Due to the excitement and prestige surrounding the Olympics, international perceptions of hosting the Games are positive and the Olympics are thought to bring prosperity and economic benefits to the host country. However this paper insists that hosting the Olympic Games is actually more detrimental to the host country than beneficial. Though each Games is different and every host country has the opportunity to create a positive Games, the negative aspects of hosting the Games create a difficult environment for any country to host a successful Games. Due to the negative effects of the Olympics on national unity, economic impact and international legitimacy, hosting the Olympics is a losing gamble for Olympic host nations.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Cities throughout Asia have experienced unprecedented economic development over the past decades. In many cases this has contributed to their rapid and uncontrolled growth, which has resulted in a multiplicity of problems, including rapid population increase, enhanced environmental pollution, collapsing traffic systems, dysfunctional waste management, and rapid increases in the consumption of energy, water and other resources. The significant energy use in cities is not very well perceived in Asian countries. Although a number of studies into energy consumption across various sectors have been conducted, most are from the national point of view. Energy demand analysis is not considered important at the level of the city. The thesis is focused on the dynamics of energy utilization in Asian mega-cities, and ultimately aims at providing strategies for maximizing the use of renewable energy in large urban systems.</p><p>The study aims at providing an in-depth understanding of the complex dynamics of energy utilization in urban mega-centers. An initial general analysis is complemented by a detailed study of the current situation and future outlook for the city of Bangkok, Thailand. An integrated approach applied to the study includes identification of the parameters that affect the utilization of energy in mega-cities and a detailed analysis of energy flows and their various subsystems, including commercial, industrial, residential and that of transportation. The study investigates and evaluates the energy models most commonly used for analyzing and simulating energy utilization. Its purpose is to provide a user-friendly tool suitable for decision-makers in developing an energy model for large cities. In addition, a Multi-Criteria Decision-Making (MCDM) process has been developed to assess whether or not the energy systems meet the sustainability criteria.</p><p>A metabolic approach has been employed to analyze the energy flow and utilization in selected Asian mega-cities, including Bangkok, Beijing, Shanghai, and Tokyo. The approach is applied to measure the majority of indirect energy flows or the energy embodied in the flows of goods and services involving the residents of those cities. Since the function of cities is to serve the lives of the residents, indirect energy consumption could be regarded as being of equal importance as that of direct energy use. The essence of embodied energy is that an indirect reflection upon behavior following direct energy consumption. It can illustrate how a city relies on the outside, for example other cities, countries, etc. and provides some interesting information that cannot be easily drawn from the direct energy demand. The study reveals that the indirect energy demand is more significant than the direct energy demand in Bangkok, Shanghai, and Tokyo, while direct energy demand is greater than the indirect energy demand in Beijing. This can be explained by the fact that Bangkok, Shanghai, and Tokyo have a greater reliance upon the outside in terms of energy demand.</p><p>The Long-range Energy Alternative Planning (LEAP) system has been selected to perform Bangkok energy modeling. In a Bangkok case study a range of policy interventions are selected and how these would change the energy development in Bangkok by the year 2025 is examined. Different policies can be grouped by the sectors analyzed. The only supply-side policy considered meets an existing target of having 10% of electricity generated from renewable sources. The study period for the model started in 2005 and ends in 2025, with the year 2000 taken as the base year. The proposed scenarios were evaluated using the MCDM approach to rate their sustainability. Team members found that this method provided a methodology to help decision-makers to systematically identify management objectives and priorities.</p>

