic, political and socio-educative nature. However, the issues raised by such types of cooperation are multiple. Indeed, the legal regime of these agreements is fairly complex. Few texts have been devoted to them. Thereby, those agreements do they reveal an internal public law or a private law? Do they give rise to laws conflicts? Which courts are competent and which law is applicable? May arbitration be used? And if so, what particularities that it's regime presents? Hence, the importance to determine the nature of transnational agreements.The fact that those agreements are concluded between public entities of different national origin, namely French and Burkina Faso, they could be connected to a public international law. However, people's right governs only the relations between sovereign states. If we admit the existence of these "contracts between sovereign states”, the submission to an internal law of agreements between mere public persons of a national distinct origin seems to be conceivable.

Le pluralisme juridique relativise le monopole étatique dans la production normative, en laissant aux autres groupes sociaux la possibilité de créer du droit. La mafia en tant qu’organisation soumise à des règles qui lui sont propres représente un véritable ordre juridique qui entre en contradiction avec la légalité et la structure de tout l’ordre juridique étatique. Il paraît difficile, au premier abord, de considérer la mafia comme un ordre juridique, car elle s’oppose aux critères étatiques et juridiques traditionnels. En effet, les analyses en matière de pluralisme font rarement le lien entre le pluralisme juridique et les systèmes violents, arbitraires et illégaux. Cependant, d’un point de vue sociojuridique, il est possible d’envisager le pluralisme juridique à partir de l’analyse du phénomène mafieux. Cette hypothèse explore la relation entre divers ordres (étatique, mafieux et communautaire) de nature contradictoire et dans un contexte violent.L’organisation criminelle du trafic de drogue en Colombie durant les années 1980 et 1990 sert de base à la réflexion. Cet exemple est riche d’enseignements du fait de l’imbrication des intérêts des narcotrafiquants, de l’État et des classes sociales. Ce travail de recherche explore ainsi la mafia pensée et vécue comme un ordre juridique sui generis à caractère contre-étatique, possédant une force normative sans limites. / The legal pluralism relativises the state’s monopoly to create norms by taking into consideration the possibility that different social groups contribute to the production of law. The mafia and its rules can form a legal order in contradiction with the legality and the structure of the state legal order. It seems difficult to consider the mafia as a legal order because it is in contradiction with the traditional legal and state criteria. Indeed, the analysis of legal pluralism rarely does this link between legal pluralism and violent, arbitrary and illegal systems. However, from a socio-legal perspective, it is absolutely possible to affirm a sort of legal pluralism issued from the mafia phenomenon. This hypothesis explores, in a violent context, the contradictory relation between different kinds of orders, such as State, mafia and community order.In order to analyse this issue, the Colombian drugs traffic between the 80’s and 90’s shows a specific legal culture and legal consciousness, which in a specific context reveals interesting characteristics for a socio-legal study. The mafia and its multiple networks can infiltrate the legal culture of the regions where it acts, and sometimes, its actions and operations may be intertwined with the State and other legal actors. In this sense, it is appropriate to consider a mixed legal system, where the legal and illegal co-exist; and where the mafia, popular and state law became a "mélange" as a product of the interaction between the different legal systems as well as a product of the porosity existing between all the legal systems. This research explores the mafia, in real life and in theory, as a sui generis legal order that has a normative force without limits.

La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONU. / The demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto Ferreira Archanjo da Silva.pdf: 1923709 bytes, checksum: 72b4c9cc870e5eaa7c5ab269e40af19f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The criminal proceeding and the Criminal Procedural law had evolved through the conquests of the humanity. The first one, of mere half of application of the sanction to the offender of the criminal law, started to be an instrument of guardianship of the individual against possible state wills, crowned for the basic human rights and guided for the supply-principle of the dignity of the person human being, as reflected of the culture of the democratic societies. The Criminal Procedural law acquired scientific contours in the end of century XIX, due to the own elevation of the Jurisprudence to science. The called general theory of the process aims at in general systemize the studies on the process, without propitiating to the researcher the necessary knowledge for the accurate understanding of the analyzed institute. In Brazil, the process of democratization restored for the Constitution of the Republic of 1988 inspired the elaboration of works specialized for the scientists of the area of the Criminal Procedural law. The understanding of justinian codes, rules and proper principles of the criminal proceeding demands specialized knowledge. These works raise legal science to become efficient the criminal proceeding half to reach the common good, in order to protect the double society in sensible: against the possible current state excesses of power-having to punish in the search offender of the criminal law during criminal persecution e; against the violators of the social peace (the criminals). The meeting of these specialized works of the scientists makes possible the system organization of a proper theory of the Procedural law Criminal, capable to form a new school of criminal procedures. The organization of the legal system through the systematic thought allows the vision of, but without generalizations the all undesirable one, that depreciation the study object. The specialized knowledge can imply in the elaboration of a Code of criminal procedure democratic and efficient, capable to protect the accused and of punishing the criminal in a swift and safe way / O processo penal e o Direito Processual Penal evoluíram através das conquistas da humanidade. O primeiro, de mero meio de aplicação da sanção ao infrator da lei penal, passou a ser um instrumento de tutela do indivíduo contra possíveis arbítrios estatais, coroado pelos direitos humanos fundamentais e norteado pelo supra-princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, como reflexo da cultura das sociedades democráticas. O Direito Processual Penal adquiriu contornos científicos no final do século XIX, decorrente da própria elevação da Jurisprudência à ciência. A denominada teoria geral do processo visa a sistematizar os estudos sobre o processo em geral, sem propiciar ao pesquisador o conhecimento necessário para a exata compreensão do instituto analisado. No Brasil, o processo de democratização instaurado pela Constituição da República de 1988 inspirou a elaboração de trabalhos especializados pelos cientistas da área do Direito Processual Penal. A compreensão de institutos, regras e princípios próprios do processo penal exige conhecimento especializado. Esses trabalhos elevam a ciência jurídica para tornar o processo penal eficiente meio de alcançar o bem comum, a fim de proteger a sociedade em duplo sentido: contra os possíveis excessos estatais decorrentes do poder-dever de punir na busca infrator da lei penal durante a persecução penal e; contra os violadores da paz social (os criminosos). A reunião desses trabalhos especializados dos cientistas possibilita a organização sistêmica de uma teoria própria do Direito Processual Penal, capaz de formar uma nova escola de processualistas penais. A organização do ordenamento jurídico através do pensamento sistemático permite a visão do todo, mas sem generalizações indesejáveis, que denigrem o objeto de estudo. O conhecimento especializado pode implicar na elaboração de um Código de Processo Penal democrático e eficiente, capaz de proteger o acusado e de punir o culpado de forma célere e segura

