La réflexion autour des droits fondamentaux des personnes morales n’est guère si nouvelle comme pourrions nous être tentés d’y croire ; elle interpelle toutefois par son caractère antithétique. La personne humaine apparaissant comme l'unique destinataire de ces droits, elle avait capté toutes les attentions doctrinales. L'intimité du lien entre l'Homme et le concept des droits de l'homme, d’où découlent les droits fondamentaux, justifiait aisément l'exclusion des personnes morales. L'idée d'inclusion des groupes et des organisations qui semblait impensable va in fine être admise, voire se rendre indispensable à la démocratie, chère au système européen de défense des droits de l’homme et cadre de notre étude. La personne morale joue indiscutablement sa partition à la réalisation de la société démocratique à travers notamment la presse ou le jeu des partis politiques. Elle contribue énormément à l’économie des États par l’action des sociétés commerciales ou autres entreprises, et même à l’épanouissement des individus par le biais des associations dont les missions sont diverses et variées. On ne saurait valablement refuser à un tel sujet de droit la protection de la Convention. D’ailleurs c'est avec la force de l'évidence que ces personnes morales ont pu bénéficier de diverses dispositions de cette dernière. Le groupement à but politique ou syndical ne pourrait paisiblement accomplir sa mission sans la couverture de l’article 11 de la convention consacrant la liberté d’association et de manifestation pacifique. Aussi l’entreprise dépourvue de l’exercice et de la jouissance du droit au respect des biens, tel que défini à l’article premier du Protocole additionnel n° 1, ne pourrait-elle prospérer dans un domaine où intervient régulièrement la puissance publique. La sauvegarde de ces droits, avec bien d’autres, est conséquemment vitale pour les personnes morales. Le décryptage des droits et libertés qui leur sont garantis par le texte européen appelle à observer méthodiquement les différents mouvements de la jurisprudence européenne. Pour ce faire, notre réflexion préfère à une approche dogmatique, s’appuyant sur le particularisme des personnes morales pour dégager leurs droits et libertés garantis, une méthode plutôt pragmatique. Cette approche se fonde uniquement sur la protection effective que le juge européen consent à l’organisation non gouvernementale aux prises à l’arbitraire des pouvoirs publics. Il convient d’analyser chacun de ces droits et libertés garantis, et d’en dégager un relief d’avec la nature et l’activité de la personne morale. L’interprétation prétorienne du texte et des notions, telles que la personne ou le domicile, se présente délibérément extensive, dans le but assumé de permettre aux groupements de prendre part aux bénéfices de la Convention. L’accès à la juridiction européenne est par ailleurs largement ouvert aux groupements : tout pour faire en effet de la personne morale un sujet à part entière apte à exercer et à jouir de droits fondamentaux dans la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. / The reflection about the fundamental rights of entities is not so new as we might be tempted to believe. However, the reflection raises the question by its antithetical. Natural persons appear to be the only beneficiaries of such rights. They were the centre of all doctrinal attention. The intimacy of the relationship between man and the concept of human rights, from which flows the fundamental rights, easily justified the exclusion of entities. The idea of including groups and organizations, which seemed unthinkable will be accepted in fine, indeed will become indispensable to an effective democracy, dear to the European system of human rights and our study. Entities undoubtedly play a vital role in the achievement of a democratic society, particularly through the press or the actions of political parties. They contribute enormously to a country's economy by the actions of commercial enterprises or other businesses, and even to the development and fufillment of individuals through associations whose missions are many and vary. We can not reasonably refuse such a subject of law the protection of the Convention. Beside, it is with the strength of the evidence that these entities have benefited from various provisions of the Convention. Groups for political purposes or unions cannot accomplish peacefully their mission without the protection of Article 11 of the convention enshrining the freedom of association and peaceful protest. Also, entities deprived of exercising the right to peaceful enjoyment of property, as defined in Article I of Additional Protocol No. 1, cannot thrive in an area where the public authority intervains regularly. Safeguarding these rights, with others, is therefore vital for corporations. Decryption of rights and freedoms guaranteed to them by the european legislation calls to observe systematically the different movements of European jurisprudence. To do this, our thinking prefers a dogmatic approach, based on the particularity of legal entities to the end of assertaining their rights and freedoms, to a more pragmatic approach. This approach is based solely on the effective protection that the european Court agrees to non-governmental organizations facing arbitrary actions of public authorities. It is necessary to analyse each of these rights and freedoms guaranteed, and to establish a link with the nature and activities of the entity. The Praetorian interpretation of the text and concepts such as individual or domicile is deliberately done in a broad sense in order to allow the groups to participate in the benefits of the Convention. Access to the European court is also provided for all groups: indeed, to the end of making the entities a full-fledged subject of human rights in the European Convention on Human Rights.