2012年總統大選，民進黨的「三隻小豬」運動，堪稱是台灣選舉史上前所未見的造勢動員模式，此一「大事件」甚至破天荒，在2016年總統大選繼續沿用，因此本研究聚焦： 　　一、「三隻小豬」之事件發展，起源於台南三胞胎孩童把存在小豬撲滿裡的零錢，捐獻給要參選2012年總統的蔡英文，竟然在民進黨總統大選過程中，成為競選過程的「大事件」。二、「三隻小豬」之策略形成，民進黨如何運用這個「綠營最有效的募款工具」，在競選過程中，募得高達2.012億台幣的政治獻金。三、「三隻小豬」之媒體評論，以東森新聞報導為研究文本，2012選戰中，報導三隻小豬的則數，是平安福的將近四倍之多。三隻小豬，讓民進黨獲得的免費廣告效益，估計在10至20億台幣之間。 本研究者因為職務之故，能貼身採訪蔡英文陣營，因此採用「參與觀察、深度訪談」兩種研究方法，獲得第一手的訊息資料，再就東森新聞選舉過程中所報導「蔡英文」和「三隻小豬」的97篇相關文稿進行「內容分析」。 根據卡方檢定和ANOVA檢定的分析結果，本研究發現在蔡英文競選過程中，有三項值得觀察的顯著差異。並歸納出「三隻小豬」運動，此一大事件，具備不同於以往選舉的六大特色，包括：創新性、象徵性、互動性、在地性、參與性、持續性等。 / In the 2012 presidential election, The DPP’s Three Little Pigs campaign was so called the history of Taiwan's unprecedented mobilization election campaign. Four years later, in the 2016 presidential election, this “Mega Event” is to be continued, so this study highlights: First, the "Three Little Pigs" event that originated in Tainan, triplets’ children save money in a piggy bank, they donated the changes to the 2012 presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen, set off political waves in the DPP election process unexpected. Second, how the "Three Little Pigs" policy formed, DPP proper use of this "come out of the gift," during the campaign, they raised up to NT$ 201.2 million in political contributions. Three Little Pigs can be described as the most effective fund-raising tool for the Green Camp. Third, the media covering regarding "Three Little Pigs" campaign, take the ETTV new scripts as study texts, during the 2012 election campaign, the number of covering stories in the Three Little Pigs is four times more than Ma Ying-jeou’s lucky charm. The DPP obtained about NT$ 1 to 2 billion free advertising effectiveness via Three Little Pigs movement. It is because of the researchers’ position; the researcher was able to interview Tsai camp closely. This research adopted "participant observation, in-depth interviews," these two methods, to obtain first-hand information and message. The researcher did "content analysis", to analyze 97 ETTV news stories regarding to "Tsai Ing-wen" and "The Three Little Pigs," in the presidential election. According to the analysis results of the chi-square test and ANOVA test, this study found that when Tsai Ing-wen was running for presidential campaign, there are three significant differences worth observing. Meanwhile, to conclude "The Three Little Pigs" mega event campaign, there are six characteristics different from previous elections, including: innovation, symbolic, interaction, localization, participation, sustainability and so on.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Reflecting a general trend in modern society, the world of sport has become information driven, with effective information management becoming an essential part of all sports organisations and sporting activities. The sophistication oflarge, multi-sport events - mega-games - such as the Olympic Games and Commonwealth Games demand a high standard of information management to help ensure the smooth running of such events. This is also true of the managing of national teams participating in them. In this thesis a model of an information management system (IMS) is developed for managing certain types of information in such events and the national team participating in them. The model is based on two conceptual frameworks: Intellectual capital, and secondly the information management cycle. The model is then tested using a number of case studies where a specific information management system was used to manage the information of different sports teams and events. The degree to which the information management system was effectively implemented in each case is evaluated and the results used to measure the correctness and accuracy of the model. Lastly suggestions are given as to how the model can be improved in view of the case study findings, and what the future role of information management in sports events may look like in light of the results. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die feit dat inligtingsbestuur 'n noodsaaklike deel geword het in sport organisasies en aktiwiteite is 'n weerspieeling van 'n algemene tendens in die moderne, informasie-gedrewe samelewing. Die ingewikkeldheid van groot, multi-sport byeenkomste - "mega-games" - soos die Olimpiese Spele en die Gemeenskapspele vereis 'n hoe standaard van inligtingsbestuur om te verseker dat sulke byeenkomste glad verloop. Dieselfde geld in die geval van die bestuur van die nasionale spanne wat daaraan deelneem. In hierdie tesis word 'n inligtingbestuursmodel ontwikkelom sekere tipes inligting van verskillende sportbyeenkomste en nasionale sportspanne te bestuur. Die model is geskoei op twee konseptueie raamwerke: Intellekteuie kapitaal, en tweedens die inligtingsbestuursiklus. Die model word getoets deur middel van 'n aantal gevallestudies waartydens 'n besondere inligtingstelsel gebruik is on sportspanne en byeenkomste se inligting mee te bestuur. Die mate waartoe die inligtingbestuurstelsel effektief geimplementeer is word ge-evalueer en die resultate gebruik om die korrektheid en akkuraatheid van die model te meet. Ten slotte word voorstelle gemaak oor hoe die model verbeter kan word in die lig van die gevallestudiebevindinge, en wat die moontlike toekomstige rol van inligtingsbestuur by sportbyeenkomste kan wees in lig van die bevindinge.

