<p>The aim of this investigation work " What was it called...Equality...? is to study a clinics current gender equailty plan from a gender approach and by a field survey see if, and in that case, how it can be improved. A connection between existing gender norms and gender power strukctures is applied in the results of this survey in order to illustrate their significance from an individual as well as a structural perspektive.</p><p>The survey has been carried through by a field survey as well as a discourse analysis as method. Yvonne Hirdmans gender power system is on of the main theoretical points of departure.</p><p>The results that I have achieved in this essay is that gender can be looked at in different ways within the labour market where women have the main responsibility over the family and are considered more nursing then men. Men on the other hand are thinking of their carriers and have higher salary requirements. Gender rolls and their maintanace are the reason of the existing gender segregation on the labour market. The importance of an increased knowledge of how gender is created and recreated within the organisation are necessary to make a difference and that knowledge are important for men as well as for women.</p>

The study explores how struggles for social justice by Guatemalan and Ecuadorian indigenous peasant movements are affected by ethno-politics (the strategic political use of ethnicity), by using a comparative historical approach incorporating structural change and strategic agency. The analysis revolves around the partly enduring, partly changing oligarchic structures. The choice of the countries rests primarily upon the composition of their respective oligarchic classes. In Guatemala, the despotic agrarian oligarchs have dominated for much of the past century; whereas in Ecuador, the oligarchy was divided into an agrarian and a modernist fraction. Scholars often locate ethnic politicisation in Latin America within the context of a shift from ‘national popular’ and ‘corporatist’ political orders toward political and economic liberalisation. This shift supposedly unleashed ethnic identities which were previously subordinated by the way indigenous communities were politically incorporated. This study shows that dramatic openings for ethnic politicisation in the 1990s occurred where corporatism had been weak and oligarchic structures persisted. But the elites were unable to use ethnicity as a tool for hegemonic control. Due to the oligarchic legacy, class discourses could not be prevented from being reproduced, and ethnic ones were politicised in a way that is dysfunctional to the elites’ effort to politically disarm the rural poor. Another finding is that the persisting influence of the agrarian oligarchy made the Guatemalan movement more focused on the land struggle and more unwilling/unable to integrate into the political arena prescribed by those in control of the state. In Ecuador, the demise of the agrarian oligarchy and the rise of a strong neo-liberal fraction constituted the context within which the movement moved away from the land struggle. It accessed the ethno-political spaces more firmly but resembled the Guatemalan movement in keeping its strategy of mass mobilisation.

The aim of this investigation work " What was it called...Equality...? is to study a clinics current gender equailty plan from a gender approach and by a field survey see if, and in that case, how it can be improved. A connection between existing gender norms and gender power strukctures is applied in the results of this survey in order to illustrate their significance from an individual as well as a structural perspektive. The survey has been carried through by a field survey as well as a discourse analysis as method. Yvonne Hirdmans gender power system is on of the main theoretical points of departure. The results that I have achieved in this essay is that gender can be looked at in different ways within the labour market where women have the main responsibility over the family and are considered more nursing then men. Men on the other hand are thinking of their carriers and have higher salary requirements. Gender rolls and their maintanace are the reason of the existing gender segregation on the labour market. The importance of an increased knowledge of how gender is created and recreated within the organisation are necessary to make a difference and that knowledge are important for men as well as for women.

This thesis analyzes the wavering characteristic of the relations between the United States and the European powers by taking the Iraqi war of 2003 as a case in point. The tension in transatlantic relations that emerged with the US&rsquo / Iraqi invasion in March 2003 is analyzed within the framework of the structural analysis. The broader context of the causes of tension in transatlantic relations is further explored. The US&rsquo / Iraqi invasion has demonstrated us that she wants to reproduce her Middle Eastern policy by having a direct possession over the power structures. This fact led to the opposition of two main European powers, namely France and Germany. Those countries, which might be regarded as constituting the Franco-German axis, have been trying to involve into the US&rsquo / policy of reproducing the power structures. Whether the US is willing to give the Franco-German axis this role is also a key point, which is explored. Furthermore, in the thesis, attempts of the US and the Franco-German axis towards mending the fences in transatlantic relations that have been deteriorated with the Iraqi crisis are analyzed. The thesis seeks to show that the prospects for cooperation in transatlantic relations are an open-ended process due to the fact that there are both existing problems and opportunities for cooperation in transatlantic relations.

