Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-01-26T20:29:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JessicaCassiaBarbosa_DISSERT.pdf: 1526571 bytes, checksum: ed4faf83a7e7b12d5f3269d828b4ae98 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-29T21:19:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JessicaCassiaBarbosa_DISSERT.pdf: 1526571 bytes, checksum: ed4faf83a7e7b12d5f3269d828b4ae98 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-29T21:19:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JessicaCassiaBarbosa_DISSERT.pdf: 1526571 bytes, checksum: ed4faf83a7e7b12d5f3269d828b4ae98 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07 / Discute-se no presente trabalho o pensamento pol?tico do fil?sofo franc?s Gilles Deleuze (1925 ? 1995), a partir dos conceitos de menor/maior, pois, atrav?s deles, a filosofia de Deleuze produz problem?ticas pertinentes para pensar a pol?tica e suas formas. N?o s? os conceitos de maior/menor, mas o conceito de devir, no modo de devir-menor marca a proposi??o do que poder?amos chamar de uma proposta propriamente deleuziana para a pol?tica. Sendo assim, o objetivo do presente trabalho ? expor a maneira de uma poss?vel pol?tica do devir, e de uma ?tica da luta a ela associada. Estudar o pensamento pol?tico de Deleuze hoje ? n?o abdicar de um pensamento pol?tico que reconhece as singularidades e abra?a a luta pol?tica n?o como revolu??o totalizante, mas como resist?ncia. A an?lise dos conceitos de maior/menor, e do devir na forma de devir-menor mostra-se como proposi??o pol?tica necess?ria no contexto atual. / This work is on the political thought of the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze (1925 ? 1995) taking the concepts of major/minor as starting point, since by them the deleuzian philosophy produces significant approaches to think politics and its forms. Not only the concepts of major/minor, but also the concept of becoming, in the mode of becoming-minor, marks the proposition, as we could tell, a properly deleuzian political philosophy. Thus, this work attempts to expose the possible form of this politics and of a fight ethic associated to it. To study the Deleuze political thought today is not to abdicate of a political thought that recognizes the singularities and embraces the political fight not as a totalizing revolution, but as resistance. The analyses of the concepts of major/minor, and the becoming shows itself as necessary in the political proposal in the present context

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-02-05T22:55:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 HelisamaAndrezaDosSantos_DISSERT.pdf: 3255198 bytes, checksum: 0d9cd67af7052b7cf5f16bca82aed155 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-02-16T21:32:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 HelisamaAndrezaDosSantos_DISSERT.pdf: 3255198 bytes, checksum: 0d9cd67af7052b7cf5f16bca82aed155 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-16T21:32:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HelisamaAndrezaDosSantos_DISSERT.pdf: 3255198 bytes, checksum: 0d9cd67af7052b7cf5f16bca82aed155 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-29 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Os resultados da pesquisa sistematizados nesta an?lise buscaram apreender a articula??o da rede de atendimento socioeducativo, destinada aos adolescentes que cumprem medida socioeducativa de interna??o na regi?o do Serid? do Rio Grande do Norte, especialmente na cidade de Caic?/RN, munic?pio polo dessa regi?o. A realiza??o deste estudo foi impulsionada pelo interesse de desvendar a realidade contradit?ria imposta pelo Estado neoliberal, parco na garantia de direitos, sobretudo, para esses adolescentes, que s?o tidos como autores de atos infracionais e estigmatizados pela sociedade capitalista. A pesquisa ocorreu no per?odo de julho a setembro de 2013, sob uma perspectiva cr?tica, utilizando a an?lise documental e as t?cnicas de observa??o e entrevista junto aos profissionais do Centro Educacional (CEDUC), do Sistema ?nico de Sa?de (SUS) e da Pol?tica Social de Assist?ncia Social e da Secretaria Estadual de Educa??o, que devem compor a rede de atendimento que gravita em torno do Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (SINASE). O ECA e o SINASE definem que a aplica??o das medidas socioeducativas n?o pode ocorrer de forma isolada das pol?ticas p?blicas, tornando-se