Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:56:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almendra.pdf: 8997695 bytes, checksum: 1e3a7d4092ded783206ebdf52c7dd5dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-11 / The agony and the insecurity generated by the violence can not be solved exclusively by the police presence, or purely and simply for the truculent and intimidated action of the police agent. We need to abandon repressive and punitive practical considered inefficient and not capable, in favor of more effectiveness actions that privilege the distributive system of properties, opportunities and power. Impunity of the delicts needs to be finished. According to this perspective, in Campinas Metropolitan Region we are going to note an urban growth completely disordered (particularly in the peripheric poor regions, where clandestine occupations, land divisions and slum quarters represent the commoner format), unemployment of the poorest part of the population and the smaller level of education, exaggerated concentration of the rich people in the hands of a small part of the population (creating a social contrast extremely accentuated), lack of assistencial and urban structure that reaches a great part of the poorest peripheric population (point of convergence (meeting) of various highways), complemented with a high acquisitive power (in terms of Brazil) of the population. These factors, in its conjunct, become the Region an attraction center of violence and criminality. In Campinas Metropolitan Region, the Organized Crime, particularly that dedicated branch to the traffic of drugs and weapons find a lucus extremely favorable, because the region is rich and crossing point of important highways connecting to the coast an the North to the South of the country, having penitentiary complexes, besides being a pioneer area o PCC (First Command of The Capital) actuations, presents hegemonic in all its area inside and outside of the penitentiaries. The word of the Traffic in the Region presents similar characteristics of the ones found in Sao Paulo than in Rio de Janeiro. The geographic configuration represented by the relief, better transit condition in Campinas peripheral areas, facilitates the escapement of the trafficker ant the blitz moments. We don t find in the Region serious rivalries among factions because the hegemony was conquered by the PCC, that acts much more as a franchise firm, asking for the associated traffickers protection and logistic support (supplying weapons, vehicles and judicial protection as the dono of areas or boca de trafico . They act inside an eminently enterprise structure, the reason why it will have to be more studied by the economists inside a Criminal Economy . It doesn t exist a clear assistance by outlaws in relation to the population because the Silent Law is more guaranteed by the violence than by the relations of complicity, assistance and protection. About all the other characteristics, proper of the organization of the space by the Traffic, we are going to find them in the Campinas Metropolitan Region, since is an area of important influence of the city of Sao Paulo, the reason why any public politics of combat and prevention to the violence and criminality will have to be, before everything, integrated with similar politics for all there regions. If urgent measures were not adopted to try to control the violence and the criminality in the Region, in few year we will have situations extremely complicated for life quality, crack seems to be the drug that is going to have terrify increase, especially with the presence of the super-crack cheaper and devastator / A angústia e insegurança geradas pela violência não podem ser solucionadas exclusivamente pela presença policial, ou, pura e simplesmente, pela ação truculenta e intimidatória do agente policial. Precisamos abandonar as práticas repressivas e punitivas, consideradas ineficientes e pouco eficazes, em favor de práticas mais atuantes que privilegiem o sistema distributivo de bens, oportunidades e poder. A impunidade dos delitos precisa acabar. Dentro dessa perspectiva, na Região Metropolitana de Campinas vamos perceber um crescimento urbano completamente desordenado ___particularmente nas regiões periféricas e mais pobres, onde ocupações, loteamentos clandestinos e favelas representam o formato mais comum___, desemprego de grande parcela da população mais pobre e de menor nível de escolaridade, concentração exagerada da riqueza nas mãos de uma parte pequena da população ___gerando um contraste social extremamente acentuado___, falta de infra-estrutura urbana e assistencial ___que atinge grande parte da população periférica mais pobre___, além da localização estratégica da cidade. Na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, o Crime Organizado, particularmente aquele ramo dedicado ao tráfico de drogas e armas, encontra um lócus extremamente favorável, visto ser a região rica, entroncamentos de rodovias importantes ligando o interior ao litoral e o Norte ao Sul do país, tendo vários complexos penitenciários, além de ser uma área pioneira de atuação do PCC Primeiro Comando da Capital, que se apresenta hegemônico em toda a sua área, dentro e fora dos presídios. O mundo do tráfico na Região apresenta características mais próximas daquelas encontradas em São Paulo que do Rio de Janeiro, graças à geografia local, ao tipo de relação entre as facções do tráfico local, ao tipo de relação entre o tráfico e a população, além da