In recent years, Sweden has received a huge amount of immigrants and the number of people who have been granted residence permits has been record high. At the same time, the statistics show high unemployment among immigrants and many of them experience ethnic discrimination by not being called to employment interviews. The purpose of this essay is to investigate whether the active measures that oblige the employer to counter discrimination are an adequate measure to break the power structures in the workplace, or if any form of unidentification of job applications should be required to ensure the legal protection in the recruitment process for people with different ethnicity than Swedish. In order to answer the purpose of the essay, the doctrinal method has been used. This method is based on establishing the current law through a systematic and critical interpretation. The material obtained in this essay is further examined through an intersectional perspective based on the power structures in society. The result of the study shows that the method of unidentifying jobapplications can be a reliable complement to the employer’s work with the active measures,as this method ensures that discrimination does not occur during the first recruitment phase and that issues of discrimination and diversity arise through the practice of the method. From there, the employer can focus the active measures on the second phase of recruitment. Furthermore, the study has shown that both the active measures and the method are insufficient to break the power structures in society, but that they together to some extent contributes to this.

Today it is just as important to understand the content on social media platforms as the technology that are being used. With the help of technology the content does not need to be just words but can also be anything from videos to simple symbols. Taboo subjects like dick-pics are often swept under the rug as being too offensive to talk about. But if technology is to keep up with the content even the sensitive subjects need to be understood. Since anyone can send anything to anyone it is important to show how different people react. If the sender of a dick-pic thinks it is amusing, it is important to tell how the receiver may react. It can be a self-representation to send a dick-pic, just to show a new or a hidden side of oneself. It can also be a way to exercise power over another person as well as harassing the receiver with a sexual picture. But a dick-pic could also be just a joke sent to someone and a way of communicating with friends. This is a quantitative research with 120 participants answering a questionnaire which focused on sending and receiving dick-pics and the reason and reaction of sending dick-pics online. The study showed three main reasons for sending dick-pics and the reasons were categorised as following: language online, self-representation and power structures.