imprescind?vel a articula??o do sistema com as pol?ticas sociais de assist?ncia social, de educa??o e de sa?de. No entanto, observou-se que a l?gica neoliberal do Estado capitalista tem desenvolvido pol?ticas sociais fragmentadas, desarticuladas, focalistas e superficiais que n?o conseguem efetivar os direitos conquistados para al?m do plano legal. Nessa perspectiva, ? poss?vel afirmar que o cotidiano dos adolescentes pobres do Brasil ? marcado pela a??o do Estado, que visa controlar aqueles que incomodam a ordem do capital, que amea?am a produ??o, o mercado, o consumo e a propriedade privada. Desse modo, s?o promovidas a??es que criminalizam a pobreza e imprimem uma a??o judicial sobre essa express?o da quest?o social, em detrimento de pol?ticas sociais que atendam ?s necessidades reais desses adolescentes. Diante dessa realidade, torna-se necess?rio colocar na pauta do aqui e agora a luta por direitos, objetivando um amplo debate na sociedade que envolva profissionais, pesquisadores e movimentos sociais em prol da viabiliza??o de direitos que vise subsidiar reflex?es e fortalecer formas de enfrentamento dessa problem?tica social. Com as aproxima??es deste estudo, apreendeu-se que a luta por direitos ? a luta por outro projeto de sociedade, para al?m do que est? posto. / The results of the research systematized on this analysis sought apprehend the linkage of the socio-educational service network, destined to adolescents who comply with socioeducational measure of confinement, in the region of the Serid? of the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, especially in the city of Caic?, central town of this region. The achievement of this study was stimulated by the interest in unraveling the contradictory reality imposed by neoliberal State, sparing the guarantee of rights, especially to these teens, who are seen as authors of violations and are stigmatized by capitalist society. The research was carried in the period July-September 2013, under critical perspective, using the documental analysis and the observational techniques and interviews with professionals of the Educational Center (CEDUC), of the Unified Health System (SUS), of the Social Policies of Social Assistance, and of the State Department of Education, which should make the service network that gravitates around the National System of Socio-educational Services (SINASE). The Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) and SINASE define that the application of socioeducational measures cannot occur isolated of the public policies, becoming indispensable the linkages of the system with the social policies of social assistance, education and health. However, it was observed that the neoliberal logic of the capitalist State has developed broken, disconnected, focal and superficial social policies, who fail give effect to the rights acquired beyond the legal sphere. In this perspective, it is possible affirm that the everyday of the Brazilian poor teens is marked by the action of the State, which aims to control those who disturb the order of capital, who threaten the production, the market, the consume and the private property. This way, actions are promoted criminalizing poverty and imprint a legal action over this expression of the social issue to the detriment of social policies that meet the real needs of adolescents. Face of this reality, it becomes necessary to put on the agenda of the here and now to fight for rights, aiming at a broad public debate involving professionals, researchers and social movements in support of the viability of rights, which aims to support reflections and to strengthen ways to confront this social problem. With the approximations of this study, it was learned that the struggle for rights is a fight for another project of society, beyond what is laid.