Hageby är en stadsdel i Norrköping som i huvudsak betraktas som segregerad, med en hög andel utlandsfödda innevånare. Området förknippas också med låg socioekonomisk status, kriminalitet, hög arbetslöshet och utanförskap. Den externa bilden av området är i hög grad negativ medan den interna upplevelsen och uppfattningen om Hageby till största delen är positiv. Vissa interna konflikter, baserade på etnicitet och religion, är tydligt närvarande men de flesta informanter har en positiv syn på ”svenskar”, trots att många har få möjligheter eller tillfällen att interagera med etniska svenskar. För många av innevånarna tycks det upplevas som åtminstone delvis positivt att bo i ett mångkulturellt område och för nyanlända tycks närheten till familj och den etniska gruppen ha en tydligt dämpande effekt på den stress som anpassningen till den nya livssituationen och samhället kan ge upphov till. En omfattande mängd forskning visar att boendesegregation tenderar att förlänga integrationsprocessen ochhar negativ inverkan på språkutveckling, skapandet av nätverk på arbetsmarknaden, förståelse och fullt deltagande i samhället och därmed utövandet av medborgarskap. Trots det, visar mina informanter att boende i ett segregerat område inte nödvändigtvis får dessa effekter för individer. Men den negativa stereotypiseringen av området och dess innevånare tenderar att ha en viss effekt på självbilden och identitetsskapandet hos människor som bor där. / Hageby is a district in Norrköping, which is mainly perceived as segregated with a large number of inhabitants of foreign origin. It's also associated with low socioeconomic status, criminality, high unemployment and social exclusion. The external perception of the area is mainly negative, whilst the internal experiences and views, on the contrary are quite positive. Some internal conflicts, based on ethnicity and religion is clearly present here, but most informants expresses a positive view of the Swedish people, though many have little opportunity to interact with ethnic Swedes. Living in a multicultural area, seems for many of the local inhabitants to be something partly positive. For newcomers living there, closeness to family and their ethnic group, also helps soften the stress of settling in and adjusting to a new community. Extensive research shows that living in a segregated area, tend to slow the integration process, having negative effect on learning the new language, developing networks necessary for finding work, understanding of and full participation in society. Newer the less, my informants show that living in a segregated area, does not necessarily have these effects on an individual level. Although the extended influence of negative stereotyping of the area and the people who live there, tend to have an effect on self image and the construction of identity.

Multiculturalism, as a set of ideas and policies, is one of the normativeapproaches to the current situation of cultural diversity in multicultural cities.But how can the ideas of multiculturalism be translated into the reality of urbanform? The overall aim of this dissertation is to provide a theoretical andconceptual frame of reference for distilling and identifying the ideas ofmulticulturalism which can be translated into spatial form, and in this way, tohighlight the role urban form may play in addressing the situation of living‘together-in-difference’. In this study, the relation between the materiality ofurban form and the political framework of multiculturalism is at the core of thediscussion.In its exploration into multiculturalism, the thesis identifies theoretical lacunae inexplaining the spatial dimensions of multiculturalism. To be able to discussmulticulturalism in urban form terms, the dissertation chooses the position of a‘civility of indifference’, developed by Amin (2012), as one of many possiblestances within this discourse as an operative conception for such an exercise.Adopting the logical argumentation as the research strategy, the thesis delvesdeep into the conceptual domain mapped by space syntax theory as a primarysystem in this endeavour, and accordingly, describes how the spatial form of thecity, by way of human movement, has the potential to create a variety of socialgroupings. Thereupon the thesis develops a secondary conceptual system withexplanatory applicability to the relation between multiculturalism and spatialform. Supported by these systems of argumentation, the study describes how thespatial morphology of the city may have influence on the situation of livingtogether. It is suggested that overlapping spaces represent the spaces whereurban structure potentially can provide the spatial viability for the emergence ofa ‘civility of indifference’ and its two organizing principles of co-presence andmultiplicity.Hence, the dissertation intends to contribute to theoretical efforts into theexperience of living ‘together-in-difference’ from architectural and urban designperspectives, and argues that multiculturalism distinctly possesses spatialdimensions, which should be conceptualized and addressed through thetheoretical lens of spatial form. Hence, the thesis defends that notwithstandingbeing a complex of social processes, the spatial dimensions of multiculturalismshould not be belittled in efforts to address the situation of living together in themulticultural cities of the West. / <p>QC 20150522</p>