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Fraga Pistinizi.pdf: 1393143 bytes, checksum: 40bc89ba3f189e014c27a97fdbcad543 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-08 / The principle of legal equality has always been studied by philosophers and studious not only related to law, but from other parts of human knowledge. Together with this principle, the inescapable search for justice displayed as main concern from the states around the globe, due to the consequences from the French and American revolutions on the constitutionalists ideals rose from this movement. Created from the institutionalization of the fundamental warranties, it was formally established the equality on the constitutional text at the same time that the conception of the equality principle does not show as an efficient instrument of warranty among political groups that represent the several social segments. Therefore, it began the dissemination of the Idea of material or substantial equality, based on the reduction of disparity on society, avoiding the continuation of the state of inequality. For that it has been trying to find a way to solidify the public or private policies that tend to accomplish the equality of social sectors historically harmed or that were not benefited from a resources, wealth and opportunities distribution. The global transformation scenario brought out a change on the status quo, having the affirmative actions or policies focus on the unbalanced groups. This dissertation bends on dealing with affirmatives actions at the jurisdictional sphere, highlighting the philosophical aspect of the justification from the judicial decision, granted or inhibited from the discrimination validity. The arguments that link the judge s decision posture, declare relevant effectiveness to the institute, which under the Rawls justice theory or the Dworkin s constructive virtue of law, aim the accomplishment of the equality principle / O princípio da igualdade jurídica sempre foi objeto de estudo por filósofos e demais estudiosos não apenas do direito como de outros ramos do conhecimento humano. Conjuntamente com este princípio a inelutável busca pela justiça figurou como estandarte de preocupação dos Estados, haja vista a consequência libertária que as revoluções francesa e americana provocaram nos ideais constitucionalistas gerados por este movimento. Originada da institucionalização das garantias fundamentais edificou-se a igualdade formalmente disposta no texto constitucional, ao passo que a generalidade da concepção do princípio da igualdade por vezes não se credencia como instrumento eficaz de garantia da isonomia entre os grupos políticos representativos dos mais diversos segmentos sociais. Deu-se início, então, à propagação da concepção da igualdade material ou substancial pautada na redução das disparidades concretas existentes no seio da sociedade, evitando, assim, a perpetuação do destrato do princípio da igualdade. Buscou-se, então, uma maneira de solidificar as políticas públicas ou privadas tendentes a formalizar a realização da igualdade nos setores sociais historicamente desiguais ou que não foram beneficiados em um plano igualitário de distribuição dos recursos, riquezas e oportunidades. O cenário de transformações globais protagonizaram uma alteração no status quo, surgindo, então, as ações afirmativas aceleradoras das iniciativas ou políticas voltadas ao favorecimento dos grupos em desequilíbrio. Esta dissertação debruçou-se igualmente no tratamento das ações afirmativas na esfera jurisdicional, evidenciando o tratamento filosófico da justificação da decisão judicial, concessiva ou inibidora da vigência da discriminação adversa. Os argumentos principiológicos que se associam a postura decisionista do juiz outorgam relevante eficácia ao instituto, o qual seja sob a teoria da justiça de Rawls ou da virtude construtiva do direito de Dworkin objetivam o final a concretização do princípio da igualdade