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-03-03T19:52:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DiegoBrenoLealVilela_DISSERT.pdf: 4011387 bytes, checksum: 0bb51bbd82d61921551fa5f551806650 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-07T21:51:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DiegoBrenoLealVilela_DISSERT.pdf: 4011387 bytes, checksum: 0bb51bbd82d61921551fa5f551806650 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-07T21:51:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DiegoBrenoLealVilela_DISSERT.pdf: 4011387 bytes, checksum: 0bb51bbd82d61921551fa5f551806650 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-01 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Esta pesquisa tem por interlocutores grupos de veganos na cidade de Natal, embora tamb?m se reporte a outros contextos de pesquisa como nas cidades de Recife (Pernambuco) e Campina Grande (Para?ba). Movidos por princ?pios ?ticos baseados nos direitos animais, os veganos se recusam a consumir todo e qualquer produto de origem animal. Na medida em que os h?bitos de consumo podem ser tomados como poderosos elementos de identifica??o, a rela??o entre consumo, alimenta??o, identidade e pol?tica constitui uma chave anal?tica importante no desenvolvimento deste trabalho. A quest?o te?rica que se persegue no presente trabalho, ? saber como o discurso vegano (de car?ter abolicionista) ganha forma e se materializa em a??es, manifesta??es e mobiliza??o pol?tica. Para tanto, me proponho a construir uma etnografia das atividades que esses sujeitos realizaram coletivamente, tanto as de car?ter mais l?dico como a realiza??o de piqueniques, quanto aquelas de car?ter reivindicat?rio como s?o as manifesta??es pol?ticas em locais p?blicos. / This research has vegan groups in the city of Natal-RN as interlocutors, although I also report to other research contexts, such as those located in the cities of Recife (Pernambuco State) and Campina Grande (Para?ba State). Moved by ethical principles based on animal rights, vegans refuse to consume any product with animal origin. To the extent that consumption habits can be considered powerful elements of identification, the relationship between consumption, food, identity, and politics is an important analytical key in the development of this work. As my main theoretical question, I follow the ways by which the vegan discourse (of abolitionist character) takes shape and materializes into actions, demonstrations and political mobilization. Therefore, I aim to present an ethnography of activities performed collectively by these individuals, such as those of a more ludic character (picnics, etc.) as well as those more politically oriented, especially protests and demonstrations in public places.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-04-22T22:38:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ArlanEloiLeiteDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1755893 bytes, checksum: c86567cd082afdf2bf967a5cf6fe0b25 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-22T22:55:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ArlanEloiLeiteDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1755893 bytes, checksum: c86567cd082afdf2bf967a5cf6fe0b25 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-22T22:55:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArlanEloiLeiteDaSilva_DISSERT.pdf: 1755893 bytes, checksum: c86567cd082afdf2bf967a5cf6fe0b25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-19 / O estudo objetiva analisar o processo da publicidade do crime no per?odo p?s-Segunda Guerra Mundial no Brasil, considerando o jornal Tribuna do Norte como um dos principais vetores dessa produ??o na esfera p?blica do Rio Grande do Norte. A discuss?o te?rica reuniu os soci?logos J?rgen Habermas e John Thompson, entre outros, os quais lan?am ideias sobre a rela??o da imprensa com o espa?o p?blico. O recorte compreende de 1950, ano de funda??o do peri?dico, a 1970, no contexto do AI-5. Esse per?odo assinalou a consolida??o do referido ve?culo de comunica??o na conjuntura do populismo de Alu?zio Alves, bem como sua articula??o com as mudan?as pol?ticas antes e depois do golpe militar de 1964. A publicidade do crime ? buscada como uma constru??o hist?rica, envolvendo procedimentos jornal?sticos, sujeitos e espa?os. A publicidade compreende quest?es comerciais e pol?ticas quando determinados acontecimentos s?o transformados em um evento p?blico. Nesse sentido, o foco desta pesquisa ? a publicidade em sua dimens?o pol?tica. Quanto ? metodologia, trata-se de um estudo emp?rico, de ordem documental e de base qualitativa, com abordagem descritiva e interpretativista, conforme a historiadora T?nia de Luca. O corpus de an?lise foi composto de notas, manchetes, not?cias, reportagens, propagandas comerciais, textos imag?ticos, entre outros g?neros. Os cap?tulos re?nem o estudo sobre as constru??es e transforma??es do jornalismo populista; a publicidade do crime em tempos democr?ticos; al?m de o golpe militar de 1964 e as transforma??es