La contribution des changements d’usage des sols aux émissions de gaz à effet de serre d’origine anthropique est estimée à 17% pour la décennie 2000, en grande partie liée à la déforestation. L’un des facteurs principaux de ces changements est l’expansion des terres agricoles pour les besoins locaux de développement, mais également sous l’effet des exportations stimulées par la mondialisation. Pour cette raison, des préoccupations nouvelles surgissent quant aux effets des politiques sur l’usage des sols par le biais des marchés internationaux. Ce travail présente trois illustrations concrètes où ces effets peuvent être d’ampleur conséquente : i) l’intensification de l’agriculture dans les pays en voie de développement, ii) les accords commerciaux, et iii) les politiques d’agrocarburants. Les résultats montrent que pour chacune de ces politiques, les réponses des marchés sont susceptibles de jouer un rôle déterminant dans le bilan des gaz à effet de serre. L’atténuation du changement climatique par l’intensification des cultures conduit à des réductions d’émissions, mais l’effet rebond de la demande pourrait annuler une part substantielle des bénéfices attendus sur les surfaces de terres cultivées. L’exemple d’un possible accord entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur montre les effets négatifs que peut induire la libéralisation de certains produits agricoles, si des mesures d’accompagnement adéquates ne sont pas mises en place. Enfin, l’effet des changements indirects d’affectation des sols est susceptible d’effacer une part substantielle des réductions d’émissions alléguées aux agrocarburants. Les réponses de l’affectation des sols aux différentes politiques dépendent néanmoins de nombreux paramètres comportementaux, et il est difficile d’en fournir une estimation chiffrée précise. Plusieurs approches de modélisation sont utilisées ici pour quantifier ces effets et explorer les intervalles de confiance découlant des estimations actuelles de la littérature économétrique. La prise en compte de cette externalité dans l’évaluation des politiques publiques nécessite des approches nouvelles intégrant mieux les différents niveaux d’incertitude sur ces effets. / Land use change is estimated to have generated 17% of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions in the 2000s, a large part coming from deforestation. The main driver of these emissions is expansion of agricultural activities, for the need of local development in tropical regions. However, they have also been caused by the dynamics of globalisation which has stimulated agricultural trade flows. Thus, today, there are new concerns with respect to how agricultural policies are influencing land use changes in other parts of the world through international market responses. In this work I consider three concrete illustrations of where these effects can be of significant magnitude: i) agriculture intensification in developing countries, ii) trade agreements, and iii) biofuel policies. I find that for each of these policies, market responses are likely to play a significant role in the final greenhouse gas emission balance. Mitigation of emissions through agricultural intensification could have quite beneficial outcomes, but the rebound effect on the demand side would offset a large part of greenhouse gas emission savings attributable to the land sparing effect. With the example of a possible EU-MERCOSUR trade agreement, I also show the adverse effect of liberalising certain specific agricultural products closely connected to land use change dynamics without adequate accompanying measures. Last, the indirect land use change effect of biofuels is likely to offset a large part of their alleged GHG emission savings. Land use change responses depend on many behavioural parameters, however, and providing precise estimates constitutes a challenge. I use different modelling approaches to quantify their magnitude and extensively explore the level of confidence on the basis of current state of econometric findings.New approaches should be elaborated to take account of this externality in public policy assessments, together with an appropriate consideration of the uncertainty ranges associated with these effects.