Comme la propriété privée, la propriété publique a été confondue avec les biens qui n’en sont que les objets. En droit privé, comme en droit public, il est possible, pourtant, de considérer que la propriété n’est pas un bien. Droit subjectif, la propriété est la puissance que le sujet exerce sur les biens. Formellement, elle est le droit de jouir et de disposer des choses conformément au droit objectif. Matériellement, elle variera en fonction du statut de droit objectif qui habilite le sujet de la propriété, le propriétaire. Les personnes publiques, sujets de l’action publique, sont propriétaires sur le fondement d’une compétence que leur assigne immédiatement l’obligation d’agir dans l’intérêt public. La compétence attribue aux personnes publiques un droit de propriété public, affecté au service du seul intérêt public. Envisager les personnes publiques propriétaires au lieu de la propriété des personnes publiques, aura permis de contribuer à la théorie des ordres juridiques partiels comme représentation de la distinction du droit public et du droit privé. Cela conduit à proposer une définition juridique de l’action publique : l’ensemble d’activités mises en œuvre à partir de l’exercice, par les personnes publiques, de leurs droits subjectifs publics, de puissance et de propriété. / As it is the case for private property, the public property was long time confused with the goods that are its objects. However, in public law as in private law, we should consider that property right is not a good. Being an individual right, the property stands for the power exerted by a subject over goods. Formally, it is the right to enjoy and dispose of goods according to law. Materially, it will vary depending on the applicable law which empowers the owner, subject of the property. Public entities, subjects of public action, are owners based on a competency immediately assigned to them by their duty to act in the public interest. This competency grants to public entities a right to public property only affected to the public interest. Focusing on the public persons as owners instead of considering only their property helps contributing to the theory of partial legal orders (“théorie des ordres juridiques partiels”) as a representation of the distinction between public and private law. This finally leads to suggest a legal definition of the public action as a set of activities implemented by the public persons in the exercise of their subjective rights of property.

In my thesis I analyzed the characteristics of the legal concepts of bodies governed by public law and the activities in which they engage as public authorities, as used by law (both European and national) governing value added tax. I also analyzed the case law of the European Court of Justice relating to the issue of the bodies governed by public law and the activities in which they engage as public authorities in terms of value added tax. The characteristics of the concepts have been evaluated and sorted logically. In a separate part I examined the bodies governed by public law and their activities from an economic point of view. I have pondered whether it is necessary that these entities have a special position in the system of value added tax.

Le juge constitutionnel est au cœur de la problématique de la conciliation de l'ordre et de la liberté. Cette problématique est bouleversée par le terrorisme, qui frappe l'État dans son essence et provoque des réactions normatives plus restrictives pour les libertés. L'analyse comparée du contrôle de constitutionnalité de la législation antiterroriste révèle l'exercice d'un contrôle sur la mesure d'une législation construite comme un droit parallèle. / The constitutionnal judge is at the heart of the question of conciliation between order and liberty. Terrorism interferres with the issue, as it strikes the State in its very essence and provokes normative reactions wich restrict liberties. The comparative analysis of the review of constitutionality of antiterrorist legislation reveals the exercice of a tailor-made review of legislation constructed in a specific manner.