da publicidade do crime. Os resultados da an?lise revelam que a Tribuna do Norte, embora tenha adotado modelos mais liberais da imprensa norte-americana, permaneceu, durante esse recorte, contemporizando com padr?es conservadores e autorit?rios dos velhos impressos potiguares. Quanto ? pr?tica pol?tica, apesar dos interesses mercadol?gicos diversos, foi elemento importante na trajet?ria desse jornalismo amb?guo, inclusive influenciando, de maneira significativa, as confec??es da not?cia de crime. / The study aims to analyze the crime of the advertising process in the post-World War II period in Brazil, considering the Tribuna do Norte newspaper as one of the main vectors of this production in the public sphere of Rio Grande do Norte. The theoretical discussion is based on sociologists J?rgen Habermas and John Thompson, among others, that bring ideas about the relationship between the press and the public space. Our research in the journal is during the period from 1950, the year of the creation of this press, to 1970, in the context of AI-5 law. This period is considered the consolidation of this periodic in the populist context of Alu?zio Alves, as well as the articulation with political changes after and before military coup in 1964. The publicity of crime is showed as a historical building, involving journalistic procedures, subjects and spaces. The publicity is related to commercial and political questions when some facts turned into a public event. In this sense, this research focuses on the publicity in its political dimensions. Related to the methodology, it is an empirical and qualitative study, based on literature, with a descriptive and interpretative approach, according to historian T?nia de Luca. The corpus of analyze is composed by notes, titles, news, reports, advertisements, image texts, among another textual genres. The chapters present a study about the building and changes of the populist journalism; the publicity of crime in democratic times; besides the military coup in 1964 and the changes of publicity of crime. The results of analyzes show that Tribuna do Norte, although has adopted more liberal pattern from North American presses, during the analyzed period has yet conservative and authoritative patterns from old potiguar presses. In this period, the political practice, in spite of diverse commercial interests, was an important element in the trajectory of this ambiguous journalism that has influencing, in a significant way, the production of news of crime.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-05-10T22:03:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JanineRodriguesBaltazar_DISSERT.pdf: 4372707 bytes, checksum: 64c0f0ab8cf537c76256674d54e1a7e0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-16T21:59:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JanineRodriguesBaltazar_DISSERT.pdf: 4372707 bytes, checksum: 64c0f0ab8cf537c76256674d54e1a7e0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-16T21:59:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JanineRodriguesBaltazar_DISSERT.pdf: 4372707 bytes, checksum: 64c0f0ab8cf537c76256674d54e1a7e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-21 / As normativas legais de crian?as e adolescentes t?m acarretado mudan?as de paradigmas institucionais, principalmente no cumprimento das diretrizes trazidas pelo Estatuto da Crian?a e do Adolescente (1990) e pela Lei Org?nica da Assist?ncia Social (LOAS), as quais imp?em a excepcionalidade e a provisoriedade no acolhimento de crian?as e adolescentes em institui??es, priorizando a implementa??o de Pol?ticas de apoio a fam?lia tendo o Estado ? atribui??o de fornecer ?s mesmas as condi??es m?nimas para que possam exercer suas responsabilidades parentais. Por?m, ainda encontramos grande n?mero de adolescentes que permaneceram sob a responsabilidade do Estado durante muito tempo e com a chegada ? maioridade s?o ?desligados? dos servi?os de acolhimento. ? diante dessa realidade que o estudo tem o objetivo central de analisar o processo de desligamento e as perspectivas vivenciadas pelos adolescentes acolhidos no Programa Aldeias Infantis SOS de Natal diante dos marcos legais dos direitos da crian?a e do adolescente. / The legal normative for children and adolescents have caused institutional paradigm shifts, especially in meeting the guidelines brought by the Child and Adolescent (ECA-1990) and the Organic Law of Social Assistance (LOAS -1993), which require the exceptionality and tentativeness in childcare and adolescents in institutions. These measures require the implementation of policies supporting the family with the state to provide attribution to the same minimum conditions to beable to exercise their parental responsibilities. However, we still find a large number of adolescents who remain under the responsibility of the state for a long time and with their coming of age are "off" of care services. The study had the objective of analyzing the shutdown process of this reality, the experienced and the future perspectives of adolescents received at the SOS Children's Villages Program in the city of Natal, the legal rights of children and adolescents and the intervention of the Institution preparation for shutdown. The research was conducted through a literature review, documentary, photographic, field diary and focus groups conducted between March and April 2012, with eight (8) adolescents aged 15-18 years of age received at the Institution, reference to the quantitative-qualitative approach, trying to analyze the mediations that stand between the subject and the social context. The results indicate that the long-time host prevents them to know their life story and identity, but also produces the breaking of emotional bonds with their families. The shutdown process of the institution is based on the development of individual skills, citizenship, education and technical / vocational. The study highlights that it is difficult to insert teenagers in the labor market due to the precariousness of basic educational and vocational institution in which few have access. There has been also a lack of critical awareness of adolescents experienced in relation to the context and the role of the state. Some study data let conclude that the Corporate Hospitality Services are far from achieving the goals which they propose to, as what relates to the future of children and adolescents and those particular form objectives, that do not compete them, but rather the state. Even if we comply with what dictates the Statute of Children and Adolescents in reporting to their right to shelter, it is hardly thinkable if we consider that ties with their families of origin are in general lost.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-05-10T22:42:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FernandaDaCostaCortes_DISSERT.pdf: 4074687 bytes, checksum: 47dbe5006d791e93cf19b2fd8396e7f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-17T22:32:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FernandaDaCostaCortes_DISSERT.pdf: 4074687 bytes, checksum: 47dbe5006d791e93cf19b2fd8396e7f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-17T22:32:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FernandaDaCostaCortes_DISSERT.pdf: 4074687 bytes, checksum: 47dbe5006d791e93cf19b2fd8396e7f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho tem como objetivo problematizar o papel do conhecimento antropol?gico no ?mbito do debate realizado em uma audi?ncia p?blica deflagrada em virtude de uma reportagem publicada pela revista Veja em maio de 2010, denominada "A Farra da Antropologia Oportunista". O objetivo ? compreender de que forma a antropologia est? sendo percebida no atual cen?rio brasileiro de investimento em pol?ticas de reconhecimento ?tnico e inclus?o social. Como ela vem atuando? Quais as dificuldades encontradas para a aplica??o deste conhecimento frente ?s demandas reais que lhe diz respeito? O que se constatou como resultado da an?lise estabelecida neste trabalho foi uma tentativa de invalida??o do saber antropol?gico na medida em que este opera como facilitador na garantia de direitos, especialmente os que dizem respeito ao acesso ? terra por minorias ?tnicas.Por este motivo, tamb?m ? argumentado a antropologia como ci?ncia e os par?metros utilizados por ela para estabelecer suas an?lises.