Le MERCOSUR est la plus grande entité économique de l'Amérique latine. Ces dernières années, des nouveaux États ont intégré cette institution. Ces nouveaux membres amènent l'arrivée de nouvelles formes de constitutionnalisme, intitulées pluriel. Comment le MERCOSUR fera t-il face à ces nouveaux changements ? Comment fera t-il pour profiter de ce nouveau souffle et comment montrera t-il au monde les idées apportés par les changements ? Le MERCOSUR a été créé dans le contexte de la globalisation, avec l'objectif de renforcer économiquement les États de l'Amérique latine. Cette intégration régionale se montre hautement structurée avec un système juridique et institutionnelle propre, issue des traités et des protocoles qui définissent les modes de coopération entre les États parties. Il est important de signaler que la création de ce bloc s'est inspiré du modèle de l'Union Européenne. Les derniers changements survenu en Amérique latine, ont modifié les lignes directrices du MERCOSUR. Le constitutionnalisme pluriel, apportés par les nouveaux membres de l'intégration sud font renaître les idéologies des peuples autochtones. Le pluri-nationalisme latin, met en valeur le Pachamama et le Buen Vivir. Le MERCOSUR, principalement économique, est une structure découlant de l'eurocentrisme, instauré en Amérique du Sud, depuis les années 1500. Il est en cours de mutation car accompagne maintenant les changements constitutionnelle du continent, avec la renaissance des idéologies originaires et autochtones des États latino-américains. / MERCOSUR is the largest economic entity in Latin America. Last years, the new states have incorporated this institution. These new members bring the arrival of new forms of constitutionalism, entitled plural. How will he do MERCOSUR face these new changes? How will it be to enjoy this new life and how he will show the world the ideas brought by the changes? MERCOSUR was created in the context of globalization, with the aim to economically strengthen the Latin American States. This regional integration shows highly structured with a legal and institutional system, derived from treaties and protocols that define the forms of cooperation among States Parties. It's important to note that the model of the European Union inspired the creation of this block. Recent changes occurred in Latin America, have altered the MERCOSUR guidelines. The plural constitutionalism, brought by the new members of the South integration is re-born the ideologies of indigenous peoples. Latin plurial-nationalism, showcases the Pachamama and the Buen Vivir. MERCOSUR, mainly economic, is a structure resulting from Eurocentrism, introduced in South America since the 1500s. It's changing because the new form of constitutionalism revives the old ideologies of indigenous peoples, with the unique standards of Latin America. / O MERCOSUL é a principal integração econômica da América Latina. Nos últimos anos, novos Estados passaram a fazer parte desta instituição e trouxeram novas formas de constitucionalismo conhecido como plural ou multicultural. Diante dessa nova realidade, indaga-se : Como o MERCOSUL enfrentará estas novas mudanças? Como administrará essas inovações e como mostrará ao mundo as ideias inovadoras trazidas pelas alterações constitucionais? Na realidade, o MERCOSUL foi criado no contexto da globalização mundial, com o objetivo de fortalecer economicamente os Estados latino americanos. Esta integração regional mostra-se altamente estruturada, com um sistema legal e institucional, derivado de tratados e protocolos que definem as formas de cooperação entre os Estados membros. É importante notar que a criação deste bloco fora inspirado no modelo da União Europeia. As recentes mudanças na América Latina, em seu contexto geral, tem alterado as diretrizes do MERCOSUL. O constitucionalismo plural, trazido pelos novos membros da integração sul, é marcado pelas ideologias dos povos indígenas, que colocam em valor o plurinacionalismo, revivendo os valores ancestrais através da Pachamama e do Buen Vivir. O MERCOSUL é uma instituição principalmente econômica e sua estrutura é resultante de eurocentrismo introduzido na América do Sul desde os anos 1500. Os novos ideais latinos, vão de encontro a antiga estrutura, uma vez que visam o renascimento das ideologias dos povos nativos latino americanos.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores inter-regional relations between SADC and Mercosur. The central problem posed at the outset is "Why should relations between SADC and Mercosur be pursued?" In this problem there exists two separate questions, each one dealing with the regions at hand. The first question asks whether Mercosur is a viable partner in the global political economy and if so, "What possible options are made available through a partnership with Mercosur in the future?" The second question focuses on the Southern African region and addresses concerns surrounding SADC as Mercosur's option for a partner in Africa. These problems are analysed in the context of the global political economy from the perspective of regionalisation, considering the increased interest and attention this phenomenon is currently receiving in international relations. This study therefore addresses both bilateral and multilateral implications associated with SADC-Mercosur relations, with the importance of market liberalisation as well as the effects of regional integration on the process of globalisation kept in mind. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed throughout the study. This methodology provides a concise description of both regions. It also allows the study and research to take place on different levels of analysis, looking at the problem from a country-to-country, country-to-region and region-to-region perspective. These levels are extended to include bilateral and multilateral opportunities for the parties involved. In applying this descriptive methodology various characteristics and attributes of each region are looked at, identifying benefits a regional bloc like Mercosur holds in terms of market size and level of regional development. Various other areas are studied, which explores possible future opportunities for both SA DC and Mercosur through improved south-south co-operation. Statistical data is used to further illustrate certain arguments raised and findings made. The study clearly reveals a broad number of benefits available through enhanced SADCMercosur relations. Mercosur holds an immense amount of future potential that would be of great importance in maintaining a sustainable position for developing economies in the future. There are however a number of difficulties too. These emanate primarily from SADC and therefore cast a great deal of doubt on SADC's ability to enter into a partnership with Mercosur. Considering the current situation, a more viable option would be SACU. But this option should be pursued with the intention of bringing the rest of SADC on board in the not too distant future. SADC's shear size and status in Southern Africa is a drawing card in developing south-south co-operation. It would be ideal to develop relations between SADC and Mercosur in a truly inter-regional fashion and possibly even a transatlantic FTA further down the line. This is a vision that should always be on the agenda when pursuing relations with Mercosur. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die inter-streeksverhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur. Vanuit die staanspoor word die vraag, "Waarom behoort verhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur nagestreefte word?" gevra. Die studie spreek binne hierdie verband met twee sub-vrae. Die eerste vraag vra of Mercosur 'n lewensvatbare vennoot in the globale politieke ekonornie is en indien weI, "Watter opsies word vir die toekoms gegenereer deur 'n vennootskap met Mercosur." Die tweede vraag fokus op Suidelike Afrika en spreek kwessies rakende SADC as Mercosur se keuse vir 'n vennoot in Afrika aan. Binne die konteks van die globale politieke ekonomie word bogenoemde probleme vanuit 'n streeksperspektief geanaliseer, gegewe die toenemende aandag wat die regionalisasie verskynsel tans in internasionale betrekkinge geniet. Hierdie studie spreek gevolglik beide die bilaterale en multilaterale implikasies van SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge aan, terwyl die belangrikheid van markliberalisering asook die gevolg van streeksintegrasie vir die globaliseringsproses in gedagte gehou word. Die studie volg deurgaans 'n beskrywende en analitiese benadering. Daardeur word navorsing op verskiIIende vlakke van analise moontlik gemaak deur die probleem vanuit 'n land-tot-land, land-tot-streek en streek-tot-streek perspektiefte beskou. Deur die fokus op hierdie vlakke word die bilaterale en multilaterale geleenthede vir die betrokke partye geidentifiseer. Deur middel van 'n beskrywende metodologie word die eienskappe en potensiaal van beide streke uitgelig, veral met betrekking tot markgrootte en streeksontwikkeling. Teen die agtergrond van verbeterde suid-suid samewerking word ander areas ook bestudeer, met die oog op moontlike toekomstige geleenthede vir SADC en Mercosur. Statistiese data word deurgaans gebruik om sekere argumente en bevindings toe te lig. Die studie bevind dat uitgebreide SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge etlike voordele inhou. Mercosur hou groot belofte in vir ontwikkelende ekonorniee. Daar is egter ook probleme binne SADC en plaas dit 'n vraagteken oor SADC se vermoe om 'n vennootskap met Mercosur aan te gaan. 'n Meer realistiese opsie sal 'n vennootskap met SACU wees. Maar hierdie opsie behoort nagestreef te word met die oog op die spoedige insluiting van SADC. Die blote grootte en status van SADC is 'n belangrike faktor in die uitbreiding van suid-suid samewerking. Dit sou ideaal wees om verhoudinge tussen SADC en Mercosur tot op 'n ware interstreekse vlak te ontwikkel met die moontlikheid van 'n toekomstige transatlantiese vrye handelsooreenkoms. Hierdie visie behoort altyd in gedagte gehou te word in die nastreef van verhoudinge met Mercosur.