proximidade entre Campinas e a capital do estado. De fato, a configuração geográfica, representada pelo relevo, oferece melhores condições de trânsito nas áreas periféricas campineiras, facilita a fuga dos traficantes em momentos de blitz. Na Região não encontramos rivalidades sérias entre facções, visto a hegemonia ter sido conquistada pelo PCC, que age muito mais como empresa de franquia, cobrando dos associados traficantes proteção e apoio logístico (fornecimento de armas, veículos e proteção judicial), que como dona de áreas ou bocas de tráfico. Age dentro de uma estrutura eminentemente empresarial, razão pela qual deveria ser mais bem estudada pelos economistas dentro de uma Economia Criminal. Não existe um assistencialismo claro por parte dos bandidos em relação à população, sendo que a lei do silêncio é muito mais garantida pela violência que propriamente por relações de cumplicidade, assistencialismo e proteção. No que tange a todas as outras características, próprias da organização do espaço pelo tráfico, vamos encontrá-las na Região Metropolitana de Campinas, visto ser uma área de influência marcante da cidade de São Paulo, razão pela qual qualquer política pública de combate e prevenção à violência e criminalidade deverá ser, antes de tudo, integrada com políticas semelhantes para todas essas regiões. Se não forem adotadas medidas urgentes para se tentar controlar a violência e a criminalidade na Região, dentro de poucos anos teremos situações extremamente complicadas para a sua qualidade de vida: o crack parece ser a droga que mais proximamente vai ter um aumento assustador, particularmente com a presença do supercrack , muito mais barato e devastador

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Felipe de Oliveira Faustino.pdf: 1185224 bytes, checksum: ed9d77d9984a3bf861a2a2fe42532a89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-07 / The matter of this research is the investigation on the look and intellectual speech from whom analyzed the capoeira in the historical period 1885-1910, charactering it as crime foreknown in law, posterior projecting it as national fight, understood as civilized sport. This study will provide the reveal very important discussions to the varietal cream of society on practical and learning from capoeira universe, as well as whitening issue from art-fight. I believe that the intellectual group from the period embraced were the responsible for the cultural assimilation from the whitening capoeira practice, transforming it in an activity based on notions like civilization, modernization and patterns, distant to the afro-descendent cultural universe where the capoeira was born. I utilized the published books by the intellectual as historic fonts; as well the periodic press that divulgated and painted the capoeira as the look and speech originated on the dominant groups, compare on the search to look for equals or differencing points of view. To the end of this research, I could identify the change on treatment and even on the divulgation of capoeira, as been presented as civilized sport, turning it away from the trickery from the old capoeira players, back from the slavery period / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi investigar o olhar e o discurso dos intelectuais que analisaram a capoeira no período 1885-1910, caracterizando-a como crime previsto em lei, posteriormente projetando-a como luta nacional, entendida como esporte civilizado. Esta pesquisa possibilitará realizar importantes discussões junto aos diversos grupos de capoeira atualmente, uma vez que ainda questiona-se o papel dos grupos elitizados no universo da prática e ensino da capoeira, bem como a questão do branqueamento da arte-luta. Acredito que os intelectuais do período abrangido foram os responsáveis pela assimilação cultural da prática da capoeira branqueando-a, tornando-a assim uma atividade baseada em noções como civilização, modernização e padrão, alheias ao universo cultural afro-descendente, do qual a capoeira nasceu. Utilizei como fontes históricas os livros publicados pelos intelectuais, bem como a imprensa periódica que divulgava e retratava a capoeira conforme o olhar e o discurso hegemônicos originados nos grupos dominantes, comparando-os na busca por pontos em comum e/ou divergentes. Ao término da pesquisa, pude identificar a mudança no tratamento e na própria divulgação da capoeira, sendo apresentada como esporte civilizado, desligando-a da prática da malandragem dos capoeiras antigos, do período da escravidão

The main concern of the thesis is the ability of the media to construct the image of criminals and it is demonstrated on the case of Jiří Kajínek. Criminality is a special topic most of the population has no personal experience with, and, therefore, they have to rely completely on the information offered by media. Jiří Kajínek is the most famous czech prisoner and, in its practical part, the thesis tries to explore the way the publicistic titles presented his case to public in 2010. Most of the examined titles takes Kajínek's side and does not offer balanced information regarding the case. This partiality is reflected mainly in the way of signification associated with Kajínek, in the framing and in the form of particular articles. The thesis then observes the influence of the Kajínek movie on his media presentment and its development. It focuses at the amount of media space given as well as at the way of the representation itself. Differences in both aspects have been found in particular titles.