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-07-08T20:36:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AntonimariaBandeiraDeFreitasOliveira_DISSERT.pdf: 1482296 bytes, checksum: d94b6f181760b5fbed67d34a87ebcef5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-07-11T18:39:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AntonimariaBandeiraDeFreitasOliveira_DISSERT.pdf: 1482296 bytes, checksum: d94b6f181760b5fbed67d34a87ebcef5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-11T18:39:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AntonimariaBandeiraDeFreitasOliveira_DISSERT.pdf: 1482296 bytes, checksum: d94b6f181760b5fbed67d34a87ebcef5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-04 / Estudos apontam que o tema das rela??es de g?nero no interior do MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) vem incorporando, no conjunto dos seus discursos e pr?ticas cotidianas, algumas discuss?es de orienta??o feminista. Diante disso, o presente estudo objetivou investigar a produ??o de sentidos sobre a milit?ncia pol?tica de mulheres vinculadas ao MST no Rio Grande do Norte. Os objetivos espec?ficos buscaram identificar as perman?ncias e rupturas em rela??o ao papel feminino no ?mbito familiar das mulheres militantes e investigar o posicionamento discursivo das militantes em torno do trabalho. O estudo configura-se como uma pesquisa qualitativa, onde nesta participaram seis mulheres militantes vinculadas ao MST no RN. Estas ocupam as fun??es de coordena??o ou lideran?a no movimento. Utilizamos como instrumento de acesso ao fen?meno a entrevista semi estruturada, orientadas inicialmente por quest?es disparadoras que inclu?am, dentre outras, as dimens?es: milit?ncia pol?tica, fam?lia e trabalho. Os discursos foram analisados a partir de uma categoriza??o inicial, tomando por base os eixos norteadores: milit?ncia, fam?lia e trabalho. Os sentidos da milit?ncia apontam para: contribui??o, esperan?a, reconhecimento, transforma??o, conscientiza??o e luta. Os resultados evidenciam que h? sempre em jogo um discurso de positiva??o da vida, das conquistas por meio do processo de forma??o pol?tica e de um novo lugar enquanto mulher. Estes v?m justificados pelo investimento coletivo de luta, n?o s? pelo acesso ? terra, mas por conquistas de direitos sociais. Por fim, o MST se interp?e como um agenciamento discursivo que contribui para produzir nessas mulheres n?o apenas vias ao exerc?cio da participa??o pol?tica, mas do exerc?cio enquanto sujeitos coletivos. / Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant?s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-07-25T20:09:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EmanuellyMedeirosBezerra_DISSERT.pdf: 1290355 bytes, checksum: f2dbd9f2f216f580028f49b160a6dacf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-01T21:02:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 EmanuellyMedeirosBezerra_DISSERT.pdf: 1290355 bytes, checksum: f2dbd9f2f216f580028f49b160a6dacf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-01T21:02:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EmanuellyMedeirosBezerra_DISSERT.pdf: 1290355 bytes, checksum: f2dbd9f2f216f580028f49b160a6dacf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-11 / Esta pesquisa trata-se de uma avalia??o pol?tica da interpreta??o que o SENAC/RN faz do PRONATEC explicitando os princ?pios ideol?gicos, objetivos e teorias que s?o reproduzidas e refor?adas por essa institui??o atrav?s da forma??o profissional oferecida pelo programa. Buscamos desvelar os aspectos ideol?gicos que fundamentam a interpreta??o que o SENAC faz do PRONATEC e apontar a quais interesses concretos esses aspectos correspondem. Partimos da hip?tese provis?ria de que a transfer?ncia da responsabilidade do p?blico para o privado na execu??o do PROANTEC precariza a forma??o, fortalece a dualidade estrutural e subordina o programa aos interesses ideol?gicos, pol?ticos e econ?micos da institui??o privada. O caminho metodol?gico escolhido para nosso estudo avaliativo foi o estudo de caso ?nico. Como fonte de dados utilizamos levantamentos bibliogr?ficos, documentos oficiais do PRONATEC e do SENAC, discursos e dados sobre o programa e entrevistas. Ao final da pesquisa apresentam-se elementos que demonstram certa ?flexibiliza??o? do Pronatec aos interesses do SENAC, oferecendo uma forma??o profissional aligeirada para o trabalho, via de regra, sem rela??o com a educa??o proped?utica, focando na necessidade de adapta??o e consenso dos trabalhadores em torno de um projeto de sociedade. Neste sentido, o Pronatec, financiado com verba p?blica, ? usado pelo SENAC para se fortalecer no mercado da educa??o profissional e para constru??o hegem?nica neoliberal legitimando e criando consenso em torno desse modelo de sociedade. / In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC?s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution?s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some ?flexibility? on PRONATEC due to SENAC?s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it?s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-01-13T12:34:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AndreManuelDeOliveiraSalvador_DISSERT.pdf: 3143650 bytes, checksum: afe1900d461e1b83ec5d6784a4651c86 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-01-23T14:38:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AndreManuelDeOliveiraSalvador_DISSERT.pdf: 3143650 bytes, checksum: afe1900d461e1b83ec5d6784a4651c86 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-23T14:38:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AndreManuelDeOliveiraSalvador_DISSERT.pdf: 3143650 bytes, checksum: afe1900d461e1b83ec5d6784a4651c86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-16 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo desta disserta??o foi estabelecer um di?logo entre arte e pol?tica, a partir dos estudos da performance (COHEN, 1989), (F?RAL, 2014), (SCHECHNER, 2007), (ZUMTHOR, 2007), (PHELAN, 1992). Tomando como hip?tese que as fric??es entre inscri??o (GIL, 2004, 2009, 2014) e n?o-inscri??o que caracterizam o sujeito portugu?s constru?ram o meu percurso art?stico no teatro de metamorfoses imperiais (SLOTERDIJK, 2002). Ou seja, onde o meu corpo surge como espa?o de inscri??o construiu-se um jogo para uma performance de metamorfoses. Para tal, desenvolvi textos autobiogr?ficos que traduzem as metamorfoses vividas tanto em Portugal como Brasil. Incidindo sobretudo no per?odo em que Portugal aderiu ? Zona Euro e ?s manifesta??es ocorridas no Brasil desde a minha chegada. A partir da literatura consultada este contexto de crise foi nomeado como teatro da metamorfoses imperais criando o con(texto) para a performance FENDA - Zonas de Negocia??o Tempor?rias (2016), que se traduz em dois processos de cria??o que desenvolvi ao longo da pesquisa e nas experi?ncias art?sticas, culturais e sociais que vivi em solo brasileiro. O professor Bhabha, entre outros, ajudou-me, antropologicamente, a pensar em modos de organiza??o do espa?o nos pa?ses colonizados e nos pa?ses colonizadores. No jogo que criei na performance, busquei, ent?o, mecanismos para a negociar a diferen?a (BHABHA, 2000), e criar as rela??es de alteridade e o saber que pretendo politizar. / The purpose of this dissertation was to establish a dialog between art and politics, through performance studies (COHEN, 1989), (F?RAL, 2014), (SCHECHNER, 2007), (ZUMTHOR, 2007), (PHELAN, 1992). Assuming as a hypothesis that the frictions between inscription (GIL, 2004, 2009, 2014) and non-inscription that characterize the Portuguese individual make my artistic course in the theatre of imperial metamorphosis (SLOTERDIJK, 2002). Meaning, where my body emerges as a space of inscription it was built a set for a performance of metamorphosis. For such, I?ve developed autobiographical texts that translate the metamorphosis lived both in Portugal as in Brazil. Focusing mostly in the period of Portugal?s adhesion to the Euro Zone and the manifestations occurred in Brazil during my stay. Through consulted literature, this context of crisis was designated as theatre of imperial metamorphosis creating a con(text) for the performance FENDA ? Zonas de Negocia??o Tempor?rias, that translates in two processes of creation that I?ve developed throughout the research and in the artistic, social and cultural experiences that I lived in Brazilian soil. Professor Bhabha, amongst others, helped me anthropologically to think in modes of space organization in colonized and colonizing countries. Therefore in the performative game I have created, I sought mechanisms to negotiate the difference and create the relations of alterity and the knowledge I intend to politicize.