A trajetória de Moçambique desde a independência, ocorrida em 1975, até 2009 foi marcada pela transição de uma economia centralmente planificada (socialista) para uma economia de mercado (capitalista). A transição para o capitalismo abriu espaço para financiamentos de Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento das Instituições de Bretton Woods (Banco Mundial – BM e Fundo Monetário Internacional – FMI) e Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos em forma de mega-projetos das corporações multinacionais em Zonas Francas Industriais e Zonas Econômicas Especiais. Entretanto, a aliança da elite nacional como o capital estrangeiro favoreceu a corrupção, a transferência de lucros das multinacionais para os países de origem, fazendo com que a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento e os Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos não produzissem desenvolvimento econômico e bem-estar social, com se pretendia que fosse. Este estudo identificou o Ajustamento Estrutural, a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento, a corrupção e as Zonas Francas Industriais como os principais vilões da situação de pobreza em que Moçambique se encontra e concluiu que Moçambique nunca irá reduzir a pobreza de forma significativa, contando apenas com ajuda externa, mega-projetos, investimentos estrangeiros e ZFI. O que se pensava que seria o remédio para a saída do marasmo do subdesenvolvimento de Moçambique, (portanto, a ajuda, mega-projetos e ZFI) tornou-se um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento do país. / The trantion from socialism to capitalism characterized the Mozambican trajectory after its independence, held in 1975. This transition gave place to external aid by Bretton Woods (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and direct investments from multinational corporations mega-projects in special economic free zones. The alliance between the national elite with foreign capital brought corruption, transference of profits from the multinational corporations in Mozambique to its countries of origin. Because of this, the external aid and foreign investments did not develop the Mozambican economy and also did not bring the social well being to the people in Mozambique. This research, identified the structural adjustment, external aid, corruption and special economic free zones as the factories of poverty in Mozambique, and concluded that Mozambique will never reduce poverty looking to external aid, mega-projects, direct foreign investments and special economic free zones. What where thought it was an elixir (mega-projects, external aid, foreign direct investments and special economic free zones) became an obstacle to development.

Submitted by Fabio Lanzillotta (fldeabreu@hotmail.com) on 2015-06-12T19:51:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_fabio_lanzillotta_versao_final_02.pdf: 2072253 bytes, checksum: 27f0bb0010f15bb2b236228076d3c70e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-06-16T13:01:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_fabio_lanzillotta_versao_final_02.pdf: 2072253 bytes, checksum: 27f0bb0010f15bb2b236228076d3c70e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-06-19T12:00:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_fabio_lanzillotta_versao_final_02.pdf: 2072253 bytes, checksum: 27f0bb0010f15bb2b236228076d3c70e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-19T12:00:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_fabio_lanzillotta_versao_final_02.pdf: 2072253 bytes, checksum: 27f0bb0010f15bb2b236228076d3c70e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-24 / The purpose of the presentation is to analyze the main issues in the operationalization of a sports mega-event when thousands of volunteers become the work force without receiving any kind of remuneration, as Brazil will host, during the decade, important mega-events of that kind and will be in need voluntary workforce. For that reason, an explorative qualitative research was conducted, by means of individual interviews with volunteers having previous experience in sports events and with managers of the Rio de Janeiro 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Organizing Committee, in order to take a closer look at the analysis on incentives, event planning, organization during the event and the legacy in the vision of these two groups. / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar os pontos de atenção na operacionalização de um megaevento esportivo, em que milhares de voluntários participam como força de trabalho, sem qualquer tipo de remuneração, considerando que o Brasil, nesta década, sediará importantes megaeventos e precisará contar com o uso de mão de obra voluntária. Para tal, foi realizada pesquisa qualitativa exploratória, por meio de entrevistas individuais em profundidade com voluntários que apresentavam experiências anteriores em eventos esportivos e com gestores do Comitê Organizador dos Jogos Olímpicos e Paralímpicos do Rio de Janeiro em 2016. Assim, aprofundou-se as análises sobre motivação, planejamento do evento, organização durante o evento e legado, na visão destes dois grupos