Spanish migration narratives and films present a series of conflicting forces: the assumptions of entitlement of both Western and Oriental patriarchal authority, the claims to autonomy and self determination by guardians of women’s rights, the confrontations between advocates of exclusion and hospitality in the host society, and the endeavor of immigrant communities to maintain traditions while they integrate into Spanish society. Taking into consideration current theories of space, mobility, feminism, and assimilation, I center my analysis on four significant moments of migration: the inundation of Western media in other countries that inspires individuals to find alternatives to poverty and oppression; the trauma of the physical and emotional separation from the land of origin; the trials of adjustments to an unknown and, at times, hostile culture; and the construction of a new community within a host society. The works give testimony to how contact with different cultures, religions, and languages has given way to a unique space between Western images and multicultural realities where power, identities, and destinies are negotiated. Exploring the patterns of displacement and gender roles, I point out how some authors align themselves with the power structures that stifle immigrants’ initiatives, while others choose to challenge the status quo. This space creates an opportunity for change propelled principally by the courage, agency, and mobility of female characters that weaken patriarchal domination in Muslim society and counter powerful Western ideologies. The resulting new culture imbued with personal values rekindles Hispanic-Moroccan historical links and opens the door to a revived multicultural, multilingual, multiethnic Spanish identity. I argue that the determination of the female characters is the key to the changes taking place in the twenty-first century Spanish society, which, according to Spanish migration narratives and films, could anticipate the dissolution of the Fortress Europe and the consolidation of integration. Establishing a dialogue between opposing forces, my analysis invites readers and viewers of the narrated process of immigration to consider their own personal positions on such a pressing issue.

Bolivia and Guatemala experienced a process of education reform in late 90's. Even though both countries had great international support to eliminate inequalities, especially among indigenous peoples, the domestic political contexts determined to what extent such changes were possible to make. In Bolivia the process started in 1994 with the signing of the Reform Law of Education, and in Guatemala in 1996 with the signing of the Peace Agreements. After more than two decades Bolivia and Guatemala present very different outcomes derived from their respective education reforms. This study is a comparison of them, an attempt to unveil the reasons why Bolivia has moved forward in terms of diversity, indigenous languages, and inclusion while Guatemala has apparently nullified the education reform process and remains in authoritarianism. / text

<p>Abstract</p><p>This is a qualitative case study of how two teachers instill a new culture into immigrant children. I have used interview as one of my qualitative research methods and to make it a more informed assessment and to see the problem from more than one angle I have also used field study as a method. The purpose of this essay was to find out how two teachers work with immigrant children. I wanted to see how they work, how they integrate culture in their teaching and specific exercises they use to instill a new culture into the children. I also wanted to see what the literature says about integrating immigrant children into a new culture and if these particular teachers do as they are “supposed to”, or if they have found their own ways of teaching. I used a semi standardized interview to find out subjective specific ideas from the teacher’s point of view and tried to strike a balance from the objective side with a field study to actually get a glimpse of how the teachers work.</p><p>The two teachers in my study are working in slightly different ways when they teach culture. They use a lot of the same ideas but their focuses vary a bit. The Canadian teacher’s focus lies on teaching the children a little bit of everything, as in a lot of different cultures, although she includes the Canadian culture in her work too. The Swedish teacher focuses more on the Swedish culture and tries to instill the children in that one first of all. She teaches the children about other cultures too, but mainly the Swedish one.</p><p>Process of this qualitative case study has enlightened my understanding of cultural education because of its depth and clarity.</p>

Syftet är att undersöka hur personal arbetar med samverkan och hur vårdnadshavare i förskolans verksamhet  beskriver samverkan mellan hem och förskola i mångkulturella verksamheter. I förskolans läroplan (Lpfö98/2010) står det att förskolan ska ge vårdnadshavare delaktighet och inflytande i samspel med den individuella familjens behov. Vi har genomfört en kvalitativ undersökning där vi har intervjuat personal och vårdnadshavare vad de tycker är betydelsefullt för en god samverkan. Undersökningen har genomförts med hjälp av medvetna öppna frågor följt av följdfrågor. Resultaten har jämförts mellan personal och vårdnadshavare för att undersöka respektives perspektiv på samverkan. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att majoriteten av personal och vårdnadshavare har en klar bild av vad samverkan är för dem och gav under intervjuerna intressanta förslag på olika samverkansformer. I resultatet framkom det att den övergripande samverkansformen var den dagliga kontakten som verkade vara den mest uppskattade samverkansformen mellan hem och förskola. Undersökningen syftar till att kunna bidra till en praktisk kunskapsproduktion för personer som arbetar och vistas i en mångkulturell verksamhet. / The purpose of the study is to investigate how staff works with collaboration and how the caretakers describe the interaction between home and preschool on three multicultural activities. The purpose and research question is to find out how staff and caretakers relate to collaboration work in preschool. According to the revised curriculum (Lpfö98/2010) the pre-school should provide caretakers involvement and influence in interaction with the individual family needs. We have through qualitative interviews asked staff and caretakers what they think is important for a good collaboration. The survey was conducted by means of conscious open-ended questions followed by supplementary questions. The results between staff and caretakers have been compared to take part of both staff and caretakers perspectives on collaboration. The results of the survey show that the majority of staff and caretakers have a clear picture of what collaboration is for them and gave during the interviews interesting proposals on forms of collaboration and what it means for them. The result showed that the overall form of cooperation was the daily contact that proved to be the most valued form of cooperation between home and preschool. Participants in the survey said that the daily contact was the most important because it was seen as a quick and easy way to be able to both give and receive information on the individual child's stay in preschool. The study aims to contribute to a practical knowledge production for people who work and participate in the multicultural activities. / <p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p><p></p>