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Naves de Oliveira Santos.pdf: 447606 bytes, checksum: f7d60830585b537f8261a546a394ba3a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-29 / Mercosur, as regional integration process based on commercial arrangements and mercantile interests, search, against time, establish the purpose for which it was created - much more ambitious than a simple commercial arrangement - namely those reserved to the model common market which presupposes the customs union and trade policies marking with other countries, the free flow of manpower, among other features. However, this ripening depends especially social participation, so there is greater acceptance that national integration is proposed. In this sense, the participation of civil society, through organizations that make up the third sector is necessary to impose that the social question is best debated and discussed in the meetings and forums of MERCOSUR. Thus we find in the program MERCOSUR Social and Participatory gradual increase of attention given by the Brazilian government to greater social participation in the process of regional integration in MERCOSUR. Therefore, we analyze the program from the approach of social issues and regional integration, conceptualize and characterize civil society and the MERCOSUR, in order to contextualize the third sector in the process of regional integration through analysis and reflection on the program MERCOSUR Social and participatory. / O MERCOSUL, como processo de integração regional baseado em arranjos comerciais e interesses mercantis, busca, contra o tempo, estabelecer os propósitos para os quais foi criado muito mais ambiciosos que um simples arranjo comercial - , quais sejam aqueles reservados ao modelo mercado comum, que pressupõe, além da união aduaneira e balizamento de políticas comerciais com os demais países, o livre fluxo de mão-deobra, dentre outras características. Porém, o referido amadurecimento depende especialmente da participação social, para que haja maior aceitação nacional à integração que se propõe. Nesse sentido, a participação da sociedade civil, por meio das organizações que compõe o terceiro setor se impõe necessária para que a questão social seja mais bem debatida e discutida no âmbito das reuniões e fóruns do MERCOSUL. Assim, encontrou-se no programa MERCOSUL Social e Participativo o aumento gradativo da atenção dada pelo governo brasileiro à maior participação social no processo de integração regional do MERCOSUL. Portanto, faz-se um estudo do programa a partir da abordagem da questão social e da integração regional, conceituouse e caracterizou-se a sociedade civil e o MERCOSUL, para contextualizar o terceiro setor no processo de integração regional por meio da análise e reflexão sobre o programa MERCOSUL Social e Participativo.

O presente trabalho busca analisar a evolução da discussão dogmática sobre a relação entre direito interno e direito internacional na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A pesquisa dedica especial atenção a três casos específicos, julgados entre 2008 e 2010, que são representativos de uma nova fase no entendimento corte, em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal tratou de uma série de questões inéditas na sua jurisprudência. São eles a decisão, em 2008, sobre a prisão civil do depositário infiel, proibida pela Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos; a ADPF no 101, de 2009, sobre a importação de pneus usados e remoldados, cuja regulamentação também foi objeto de decisões no âmbito do Mercosul e da OMC; e a ADPF no 153, de 2010, que discutiu a Lei da Anistia, também tratada na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Mapeando as discussões dogmáticas nesses casos, busca-se identificar as implicações dos tratados internacionais e das decisões de tribunais internacionais para o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, bem como as contradições e omissões de tais decisões. A análise do desenvolvimento da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal considera as transformações ocorridas no direito internacional a partir do final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e as mudanças incorporadas às constituições brasileiras, e em especial a Constituição de 1988 e a sua Emenda no 45, de 2004. / This study seeks to analyze the evolution of the dogmatic debate on the relationship between domestic and international law in the Brazilian Supreme Courts case law. The research devotes special attention to three specific cases, decided between 2008 and 2010, which are representative of a new phase in the courts understanding, in which the Supreme Court has dealt with completely new issues. These cases are the following: the decision in 2008 on the civil imprisonment of an unfaithful trustee, prohibited by the American Convention on Human Rights; ADPF No. 101, from of 2009, on the import of used tires, which had also been the subject of decisions within Mercosur and WTO; and ADPF No 153, from 2010, which discussed the Brazilian Amnesty Act, also addressed by the Interamerican Court of Human Rights. By mapping dogmatic discussions of these cases, I seek to identify the implications of international treaties and decisions of international tribunals for the Brazilian legal system, as well as the contradictions and omissions of such decisions. The analysis of the development of the Supreme Courts case law considers the transformation occurring in international law since the end of World War II and the changes incorporated into the Brazilian constitutions, and in particular the Constitution of 1988 and its Amendment No 45 of 2004.