Submitted by Rafael Murta Reis (murtarafa@gmail.com) on 2016-04-04T14:05:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_MURTA_REIS_RAFAEL.pdf: 4830215 bytes, checksum: 0222cbb2739e7a08b4ce15e4ccc31234 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-04-04T14:11:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_MURTA_REIS_RAFAEL.pdf: 4830215 bytes, checksum: 0222cbb2739e7a08b4ce15e4ccc31234 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T14:14:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_MURTA_REIS_RAFAEL.pdf: 4830215 bytes, checksum: 0222cbb2739e7a08b4ce15e4ccc31234 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / The research is intended to study public government conducts during the 20th Edition of the FIFA World Cup, occurred in Brazil in 2014. The sports mega-event was surrounded by contradictions, and was publicly contested by thousands of Brazilians, especially with regards to the high amount of public spending and FIFA's (Fédération Internationale de Football Association) considerable profits. During the preparations and the event, Brazil experienced one of the longest cycle of contention in its recent history, highlighting the feeling of dissatisfaction held by many Brazilians with regards to the expenses incurred by federal, state and municipal governments in order to host the games. Focusing mainly on the mega-event management in the city of São Paulo, the study sought to understand the agreement between the parties, and analyze the relationship between the institutions – FIFA and Governments – in the operationalization and decisions regarding the mega-event. Moreover, the study highlights the interfaces established between governments and the civil society, with its empirically identified diversity, and the impacts of its claims on São Paulo's municipal government management. Results show the emergence of antagonistic relations between such groups of interest as well as between different social actors. Additionally, the World Cup in Brazil did not present optimal levels of transparency and public participation, even though some efforts towards these goals were identified. Finally, some of the consequences of the public protests on governmental action can be seen through the use of violence and repression by the police in order to deal with a scenario of multiple protests. Since this study is unique, the research was conducted by qualitative methods. Multiple sources were used during the gathering process which turned possible data triangulation and increased results validity. Direct observations were made during the protests and at the World Cup enterprises’ influence zone. Also official documents, legislations, minutes and press news were analyzed and interviews were conducted with key-actors from federal and municipal governments, activists, protestors, communities’ leaders and society delegates. The survey showed that mega sporting events are an important research topic around the world, and have shown to be a relevant concern in developing countries, as well as have become an important policy tool for promoting the image of host countries overseas and the projection of parties in national territories. Their results highlight the formation of antagonist fields between governments and civil society, and the formation of conflict arenas also among the social actors. Although there have been seen some efforts for the transparency of management, one could not say that the World Cup in Brazil has had ideal level of transparency, neither of social participation. On the one hand there have had efforts to improve transparency, on the other the social participation channels set have not expressed relevance to public management of the mega event. The interfaces between governments and civil society have been identified, as well as their effects and inflections on the management of the World Cup. The main interface highlighted occurred at street level and expressed itself in the confrontations between demonstrators and police. The second most obvious one was consolidated in direct negotiation between communities that were vulnerable to the works of the World Cup and municipal managers. The effects of street protests on the action of governments stood out in police activity, using violence and repression as the main response to the demonstrations, which became most evident in the protests “There Will Not Be World Cup”, and the creation of spaces for direct negotiation with communities, this one influenced more directly by the formation of claim groups, such as the People's Committee of the World Cup, and resistance by the community. The World Cup management in Brazil was complex and showed in the perspective of federative relations some problems between city, state and union, which deals with the coordination of programs, policies