Esta pesquisa, concebida a partir de observações e dados coletados ao longo do exercício da função de Psicólogo junto à Penitenciária Feminina do Butantã, se propõe ao estudo a respeito do encarceramento de mulheres no Estado de São Paulo a partir de 1950 e, mais especificamente, de mulheres encarceradas nesta unidade prisional, em regimes fechado e semi-aberto, no período entre os anos de 2001 e 2002. A pesquisa busca identificar variáveis individuais e coletivas em relação às mulheres encarceradas, bem como fazer uma descrição da práxis de uma unidade prisional destinada ao encarceramento de mulheres. Considera-se neste estudo, a importância da visibilidade da questão da mulher encarcerada no âmbito das políticas públicas; a importância da execução penal especial para a mulher, alternativas de aplicação de penas, voltadas principalmente às pessoas que cometeram infrações, delitos e crimes que não envolvam atos de violência, além de problematizar a respeito da intervenção, reabilitação, reintegração e prevenção, visando contribuir minimamente para ações voltadas à diminuição da cultura da violência, da intolerância, da exclusão, da reincidência, da vulnerabilidade social e carcerária das mulheres. / This work, conceived from comments and data collected throughout the exercise and professional performance, if considers to the study regarding the imprisonment of women in the state of São Paulo from 1950 and more specifically, of women jailed in the Feminine Prison of the closed Butantã in regimes and half-open, in the period it enters the years of 2001 and 2002. Search to identify individual and collective variable in relation to the jailed women, as well as a description of the institutional dynamics and praxis of a prisional unit destined to the imprisonment of women. It is considered in this study, the importance of the visibility of the question of the woman jailed in the scope of the public politics; the importance of special the criminal execution for the woman, the alternatives of application of penalties, directed mainly to the people who had committed infractions, offence and crimes that do not involve violence acts, beyond think forms of how to the intervention, whitewashing, reintegration and prevention, aiming at to contribute a little beat toward actions come back to the reduction of the culture of the violence, the intolerance, the exclusion, the relapse, the social and jail vulnerability of the women.