A partir da década de 1990, dois processos político-econômicos alteraram o modo de produção da política externa brasileira e a relação do país com as organizações internacionais do comércio. No âmbito doméstico, igualmente influenciado pelo sistema internacional pós Guerra-Fria e de retorno gradual aos preceitos democráticos na América Latina, procedeu-se a politização da política externa por meio do fortalecimento das instituições democráticas, da organização dos grupos de interesses em associações autônomas e pela abertura de múltiplos canais de comunicação entre essas associações e as agências governamentais que, para além do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, adentraram o processo decisório de produção da política externa. No âmbito internacional, tanto regional quanto multilateral, as organizações internacionais do comércio alicerçadas em princípios não-discriminatórios avançaram a “legalização” dos seus sistemas de solução de controvérsias por meio da fixação de normas e procedimentos judiciais obrigatórios, que implicou a internacionalização da política doméstica. Esse dois processos estão vinculados pelo papel fundamental conferido às instituições democráticas na formulação da política externa do Brasil e na responsabilidade pela implementação das decisões internacionais provenientes dos órgãos de solução de controvérsias que o país participa. Os confrontos entre a indústria multinacional de pneus novos instaladas no Brasil e a indústria de pneus reformados brasileira, mercosulina e européia, cada um transcorrido em âmbitos próprios – nacional, regional e multilateral –, mas reciprocamente relacionados, põem em evidência os mecanismos de politização da política externa e de internacionalização da política doméstica, apontam as qualidades do desenho institucional das organizações internacionais em que se desenvolvem as relações internacionais econômicas contemporâneas e identificam as vicissitudes que emergem desse desenho institucional. / Since the 1990s, two political-economic processes have changed the decision making process of Brazilian foreign policy and the country’s relationship with international trade organizations. In the domestic sphere, also influenced by the international system after the Cold War and by the gradual return to democratic precepts in Latin America, led to the politicization of foreign policy by strengthening democratic institutions, organization of group of interests in autonomous associations ad by opening up multiple channels of communication between these associations and government agencies that, besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, entered the decision making process of foreign policy. In the international sphere, both regional and multilateral, trade organizations, based upon non-discriminatory principles, advanced the “legalization” of dispute settlement systems attached to them by setting mandatory norms and procedures, which led to the internationalization of domestic politics. These two processes are linked by the role of democratic institutions in formulating foreign policy and in the responsibility for the implementation of international decisions from the dispute settlement systems which Brazil participates. The clashes between new tires multinationals industries installed in Brazil and retreaded tires industries from Brazil, Mercosur and European Communities, each passed on their own spheres – national, regional and multilateral –, but mutually related, highlight the mechanisms of politicization of foreign policy and the internationalization of domestic politics, indicates the qualities of the institutional design in which contemporary international economic relations develops and identify the vicissitudes that emerge from this institutional design.