Studien är ämnad att kritiskt granska nyhetsrubriker i kvällstidningar i Sverige, ur ett jämställdhetsperspektiv. Rubrikerna som granskas i studien har publicerats digitalt i Aftonbladet och Expressen, med anledningen av att det är Sveriges två största kvällstidningar i tabloidformat (Via TT, 2021). Syftet med den kritiska granskningen är att identifiera om, och i så fall hur, patriarkala maktstrukturer tar sig uttryck i rubrikerna. De patriarkala maktstrukturer som kommer granskas i studien är rollfördelning, ideal brottsofferstatus och skuldbeläggning av offer. Rubrikerna jämförs i sin tur med ingressen, för att kunna säkerställa vilken typ av information kring brottet som har inkluderats, eller exkluderats i rubriken. Det teoretiska ramverket, som kommer användas för att diskutera analysresultatet, består av Hirdmans (1988) definition av könsmaktsordningen samt relevansteorin enligt Sperber och Wilson (2012). Metoden som använts är en kvalitativ textanalys i kombination med en ideologkritisk analysmetod. Analysmallen bygger på van Dijks (1990) definition av en rubriks idealfunktion samt det teoretiska begreppet rollfördelning (van Leeuwen, 1996), kriterierna för ideal brottsofferstatus enligt Christies (1986) och skuldbeläggning av offer (Fisher &amp; Lab, 2010). Baserat på det teoretiska ramverket, som också ligger till grund för analysmallen, har analysfrågor konstruerats och delats upp i tre kategorier. Kategorierna är följande: ”Rubrikens funktion och innehåll”, ”Brottshändelsen” och ”Brottsoffret”. Analysresultatet visar att de patriarkala maktstrukturerna: rollfördelning, ideal brottsofferstatus och skuldbeläggning av brottsoffer återkommer i flera av de nyhetsrubriker som analyserats, om än i olika utsträckning. En majoritet av rubrikerna som granskats beskrev endast delar av brottet, i stället för att ge läsaren en helhetsbild av det som inträffat. Dessutom, angavs det kvinnliga brottsoffret som aktivt i stället för passivt i flertalet av rubrikerna och det förekom även en indirekt skuldbeläggning av det kvinnliga brottsoffret eftersom brottsrubricering saknades, eller den misstänkte manliga förövaren inte nämndes. Resultatet från den här studien, visar att Aftonbladet och Expressen har en bit kvar till en helt jämställd brottsjournalistisk nyhetsrapportering. / The study is intended to critically examine news headlines in evening newspapers in Sweden, from a gender perspective. The headlines examined in the study were published digitally in Aftonbladet and Expressen, since they are Sweden's two largest evening tabloid newspapers (Via TT, 2021). The aim of the critical review is to identify whether, and if so how, patriarchal power structures are expressed in the headlines. The patriarchal power structures that will be examined in the study are role assignment, ideal victim status and victim blaming. The headings will in turn be compared to the preamble, to ascertain what kind of information about the crime has been included or excluded in the heading. The theoretical framework, which will be used to discuss the results of the analysis, consists of Hirdman's (1988) definition of the gender power order and the theory of relevance according to Sperber and Wilson (2012). The method used is a qualitative text analysis combined with an ideology-critical analysis method. The analysis template is based on van Dijk's (1990) definition of the ideal function of a headline as well as the theoretical concept of role division (van Leeuwen, 1996), the criteria of ideal victim status according to Christie's (1986) and victim blaming (Fisher &amp; Lab, 2010). Based on the theoretical framework, which also forms the basis of the analysis template, analysis questions were constructed and divided into three categories. The categories are “Function and content of the rubric”, “The crime event” and “The crime victim”. The results of the analysis show that the patriarchal power structures of role distribution, ideal victim status and victim blaming are reflected in several of the news headlines analysed, albeit to varying degrees. Most of the headlines examined described only parts of the crime, rather than giving the reader a full picture of what happened. In addition, the female victim was referred to as active rather than passive in most of the headlines and there was also an indirect blaming of the female victim as the crime description was missing, or the suspected male perpetrator was not mentioned. The results of this study show that Aftonbladet and Expressen still have some way to go to achieve fully equal crime reporting.