This thesis presents an analysis of crime trends and social control during the dramatic transformation of Sweden's social landscape in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, set against the background of the modernization process in the country as a whole and the city of Sundsvall and environs in particular. What assumptions about crime were evident in public debate? How did crime levels vary from region to region, and what were the changes over time? What strategies did government and local authorities try for combating crime? Did the joint efforts by government, local communities, and the voluntary sector actually solve the problems that social change was believed to have caused?When it comes to theory, the interpretative framework is based on Anthony Giddens's argument about modernity and modernization, making particular use of a few central points about what the changes meant for the structuration of society. Giddens's ideas about changes in social control are refined with Michel Foucault's and David Garland's work on the increasingly disciplinary trend seen in the exercise of the law and public control. The analysis of modernity's ramifications for the transformation of both social structures and crime alike has also benefitted from Robert Putnam's and Travis Hirschi's insights into the importance of social capital and social bonds for a well-functioning, low-crime society.The process by which Sweden was transformed from an overwhelmingly agrarian country to an urban, industrial society left its mark on crime patterns. To the contemporary mind, industrialization, migration, and urbanization were the underlying causes of the high levels of serious crime in the society. The start of the nineteenth century had seen a rise in criminality, with both petty crime and lethal violence becoming more common. At the same time, there was a heated debate about the socio-economic problems that were such a strain on the structure of society. The analysis finds that there were large differences in prosecutions in the country and between cities. The Sundsvall area was among those that saw a dramatic change in crime in the course of becoming a major industrial region. At the same time, the thesis shows that there were plenty of cities in Sweden, however rapidly they grew, that had low crime rates. However, the widespread fear of industrialization, migration, and urbanization was often unfounded. For example, both lethal violence and public order offences reached their lowest recorded levels in the interwar period. By then, new cures were sought for the social and moral ills of society. The state's sphere of influence had expanded. New social reforms, including a modified crime policy, were launched. The state became even more assertive, and the same was true of civil society. Society would attend to the moral education of a number of different groups. Moral virtues were to be instilled in the workshy, alcoholic, or criminal, in order to produce disciplined and cultured citizens. The attention of social activists, the scientific community, civil servants, and local and national politicians shifted from crime per se to the far broader issue of asociality. Modernization gave the voluntary sector a significant role in the social organization of the day, shaping new forums for interpersonal relationships and strengthening social ties. The thesis makes the case that two distinct periods, each with its specific social structures and crime patterns, can be observed; one belonging to the nineteenth century, the other to the first four decades of the twentieth century.Finally, the similarities between the history of crime in Sweden and, for example, the US or the UK are highlighted. As in Britain and North America, the early industrialization period saw weakened social bonds, and a time of greater violence and disorder ensued. After a while however, the situation stabilized, and crime rates began to drop again. When industrial societies ceased to be 'frontier communities' at the forefront of modernization, and instead became more mature communities, crime levels fell as people's commitment to their communities was renewed.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

In this work author is analysing problematics of determination of legal consciousness as a category of criminology. This objective is being achieved through examination of the characteristics of legal consciousness, the impact of sociostructure of legal consciousness on legal reality and its functional features through interaction with legal reality; causality of social origin of legal consciousness and problematics of the complex of factors causing criminality; importance of legal consciousness in the process of socialization of an individual and in the mechanism of criminal behaviour; the place of which legal consciousness is undertaking in the system of features of criminogenical personality. Seeking to prove that the legal consciousness of a criminogenical personality is deformed, an empirical research in the form of a questionnaire „Female criminal behaviour and their legal consciousness“ was undertaken in the Panevėžys Penitentiary. By generalizing the results of the research made, author has established that the legal consciousness of majority of women, behaving in a criminal way, were inclined in legal nihilism - they were neglecting social and personal value of law and seeing it as a poor regulator of social relations.

Cette thèse vise à étudier les rapports professionnels noués par les policiers et les gendarmes en matière de police judiciaire et de maintien de l'ordre durant la période 1870-1914, dans l’ensemble de la France, y compris le département de la Seine. Les relations envisagées concernent donc les policiers de la Sûreté générale – police spéciale des chemins de fer et brigades mobiles de police judiciaire, ainsi que les policiers municipaux – notamment ceux de la préfecture de police à Paris – avec les gendarmes des brigades départementales – dont ceux de la compagnie de la Seine – ainsi que les gardes républicains.La compréhension de ces relations, en termes de complémentarité ou de rivalité, passe par la mise en perspective des profils sociaux des gendarmes et des policiers observés pour tenter d’analyser les éléments individuels qui peuvent influencer leurs rapports professionnels. La description des pratiques entre policiers et gendarmes implique de remonter aux représentations mutuelles traversant leurs institutions respectives. Les images des gendarmes sur la police et les policiers, et réciproquement, doivent permettre d’apporter des éléments d’explication de la coopération réussie ou, au contraire, de l’échec des collaborations nouées sur le terrain en matière de police judiciaire ou de maintien de l'ordre. Ces représentations sont, notamment, tirées de la lecture des policiers mémorialistes ou des gendarmes pamphlétaires s’exprimant dans leurs presses corporatives respectives. / This doctoral thesis aims at studying the professional relationships established between the police forces and the gendarmes in terms of both judicial police and law enforcement during the 1870-1914 period in France, including the Paris area.The relationships at stake relate to the Sûreté Générale officers-special railway police and judicial police mobile squads as well as municipal police-officers especially those from the Paris Prefecture de Police (main areas police headquarters), with the Department brigade gendarmes, including those of the Seine company, and also the Republican Guard.Understanding this relationship, in terms of both complementing and opposing, may only result from putting in perspective the social profiles of the gendarmes and police-officers we have focused on, so as to try to single out the individual elements that may influence their professional relationships. Describing the different ways the police-officers and gendarmes worked impels us to go back to the ways those two institutions perceived each other during various periods. Taking into account the way gendarmes perceived police-officers, and vice versa, enables one to explain why the relationship established in the field either succeeded or failed, as far as judicial policing or law enforcement were concerned. The information relating to the way they pictured one another mainly comes from the reading of memoirs written by some police-officers as well as pamphlets written by some gendarmes as expressed in their respective presses.