1980年代，全球化在新自由主義的經濟發展模式驅動下，風起雲湧的在世界各地攻城掠地，不到幾年的光景，新自由主義的意識型態成為世界各國主要的經濟發展模式，就連一向為保護主義大本營的拉丁美洲，也改弦易轍的擁抱新自由主義，希望這樣的琵琶別抱，可以獲得一個美好的未來。 全球化由經濟力量帶領，對人類舊有的世界秩序產生衝擊，衝擊的層面不只侷限在經濟面向，社會是一個整體，經濟面向進一步影響了政治、社會、文化、安全等，帶來了一個廣泛而全面的鉅變。然而，經濟全球化的速度發展過快，人類社會還來不及產生一個相應社會來配合發展，於是，一股來自社會的政治力量反撲，也從世界每個角落，吹起出征的號角。政治反撲的形式之一，就是1980年代中期開使興起的新區域主義，南錐地區便由巴西、阿根廷帶頭，成立了南錐共同市場，以區域整合來迎接全球化所帶來的衝擊。 舊有的世界秩序，在全球化與區域化兩股力量的衝擊下，正在改變，新的世界秩序，在這兩股力量的激盪下，正在形成。處在一個舊世界秩序正在改變，新世界秩序尚未形成的年代，必須有一套理論來解釋這樣的現象，舊有的國際政治經濟理論無法給人類一個滿意的答案，於是到了1990年代中期，Bj□rn Hetten等人為主的「新區域主義方法」興起，強調區域是一個動態的概念，從區域性來看區域整合，將其分為區域空間、區域複合體、區域社會、區域共同體、區域國家等五個階段，此外，新區域主義方法認為區域化動力來自於多面向，必須從文化、安全、經濟政策、政治體制等多面向來觀察，而在層次上，則可從世界體系、區域間、區域、次國家等多層次來分析。對於形成中的新世界秩序，新區域主義方法也提出新世界秩序必須包含和平、發展和環境永續的價值，而這些便可透過安全區域主義、發展區域主義和環境永續來達成。 南錐地區的區域整合，在1979年之前，由於安全上處於衝突形成狀態，經濟往來程度亦不高，屬於新區域主義方法下的區域複合體階段。1979到1991年之間，南錐站在區域複合體的基礎上，加速了區域整合的進程，南錐地區的實質區域形成，區域性增加，進入新區域主義方法的區域社會階段。1991年之後，南錐共同市場成立，南錐地區的整合成為一個具有正式組織的法理區域，整合的速度、廣度、深度都不斷的成長，成為一個具有認同的區域主體，尤其在對外談判上，更是展現南錐共同市場作為一個活躍區域主體的實力，經過這些區域整合的努力，南錐地區已經達到新區域主義方法中，區域共同體的階段。 全球化對於舊有的世界秩序帶來衝擊，人類社會處在一個十字路口，未來的世界新秩序到底要往哪裡走，仍舊是目前爭辦的課題之一。當今浮上台面的世界新秩序選項，主要為以區域為主體的後西發利亞秩序，以及以國家為主體的新西發利亞秩序，這兩個選項的背後，隱藏著全球化與區域化兩股力量的相互激盪，而其中南錐共同市場的整合，也深受這兩股力量的影響。當我們對未來混沌不知時，掌握這兩股力量的脈動，將有助於我們走向下一個路口。

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Esta dissertação de mestrado é um estudo antropológico que trata sobre algumas interfaces e relações entre arte e mercado na atualidade. Focada na 6ª Bienal de Artes Visuais do Mercosul, esta pesquisa explora as dinâmicas e práticas da produção cultural no Brasil, inauguradas a partir da introdução das Leis de Incentivo à Cultura - LICs. Argumenta-se que como resultado do desenvolvimento destes mecanismos legais, tem se produzido um massivo ingresso de atores do setor empresarial na produção e gestão de grandes eventos de arte. Isto tem permitido que as expertises e o know-how dos profissionais das áreas do marketing e da administração empresarial venham se aplicando em contextos de produção artística, condicionando, inclusive, a estética deste tipo de iniciativas. Se apresenta a Bienal do Mercosul como um empreendimento que responde às expectativas dos seus realizadores em tanto grupo empresarial e imprime uma opção estética específica que está em sintonia com certos valores vindos do mundo corporativo. / Esta tesis de Maestría es un estudio antropológico que trata sobre algunas interfaces y relaciones entre arte y mercado en la actualidad. Focalizada en la 6ª Bienal de Artes Visuales del Mercosur, esta investigación explora las dinámicas y prácticas de la producción cultural en Brasil, inauguradas a partir de la introducción de las Leyes de Incentivo a la Cultura - LICs. Se argumenta que como resultado del desarrollo de estos mecanismos legales, se ha producido un masivo ingreso de actores del sector empresarial en la producción y gestión de grandes eventos de arte. Esto ha permitido que las expertises y el know-how de los profesionales de las áreas de marketing y de la administración empresarial se estén aplicando en contextos de producción artística, condicionando, inclusive, la estética de este tipo de iniciativas. Se plantea la Bienal del Mercosur como un emprendimiento que responde a las expectativas de sus realizadores en cuanto grupo empresarial y que expresa una opción estética específica que está en sintonía con ciertos valores provenientes del mundo corporativo.

Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.