or actions, in this case, a mega sports event, of shared management. The case clearly showed dissonances and misalignments between federal, state and municipal government on the practices of dialogue, negotiation, transparency and social participation. The research highlights the formation of a more watchful, critical and politicized social group, which claims, disputes and occupies the streets demonstrating their dissatisfaction with governments, political systems and forms of representation. Points to more tangible results and more harmonious relations between governments and population when alternative forms of social participation and involvement are implemented, particularly spaces and processes where there is room for negotiation and inclusion of civil society in decision-making / Esta pesquisa se propôs a investigar a gestão pública da 20ª edição da Copa do Mundo FIFA, realizada no Brasil em 2014. Contestada popularmente por milhares de brasileiros, o megaevento esportivo teve suas contradições, principalmente em relação aos altos gastos públicos e à lucrativa participação da Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Durante os seus preparativos e realização, aconteceu um dos mais duradouros ciclos de protestos da história recente do Brasil, o que destaca a insatisfação de muitos brasileiros em relação aos investimentos dos governos federal, estaduais e municipais para a sua realização. Com recorte mais aprofundado para a gestão do megaevento na cidade de São Paulo, o trabalho procurou compreender os acordos entre as partes e analisar a relação entre as instituições – a FIFA e os Governos – na operacionalização e decisões sobre o megaevento. Além disso, destaca as interfaces estabelecidas entre governos e a sociedade civil, em sua diversidade identificada empiricamente, e aprofunda nas inflexões das reivindicações populares e protestos na gestão do megaevento pela prefeitura paulistana. O estudo é um estudo de caso único e, portanto, foi realizado com métodos qualitativos de pesquisa. Foram utilizadas fontes múltiplas de coleta que possibilitaram a triangulação dos dados obtidos e o aumento da validade dos resultados. Foram feitas observações diretas durante os protestos e na região de impacto dos empreendimentos da Copa, coleta em documentos oficiais, legislações, atas, contratos e matérias jornalísticas e entrevistas com atores-chave dos governos federal e municipal, com ativistas e manifestantes, líderes comunitários e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil. A pesquisa apontou que os megaeventos esportivos são um importante tema de pesquisa pelo mundo e têm se revelado como uma relevante preocupação em países em desenvolvimento, além de terem se tornado um importante instrumento político para a promoção da imagem dos países-sede no exterior e para a projeção de partidos nos territórios nacionais. Seus resultados destacam a formação de campos antagônicos entre governos e sociedade civil e a formação de arenas de conflito também entre os atores sociais. Embora haja visto alguns esforços pela transparência da gestão, não se pode dizer que a Copa do Mundo no Brasil teve nível ideal de transparência, tampouco de participação social. Se por um lado houve esforços para se aprimorar a transparência, por outro, os canais de participação social instituídos não expressaram relevância para a gestão pública do megaevento. As interfaces entre governos e a sociedade civil foram identificadas, assim como seus efeitos e inflexões sobre a gestão do mundial. A principal interface destacada se deu no nível da rua e se afirmou na forma do enfrentamento entre manifestantes e a polícia. A segunda mais evidente se consolidou na negociação direta entre comunitários vulneráveis às obras da Copa e gestores municipais. Os efeitos dos protestos de rua sobre a ação dos governos se destacou na atividade policial, que usou a violência e a repressão como principais respostas ao conjunto de manifestações, e na criação de espaços de negociação direta com as comunidades, este influenciado mais diretamente pela formação de grupos de reivindicação, como o Comitê Popular da Copa, e pela resistência da própria comunidade. A gestão da Copa do Mundo no Brasil foi complexa e evidenciou, do ponto de vista das relações federativas, alguns problemas entre município, estado e União, que tratam da coordenação de programas, políticas ou ações, neste caso, um megaevento esportivo, de gestão compartilhada. O caso aponta dissonâncias e desalinhamentos entre governo federal, estadual e municipal sobre as práticas de diálogo, negociação, transparência e participação social. A pesquisa destaca a formação de um conjunto social mais atento, crítico e politizado, que reivindica, contesta e ocupa as ruas demonstrando sua insatisfação com governos, sistemas políticos e formas de representação. Aponta para resultados mais tangíveis e relações mais harmônicas entre governos e população quando são implementadas formas alternativas de participação e envolvimento social, sobretudo espaços e processos em que há lugar para a negociação e inserção da sociedade civil nos processos decisórios