A desapropriação, instituto de direito público, ao longo dos tempos, vem sofrendo profundas modificações, as quais são abordadas no presente trabalho, analisadas a partir da evolução histórica da matéria no direito alienígena e no brasileiro. Após discorrermos sobre o conceito de desapropriação, seus elementos e características, bem como tecermos comentários sobre as diversas espécies de desapropriação, passamos ao estudo de três normas recentes que tiveram relevante impacto sobre os contornos do instituto: a Lei de responsabilidade fiscal (Lei Complementar 101/00), que exige um planejamento financeiro administrativo antes de que seja dado início ao processo expropriatório; o Estatuto da Cidade (Lei 10.257/2001) que criou duas novas modalidades de desapropriação; e, por fim, o Código Civil de 2002 que, com claro escopo social, regulamenta uma outra forma de desapropriação, a chamada desapropriação judicial. Além disso, esta mesma legislação afeta diretamente a prática da ação de desapropriação indireta, especialmente no que se refere ao prazo prescricional. Desta maneira, concluímos nosso trabalho com a caracterização da desapropriação como um instituto que adquiriu sua feição atual por meio de um processo contínuo de modificações originadas não somente por questões jurídicas, mas também por aspectos políticos e sociais, que fazem com que a desapropriação se encontre em constante desenvolvimento e demande profundos estudos por parte da doutrina. / The expropriation (or compulsory purchase), a public Law institution, throughout time, has been passing through extreme modifications, that are discussed in this essay, analyzed from the subjects historic evolution in foreign and Brazilian law. After the study of the expropriation concept, its elements and characteristics, as well as the commentary of the expropriations diverse species, we pass to the study of three recent laws that had relevant impact over the outline of the institution: Fiscal Responsibility Law (LC 101/00), that demands a financial and administrative planning before the expropriation process beginning; City Statute (L. 10.257/2001), that created two new expropriation models; and, finally, 2002 Civil Code, that with indubitably social purpose, regulate another expropriation form, called judiciary expropriation. Besides that, this same legislation affects directly the taking, or injurious affection, action practice, especially in which concerns to the prescription deadline. In this matter, we conclude our essay with the expropriations characterization as an institution that acquired its current feature by the means of a continuous process originated not only by juridical questions, but also by political and social aspects, that caused a constant developing expropriation, demanding deep doctrinaire studies.

La présente thèse porte sur l’étude des Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya (statuts gouvernementaux) du théologien et juriste hanbalite, Abū Yaʿlā. Il s’agit du premier traité de droit public, dans l’histoire de la pensée politique hanbalite. Dans un premier temps, la thèse se concentre sur les cadres politico-religieux bagdadiens au Ve/XIe siècle : l’affaiblissement de l’institution califale, le rapport d’Abū Yaʿlā avec le vizir et les mécènes hanbalites, la résurgence de l’islam sunnite traditionaliste et l’évolution du hanbalisme politique bagdadien. Dans un deuxième temps, la thèse fait porter son analyse sur le hanbalisme contextuel d’Abū Yaʿlā à travers ses œuvres. Enfin, pour saisir le sens et la portée des Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya d’Abū Yaʿlā, la présente étude tente d’aborder et d’inscrire la théorie politique de celui-ci au sein l’école hanbalite et en particulier avec celle d’Ibn Taymiyya, ensuite de la confronter avec celle du légiste chafiite, al-Māwardī, à travers son traité de droit public, les Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya. / This thesis deals with the study about the Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya (Ordinances Government) of the Hanbalite theologian, Abū Yaʿlā. This important treaty can be considered indeed as the first treaty of public law in the history of Hanbalite political thought. In the first part, the thesis focuses upon the religious and political frame in the Bagdadian circles of the Vth/XIth century : the weakening of the caliphate institution, the relationship between Abū Yaʿlā and his vizir and patrons of the Hanbalites court, the resurgence of the traditionalist Sunnī islam and the typical evolution of the policy of Hanbalism in Bagdad. In the second part, this study develops a contextual analysis of Hanbalism according to Abū Yaʿlā’s works. In the end, for understanding the meaning and the scope of the Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya, this study intends first of all to place Abū Yaʿlā’s political theory within political Hanbalite doctrine especially with Ibn Taymiyya, and then we compare it to al-Māwardī’s Aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-13T14:38:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dinastia_solipsismo.pdf: 1241002 bytes, checksum: 4e91919775f9f37d4453e52f880c5f9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T14:38:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dinastia_solipsismo.pdf: 1241002 bytes, checksum: 4e91919775f9f37d4453e52f880c5f9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A proposta de abordagem do presente estudo pretende analisar o solipsismo soberano na sociedade internacional através das premissas político-jurídicas de Thomas Hobbes no contexto contemporâneo relativo à manutenção da paz e da segurança internacionais, sobretudo na análise do mundo pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, da Carta das Nações Unidas de 1945 e, por consequência, do principal órgão da referida instituição, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). A partir da análise temporal centrada na passagem do jusnaturalismo à instituição de um sistema internacional de dominação política, demonstrar-se-á a estabilização do sistema político-internacional