Esta pesquisa tem como principal objeto de estudo os repertórios de ação e mobilização utilizados durante e ao redor da Ocupação da Câmara de Vereadores de Porto Alegre (10-18 de julho de 2013). A partir da experiência etnográfica e do engajamento militante no Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Público, busca-se compreender de que formas o Bloco se organizou e quais são os valores que nortearam esta organização. Ao mesmo tempo, atenta-se para os sujeitos responsáveis por essas práticas e por esses meios, procurando identificar as redes sociais que os aproximam e suas trajetórias de vida. Assembleias, atos, comissões, ocupações, redes sociais e cine-debates servem para analisar as disputas dentro do Bloco de Lutas e ao redor da Ocupação da Câmara de Vereadores de Porto Alegre. É priorizado o recorte etnográfico e o diálogo com outros autores que pensam as práticas de governo e os sentidos das políticas nesses tempos e nesses espaços. Finalmente, identificam-se as divergências estratégicas como o principal problema do Bloco, as ocupações como uma forma de ação coletiva integral e a potencialidade da antropologia pública e das camadas de autoria. / This research has as its main object of study the repertoires of action and mobilization used in and around the Occupation of the City Council of Porto Alegre (10-18 July 2013). From the ethnographic experience and militant engagement in the Fight Block for Public Transportation, we seek to understand what this Block was organized like, and what values are the ones that guided this organization. Meanwhile, we focused on the subjects responsible for these practices and means, trying to identify social networks that link them and their life trajectories. Meetings, acts, commissions, occupations, social networks and cine-debates served to analyze disputes within the Fight Block and about the Occupation of the City Council of Porto Alegre. It is prioritized the ethnographic research and dialogue with other authors who think government practices and senses of policies in these times and spaces. Finally, it identifies the strategic divergences as the main problem of the Block, the occupations as a form of full collective action and the potential of public anthropology and authory layers.

Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A partir de um estudo etnográfico, pretendemos investigar as representações sobre a gravidez e a maternidade em mulheres que são mães durante o cumprimento da pena na Penitenciária Talavera Bruce, no Rio de Janeiro. Estas mães, que convivem com seus filhos durante seis meses, têm os vínculos interrompidos após o período de amamentação. Todavia, os presídios não são designados para propiciar o vínculo familiar, pois, se pensarmos as prisões como instituições cujas práticas ocorrem à margem da lei e, mais do que isso, que geram atributos estigmatizantes aos sentenciados, é evidente que a presença dessas crianças produz um conflito entre o direito das mesmas ao convívio familiar e as funções punitivas das prisões. / Starting from an ethnographic study, we intend to investigate the maternity of women who become mothers during their confinement to serve their prison sentences in Talavera Bruce Penitentiary in Rio de Janeiro. These mothers, who live together with their children for only six months, have their intimate and affective links broken up after the breast-feeding period. Nevertheless penitentiaries arent designated to provide familiar vinculum, as, if we think prisons like an institution where lawless practices happen, and what is more, if these prisons are places where condemned people are looked at with stigmatizing attributes, its clear that the presence of these children brings about a conflict between their right to familiar relationship and the prison punitive functions.