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-03-17T19:07:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MuriloBarretoSantana_TESE.pdf: 3120293 bytes, checksum: 99a9628a9a4648ab17a3480f901233be (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-03-17T20:44:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MuriloBarretoSantana_TESE.pdf: 3120293 bytes, checksum: 99a9628a9a4648ab17a3480f901233be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-17T20:44:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MuriloBarretoSantana_TESE.pdf: 3120293 bytes, checksum: 99a9628a9a4648ab17a3480f901233be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-29 / Apesar do crescente interesse no estudo a respeito das governan?as, institui??es e pol?ticas p?blicas, os trabalhos que relacionam os temas costumeiramente est?o ligados ? influ?ncia dos membros e institui??es que comp?em a governan?a sobre a trajet?ria/caracter?sticas da pol?tica. Para al?m dessas an?lises, esta tese visou compreender como a estrutura de governan?a (mercado hierarquia, h?brida) escolhida pelos empres?rios envolvidos no ASPL de Tecnologia da Informa??o na Bahia ? capaz de influenciar determinadas caracter?sticas da pol?tica p?blica PROGREDIR. Como forma de chegar ao objetivo proposto desenvolveu-se os seguintes passos: i) Caracteriza??o das governan?as das empresas no ASPL de TI da Bahia considerando sua estrutura e mecanismos de coordena??o/institui??es empregados; ii) Desenvolvimento da trajet?ria e caracter?sticas do apoio pelo programa PROGREDIR ao ASPL de TI; iii) Analise das poss?veis consequ?ncias da estrutura que comp?e a governan?a das empresas do ASPL de TI sobre as caracter?sticas do apoio concedido pelo programa PROGREDIR. A pesquisa contou com o apoio do arcabou?o te?rico da Nova Economia Institucional (NEI), especificamente na Economia dos Custos de Transa??o (ECT) - nos estudos de Oliver Williamson (1985, 1990, 1996) -, e na abordagem econ?mico-hist?rica da NEI. Por meio de pesquisa de campo (question?rio aplicado junto aos empres?rios), bibliogr?fica e documental (documentos relativos ? pol?tica coletados junto a secretaria respons?vel e ?rg?os de apoio) foi poss?vel chegar aos resultados esperados. Os resultados denotam que, prioritariamente, as governan?as dos empres?rios de TI pesquisados s?o hier?rquicas, apesar da indica??o pelas estruturas h?bridas. Ademais, foram caracterizadas algumas especificidades da pol?tica, por meio da reconstru??o de sua trajet?ria, que demonstraram poss?veis influ?ncias da estrutura de governan?a escolhida sobre as caracter?sticas da pol?tica. Por meio dos resultados apresentados foi poss?vel defender a tese de que a governan?a, n?o apenas por meio de indiv?duos, grupos e institui??es, mas tamb?m pela escolha da estrutura estabelecida, ? capaz de determinar parte das caracter?sticas do apoio concedido ao ASPL de Tecnologia da Informa??o. / Despite the growing interest in the study about the governances, institutions and public policies, papers relating the topics customarily are related to the influence of the members and institutions that make up the governance of the trajectory / features of the policy. In addition to these analyzes, this thesis aimed to understand how the governance structure (market, hierarchy, hybrid) chosen by entrepreneurs involved in the Information Technology cluster in Bahia is able to influence / explain certain characteristics of public policy PROGREDIR in Bahia. In order to reach the proposed objective we have developed the following steps: i) characterization of governances of companies in the IT Bahia ASPL considering its structure and coordination mechanisms / institutions employees; ii) Development of trajectory and features support for the PROGRESS program to the IT ASPL; iii) Analysis of the possible consequences of the structure that makes up the governance of companies in the IT ASPL on the characteristics of the support provided by the PROGREDIR program. The research was supported by the theoretical framework of the New Institutional Economics (NIE), specifically in the Economy of Transaction Costs (ETC) - in studies of Oliver Williamson (1985, 1990, 1996) - and in the economic-historical approach to NIE. Through field research (questionnaire addressed to entrepreneurs), literature and documents (documents relating to with the responsible Secretariat collected policy and support bodies) was possible to reach the expected results. The results show that primarily the governances of surveyed TIC entrepreneurs are hierarchical, despite the indication by the hybrid structures. Moreover, it was characterized some specifics of the policy, by reconstructing its history, which showed possible influences of the governance structure chosen on the characteristics of the policy. Through the presented results it was possible to defend the thesis that governance, not only by individuals, groups and institutions, but also by the choice of the established structure, is able to determine the part of the support characteristics granted to Information Technology cluster.