This thesis argues that to take into account only liberal interpretations of multicultural dilemmas would be insufficient and unrealistic in assessing the claims of justice for ethnocultural diversity. The current liberal approach as offered by Will Kymlicka is a good beginning for ethnic conflict management. However, his theory is marked by a number of limitations due to the fact that he operates only with the principles and norms of liberal institutions. In modern multiculturally constituted democracies, the presence and constant increase of cultural diversity challenges the self-understanding of liberal democracy. Kymlicka's liberal theory of multiculturalism has been challenged by several political theorists, who emphasize the insufficiency of his approach due its reliance on liberal readings of ethnic conflicts. [from Introduction, p. [1]]

South Africa is no longer trapped in an apartheid era and is now perceived as a multinational state, implying that not only the composition of labour forces have changed, but all other institutions have developed into being more representative of all races. Thus whilst the workplace demographics are rapidly changing, more individuals are preparing themselves to enter the workplace. As a result more diverse cultures also prevail within hostels of higher educational institutions. The objectives of this study were to investigate individual preferences in terms of acculturation strategies as utilised by students in hostels of a higher education institution. Another important objective was to understand the effect of acculturation strategies has on the general well-being and health of individuals. In order to achieve these objectives, Berry's bi-directional Acculturation Model, as well as the Interactive Acculturation Model was used. A cross-sectional survey design with an availability sample (N = 245) was used, taken from hostel students of 3 higher education institution in South Africa. The questionnaire consisted of various items on the acculturation scale, as well as a biographical questionnaire. Descriptive statistics, factor analyses, Cronbach alpha coefficients, MANOVAs, Multiple Regression Analysis, and Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were used to analyse the data. The results pointed out that females preferred Separation or Assimilation, while males preferred Integration as acculturation strategy. Female hostels preferred Separation as acculturation strategy and male hostels preferred Integration as acculturation strategy. Acculturation strategies in terms of race showed that White groups preferred integration and African groups preferred Separation. Regarding the effect that acculturation strategies have on health, males experienced high levels of physical health problems. Recommendations were made for further research. / Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007

Terrorist events in Britain in recent years indicate that some British Muslims do not view their lives through a domestic lens; that is, they do not embrace British norms and values. Instead, they identify with a global Muslim community in a radical way. This thesis explains what is fueling the rise of pan-Islamism in Britain. For many Muslims, their religious identity is stronger than their British identity because they are alienated from the rest of society. The alienation is generated by poor socioeconomic conditions; and discrimination, racism and Islamophobia. The most important source of alienation, however, is the perception that British foreign policy in Muslim lands is leading to oppression and killing of their Muslim brothers and sisters. Alienation would not necessarily translate into mobilization and action was it not for radical leaders of the domestic Islamist community who were able to exploit protections provided by liberal British laws and traditions. These men inspired the alienated to adopt their pan-Islamist ideology.

In multicultural societies people with different cultures and values meet, and value conflicts naturally arise. To handle such value conflicts is an increasingly important, yet challenging, task for public administration. This study aims at increasing the understanding of how civil servants approach existing value conflicts, as well as their discretion to handle this. The study is based on qualitative interviews with public officials in the municipality of Örebro. Those interviewed for this study are either social workers or heads of various units within the social services. The analysis is based on the interviewees perceptions and experiences, interpreted with help of a theoretical framework including various approaches to value conflicts. The essay concludes that officials aim at treating all individuals equally, regardless of cultural background. The results also show that in certain situations, where coercive legislation is applied, the officials' room for maneuver is rather limited.