Staden i sin historiska form kan anses vara diskriminerande där den traditionella staden planerats av mannen och för mannen med en avsaknad av kunskap och erfarenhet från kvinnor och andra underrepresenterade grupper i samhället. Resultatet har blivit städer bestående av miljöer som upprätthåller rådande könsmaktsordning och som försvårar livet i staden för vissa och gynnar livet för andra. Feministisk stadsplanering har vuxit fram som en respons på detta i syftet att utmana rådande planeringsprinciper med målet att åstadkomma socialt hållbara och jämlika städer där alla ges lika möjligheter och rättigheter att leva ett gott liv. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom yrkesverksammas perspektiv inom stadsplanering undersöka praktiserandet av feministisk stadsplanering i en svensk kontext, hur begreppet tolkas och används, samt vilka svårigheter och utmaningar som tycks existera. Den metod som använts för att söka svar på dessa frågor är semistrukturerade intervjuer. Dessa genomfördes med fem personer yrkesverksamma inom stadsplanering i de fem svenska städerna Stockholm, Malmö, Jönköping, Umeå och Lund. Den insamlade empirin analyserades och tolkades enligt tidigare forskning, begrepp och tillvägagångssätt med utgångspunkt i feministiska teorier. Resultatet visar på att definitionen av begreppet feministisk stadsplanering tenderar att variera samtidigt som begreppet i sig inte är av primär betydelse, istället handlar det om att fylla det med rätt innehåll så att målet blir det önskvärda. Feministisk stadsplanering som begrepp används därmed inte i någon större utsträckning, istället kan användandet av alternativa begrepp vara att föredra då dessa stöter på mindre motstånd och tar plats i ordinarie strukturer på ett smidigare sätt. Feministiska inslag i planeringen återfinns i varierande utsträckning i samtliga kommuner som intervjupersonerna är verksamma inom. Särskilt framträdande är förekomsten av ett maktperspektiv med ett utökat fokus på upplevd otrygghet, användandet av genus och ett intersektionellt perspektiv i planeringen, samt synen på jämlikhetsarbetet som något kontextuellt och platsspecifikt. Vad gäller svårigheter och utmaningar anses både politik och riktlinjer utgöra begränsningar, säkerställandet av frågornas betydelse från planeringsstart till slutligt genomförande anses utmanande, samt att en stor del av ansvaret tenderar hamna på den enskilde personen. / The city in its historical form can be considered discriminatory, where the traditional city has been planned by and for men, with a lack of knowledge and experience from women and other underrepresented groups in society. This results in a built environment that maintain the prevailing gender power structures, making the life in the city more difficult for some while favoring others. Feminist urban planning has emerged as a response to this aiming to challenge the prevailing planning principles with the goal of achieving socially sustainable and equitable cities where everyone is given the same conditions to live a good life. The purpose of this essay is to examine, through the perspective of professionals in urban planning, how feminist urban planning is utilized in a Swedish context, how the concept is interpreted and applied, and what difficulties and challenges seem to exist. The method used to address these questions is semi-structured interviews. These were conducted with five professionals in urban planning operating in five different Swedish cities; Stockholm, Malmö, Jönköping, Umeå and Lund. The empirical data was analyzed and interpreted according to previous research, concepts and approaches based on feminist theories. The results indicate that the definition of the term feminist urban planning tends to vary, while the term itself is not of primary importance, instead it is about filling it with the right content so that the goal becomes the desirable. The term feminist urban planning is thus not extensively utilized, instead the use of alternative terms may be preferable as they tend to encounter less resistance and integrate more smoothly into ordinary structures. Elements of feminist urban planning are found to varying degrees in all cities where the interviewees are active. Particularly prominent is the presence of a power perspective with an expanded focus on perceived insecurity, the use of gender and an intersectional perspective in planning, and the knowledge about equality work as something contextual and site-specific. Regarding difficulties and challenges, both politics and guidelines are considered as limitations, ensuring the importance of social questions from the beginning of the planning process to the final implementation is deemed challenging, and a significant part of the responsibility tends to fall on the individual.

This study is concerned with discovering relationships between community power structures and economic growth. The economic growth in selected Northeast Texas counties and their major cities is compared with the power structures in each of these communities during the 1944 through 1968 period.

This study contains an analysis of images through a gender perspective of three history text books for middle schools. The aim of this study is to clarify if the images reflect a gender power structure where men are superior women. The answered questions were: do women and men appear as often in the pictures of the books? How are women and men portrayed from a gender perspective in the pictures? What possible consequences could the portrayal of men and women cause the education and pupils? Our theoretical perspective is Yvonne Hirdman’s gender theory, Vivien Burr’s social constructionism and Ferdinand de Saussure’s and Roland Barthes’s theory about semiotics. Our methods were a quantitative content analysis combined with a qualitative semiotic analysis of images. The quantitative content analysis showed that there is an overrepresentation of men in the pictures of the books. The qualitative semiotic analysis showed that men are portrayed as main characters in the pictures. This by given more space by positions, accessories and activities. Women on the other hand is portrayed as passive and to some extent as accessories to the men. The women seem to rule in the sphere of children and home, while men seem to be absent in these same areas. Women and men are also physically separated on the images which makes the gender power structure even more clear.