O objetivo deste trabalho é a análise das práticas de planejamento urbano vigentes em Porto Alegre em sua relação com os grandes projetos urbanos (GPUs) associados à realização da Copa do Mundo 2014. Para tanto, foram abordados os conceitos de empresariamento, gerencialismo e marketing urbano com a finalidade de compreender o conceito de empreendedorismo urbano. Buscou-se compreender, também, as relações entre empreendedorismo urbano, práticas de planejamento, GPUs e megaeventos. A pesquisa, realizada com base em estudo de caso único, integrado por três unidades de análise (mobilidade, estádios e orla), envolveu o estudo de 18 projetos. As análises feitas exploraram as múltiplas dimensões de GPUs, buscando conhecer o contexto em que os projetos surgiram e como se justificaram, bem como identificar as práticas de planejamento, os atores envolvidos, possíveis desdobramentos socioambientais, bem como as fontes de recursos a eles associados. Por fim, analisou-se a relação entre o processo e estratégias típicas do empreendedorismo urbano, indicando seus vínculos com os grandes projetos. / This work aims to analyses the urban planning practices present in Porto Alegre, and its relation with large urban projects being articulated for the FIFA World Cup 2014 mega event. The concepts addressed are entrepreneurialism, managerialism and urban marketing in its original fields to comprehend how Harvey built the urban entrepreneurialism concept and its best translation to Portuguese. This work aims, as well, comprehend the relation between urban entrepreneurialism and urban planning practices, large urban projects and mega events. This is a case study research with 3 unities of analysis incorporated: 1) mobility; 2) stadia; 3) water front. Those unities, therefore, are constituted by 18 different projects related to the FIFA World Cup, in a direct or indirect fashion. Their analyses are built by exploring its multiple dimensions regarded to large urban projects, by understanding the context where those projects have been created and how they are justified, by describing the projects elaboration processes to identify the urban planning practices related and its social and environmental impacts associated, and by analyzing the relation between this process and the urban entrepreneurialism strategies assigned by Harvey, indicating which project belongs to each strategies.

Esta pesquisa busca investigar um processo em curso, onde a estratégia do empreendedorismo na gestão das políticas públicas urbanas vem se adaptando e se conformando ao atual contexto de política econômica chamada de neodesenvolvimentismo. Para isso, as parcerias público-privadas tem um papel fundamental na gestão do desenvolvimento urbano, no âmbito das três esferas de poder. Abordaremos, portanto, o histórico das reformas políticas do País que levaram a uma evolução da política de nacional-desenvolvimentismo ao novo desenvolvimentismo, para entendermos o contexto no qual as atuais parcerias público-privadas vem sendo desenvolvidas como modelo para de gerir o território. Mencionaremos também a legislação e os discursos por trás da defesa deste tipo de negócio entre o poder público e o setor privado. Ainda, como o país enfrentou a crise de 2008, chamada de crise das crises, utilizando esse modelo de gestão do território. Os megaeventos esportivos serão analisados como um fator catalizante da atração de investimentos e negócios para as cidades. No Rio de Janeiro, com a escolha da cidade para sediar os Jogos Olímpicos, e também sendo uma das cidades sedes da Copa do Mundo FIFA de 2014, várias de transformações territoriais se iniciaram. Com fortes indícios de que uma série de violações estava por vir, a fim de abrir espaço e ampliar o mercado dos investimentos privados. O Parque Olímpico, como principal local de competições das Olimpíadas de 2016, configura-se como uma imensa oportunidade de negócios com a iniciativa privada, localizado em área de ampla expansão do mercado imobiliário da cidade: a Barra da Tijuca. Diante disso, muitas comunidades pobres vem sofrendo com a política de deslocamento forçado para dar lugar aos investimentos no território. Neste contexto, está a comunidade Vila Autódromo, estabelecida bem ao lado do local de implementação do empreendimento. Sua remoção está prevista no estudo de viabilidade e no edital de concessão. Estudaremos a parceria público-privada realizada para a construção do Parque Olímpico, através da análise dos documentos relacionados ao seu processo licitatório e a escolha do consórcio vencedor. Ainda, como esse empreendimento tem impactado no caso da comunidade Vila Autódromo, que além de já ter sido alvo de outras tentativas de remoção, foi objeto de uma política de regularização fundiária no passado e tem um intenso histórico de resistência e de luta pela permanência. / This research aims to investigate an ongoing process, where the strategy