Notam-se semelhanças fundamentais entre os delitos patrimoniais e os crimes de sonegação fiscal, os quais possuem dignidade penal no ordenamento jurídico nacional. Não obstante isso, ao comparar o tratamento dado a eles pelas agências formais de controle social, percebe-se uma escancarada preferência em criminalizar os autores de crimes contra o patrimônio, que são, em sua grande maioria, pertencentes às classes sociais mais pobres, enquanto se imunizam comportamentos típicos de indivíduos pertencentes às classes dominantes, como a sonegação fiscal. Nota-se que o Direito Penal, supostamente igualitário, é seletivo e discriminatório; é o Direito desigual por excelência. A teoria crítica da Criminologia, a partir do método materialista-histórico de Karl Marx, procura explicar que, em uma sociedade (capitalista) embasada fundamentalmente em relações de propriedade, a diferença de classes estrutural acaba por circunscrever a operacionalidade do sistema de justiça penal. O preconceito de classe conduz toda a seletividade do Direito Penal: as imunidades e a criminalização incidem em medida correspondente às relações de poder entre as classes sociais. Desvenda-se uma ordem legal ideológica e imaginária, fundada em conceitos de igualdade e de justiça social e projetada para legitimar a ordem vigente, em contrapartida a uma ordem real opressiva, que se dirige aos pobres, marginalizados, despossuídos e não proprietários, com uma função distinta da que prega: reproduzir as relações de desigualdade e as massas criminalizadas. A escola crítica, defronte a esse quadro e tratando-se de uma teoria comprometida com a construção de uma sociedade mais igualitária, apresenta propostas para tentar reduzir os mecanismos discriminatórios da justiça penal. / Fundamental similarities can be observed between property crimes and tax evasion, both of which having penal legitimacy in the public legal order. Notwithstanding, by comparing the treatment the official agencies of social control applied to them, it can be noticed a clearly preference to criminalize the agents of property crimes, who, in great number, belong to the poor social class, while typical conducts from high social class, as tax evasion, are immunized. It can be noticed that Criminal Law, supposedly egalitarian, is selective and discriminatory; it is the unequal Law par excellence. The critical theory of Criminology tries to explain, from Karl Marxs historical-materialist method, why in a (capitalist) society, structured mainly on properties relations, the differences between classes limit the criminal justice system operation. The class prejudice conducts the Criminal Law selectiveness: immunities and criminalization are focused correspondingly to power relations between the social classes. It can be unveiled an ideological and imaginary legal order, founded in equality and social justice, projected in order to legitimate the existing order, in contrast to an oppressive real order and directed to the poor, marginalized, dispossessed, nonproprietary, which performs in a different way of its speech: reproducing the unequal relations and the criminalized mass. The critical theory, in front of this frame, as a theory committed to the construction of a more equal society, presents proposals to try to reduce the discriminatory mechanisms of the criminal justice.

La fin de la guerre froide amorça une nouvelle ère de privatisation, de libéralisation et de dérégulation sans précédent. L’internet et les nombreuses autres avancées technologiques ont rapproché les citoyens du monde à un degré impressionnant. Le monde au XXIème siècle semble être plus interdépendant que jamais. De nombreuses problématiques contemporaines dépassent largement les contrôles et les frontières étatiques, des problématiques reliées par exemple aux investissements étrangers directs, aux droits de l’homme, à l’environnement, à la responsabilité sociale des entreprises, etc. La globalisation des marchés marque par ailleurs le recul de l’État face aux acteurs non étatiques. La société civile et les multinationales surgissent dès lors en tant que véritables partenaires dans l’ordre juridique international. Cela est illustré notamment par l’accès accordé aux multinationales/investisseurs à la justice internationale économique. Ces derniers ont la capacité de poursuivre un État qui violerait leurs droits marchands découlant d’un TBI devant une juridiction arbitrale internationale. Qu’en est-il par contre des droits non marchands violés par les investisseurs ? Cette étude explore les motifs militant pour un accès de la société civile à la justice internationale économique. Le but d’un tel accès serait d’opposer les droits non marchands, suscités par des problématiques inhérentes à la globalisation des marchés, à la fois à l’égard des États et à l’égard des multinationales, et auxquelles aucune réponse étatique unilatérale ou interétatique ne peut remédier adéquatement. / The end of the cold war marked an unprecedented new era of privatisation, liberalisation, and deregulation. Internet and the numerous technological advancements have brought citizens of this world closer at an astonishing degree. The world in the XXIst century seems more interdependent than ever before. A number of contemporary problematic issues significantly bypass State controls and borders. They are for instance related to foreign direct investment, human rights, the environment, corporate social responsibility, etc. Globalisation marks the State’s retreat in favour of non-state actors. In this light, civil society and multinationals appear as significant partners in the international legal order. This is in part reflected in the access given to multinationals/investors to international trade law justice. They have the capacity to file claims against states in front of international arbitration jurisdictions for violations of their trade rights as provided under BITs. However, what about the non-trade rights that may have been violated by investors? The present study explores the motives that would justify civil society’s access to international trade law justice. The purpose of such access would be to stand for non-trade rights, raised by problematic issues inherent to globalization, against States and multinationals, and that cannot be remedied solely through unilateral nor interstate efforts.