of entrepreneurship in the management of urban public policy has been adapting and conforming to the current context of economic policy called the neo-developmentism. Thus, the role of public-private partnerships stands as fundamental in the management of urban development within the three spheres of power. Discuss, therefore, the history of political reforms in the country that led to the adaptation of national developmentalism to the new developmentalism policy, to understand the context in which thec urrent public-private partnerships have been developed as a model for managing the territory. Also mention the legislation and discourses behind the defense of this kind of deal between the government and the private sector. Still, as the country faced a crisis in 2008, called the crisis of crises, using this model of land management. The megasporting events will be analyzed as strong attractives of investmentand business to the cities. In Rio de Janeiro, with the choice of city to host the Olympic Games, and also being one of the host cities of the FIFA World Cup in 2014, several of territorial transformations began. In addition to evidence that a series of violations were to come in order to make room and expand the market for private investments. The Olympic Park, the main site of the 2016 Olympics competitions, appears as an immense business opportunity with private enterprise, locatedon a broad expansion of the real estate market in the city: Barra da Tijuca. Thus many poor communities have suffered from the policy of forced displacement to make way for investments in theterritory. In this context, is the Vila Autódromo community, well established local side of the venture. The removal of this community is planned in the feasibility study and in de concession contract. Therefore, we will study the public-private partnership held for the construction of the Olympic Park, through the analysis of documents related to the bidding process and the selection of the winning consortium. Yet, as this project has impacted the case of Vila Autódromo community, which in addition to having been the target of other attempts of eviction, was subject to a policy of land regularization in the past and has a strong history of resistance and struggle for permanence.

A trajetória de Moçambique desde a independência, ocorrida em 1975, até 2009 foi marcada pela transição de uma economia centralmente planificada (socialista) para uma economia de mercado (capitalista). A transição para o capitalismo abriu espaço para financiamentos de Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento das Instituições de Bretton Woods (Banco Mundial – BM e Fundo Monetário Internacional – FMI) e Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos em forma de mega-projetos das corporações multinacionais em Zonas Francas Industriais e Zonas Econômicas Especiais. Entretanto, a aliança da elite nacional como o capital estrangeiro favoreceu a corrupção, a transferência de lucros das multinacionais para os países de origem, fazendo com que a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento e os Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos não produzissem desenvolvimento econômico e bem-estar social, com se pretendia que fosse. Este estudo identificou o Ajustamento Estrutural, a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento, a corrupção e as Zonas Francas Industriais como os principais vilões da situação de pobreza em que Moçambique se encontra e concluiu que Moçambique nunca irá reduzir a pobreza de forma significativa, contando apenas com ajuda externa, mega-projetos, investimentos estrangeiros e ZFI. O que se pensava que seria o remédio para a saída do marasmo do subdesenvolvimento de Moçambique, (portanto, a ajuda, mega-projetos e ZFI) tornou-se um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento do país. / The trantion from socialism to capitalism characterized the Mozambican trajectory after its independence, held in 1975. This transition gave place to external aid by Bretton Woods (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and direct investments from multinational corporations mega-projects in special economic free zones. The alliance between the national elite with foreign capital brought corruption, transference of profits from the multinational corporations in Mozambique to its countries of origin. Because of this, the external aid and foreign investments did not develop the Mozambican economy and also did not bring the social well being to the people in Mozambique. This research, identified the structural adjustment, external aid, corruption and special economic free zones as the factories of poverty in Mozambique, and concluded that Mozambique will never reduce poverty looking to external aid, mega-projects, direct foreign investments and special economic free zones. What where thought it was an elixir (mega-projects, external aid, foreign direct investments and special economic free zones) became an obstacle to development.