por meio das Resoluções e a manutenção do status quo mundial pela regra de unanimidade das grandes potências (direito de veto), apresentando as dimensões de instrumentalização do poder nas relações internacionais, inseridos claramente na perspectiva hobbesiana. Em tal concepção, o Direito Internacional Público assume mínimas funções instrumentais de garantia de paz e de segurança, com vistas à salvaguarda da temporalidade estável do Leviatã mundial hobbesiano. Além disso, demarcando os Direitos Humanos como legitimação por eloquência, a retórica jurídico-minimalista apresentada pelos discursos contemporâneos na política global resta constatada, o que torna a pesquisa, muito além de uma observação e de uma descrição do sistema político-internacional a partir de categorias de Thomas Hobbes, uma articulação perceptiva e reflexiva do despotismo e das controvérsias arrojadas nos processos de manutenção da paz e da segurança internacionais. / The main approach of this study intends to analyze the sovereign solipsism in the international society through the political and legal premises of Thomas Hobbes, in the contemporary context related to the maintenance of international peace and security, particularly in the analysis of the post World War II scenario, as well as the Charter of the United Nations (1945) and, moreover, the main body of that institution: the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). From the temporal analysis focused on the passage of natural law to the establishment of an international system of political domination, it will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the international-political system occurs through Resolutions and the maintenance of the global status quo through the great owers’ unanimity rule (veto right), showing the dimensions of the instrumentalization of power in the international relations field, clearly inserted in a Hobbesian perspective. In this conception, Public International Law assumes minimal and instrumental functions of maintaining peace and security, in a stable temporal safeguarding view of the Hobbesian Leviathan. Moreover, marking Human Rights as a legitimation for eloquence, the rhetoric presented by legal and minimalist contemporary discourses on global politics remains questioned, making the research a perceptive and thoughtful articulation of despotism and the controversies found within the process of maintaining peace and international security, well beyond the observation and description of the political-international system through Thomas Hobbes categories.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-05T15:00:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GuilhermeCamargoMassauDireito.pdf: 2690439 bytes, checksum: b5493c5bca22c282ec13bb27080b1435 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-05T15:00:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GuilhermeCamargoMassauDireito.pdf: 2690439 bytes, checksum: b5493c5bca22c282ec13bb27080b1435 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-27 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo do trabalho é estabelecer uma proposta para enfrentar a crise do Estado e, também, do Homem. Considera-se a República como ambiente jurídico-político mais adequado para o indivíduo desenvolver seus aspectos individuais e sociais em liberdade, ou seja, assumindo a responsabilidade de sua própria vida e das condições da coletividade. Destaca-se a dupla face humana: a individual e a social. Uma não exclui a outra, por isso, não se optou pelo liberalismo nem pelo comunitarismo, mas ao que parece uma terceira opção, o republicanismo. No entanto, não se trata da política em si, mas da idéia jurídica que a res publica envolve. Ações dos sociium para com o outro e para com o Estado, ou seja, o republicanismo como expressão prático-jurídica de uma política que favorece a liberdade, a igualdade e, incluiu-se, a solidariedade. A solidariedade é tratada como um elemento jurídico agregador das diferenças próprias da individualidade, em uma dinâmica interrelacional em prol do ser humano e da coletividade. Ela deve estar redimensionada não somente ao âmbito interno, mas ao âmbito mundial. O cosmopolitismo é o ponto limite do trabalho, ou seja, a República pensada é direcionada à ideia cosmopolita, democraticamente aberta ao diferente. São essas as exigências do atual movimento de globalização, não só impulsionada por fatores econômicos. Para que se possa implementar a república, sem que ela fique no discurso retórico e palavras alegóricas na Constituição, à república solidária, que se desenvolve na esfera pública e cuidar dos bens e interesses públicos, é necessário delimitar a esfera pública e o bem público, já que sobre eles recai a atividade republicana. Com a finalidade de estabelecer a res publica em termos práticos, ou seja, como realizá-la cotidianamente, estabeleceram-se dez condutas ligadas ao agir solidário: doar-se ao bem comum; reconhecimento dos direitos de todos; valorizar a pluralidade de opinião; estabelecer o espírito de diálogo; rejeitar a política como dogma; flexibilizar as decisões até então consideradas extremas e irretratáveis; responsabilizar-se em cuidar de sua própria personalidade; abandonar a ideia de que tudo se deve ao outro; educar, com a prática, os descendentes sobre o que é participar num Estado republicano; e nutrir a fidelidade na e com a res publica. Esta solidariedade está direcionada ao gênero humano, independente da nacionalidade ou escolha de filosofia de vida. Também, os Estados devem ser solidários para com os indivíduos e para com os outros Estados. A solidariedade na República, no fundo, evidencia o caráter, atualmente enfraquecido, da essência do ser-estar-aí-com-os-outros. É condição incontornável de dividir um único espaço com distintas e infinitas individualidades . Ela é o elemento de ligação sociável entre as individualidades (esfera privadas ) formando o ambiente da República. / Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es, einen Ansatz zu bieten, mit dem der Krise des Staates und auch der des Menschen begegnet werden kann. Die Republik wird als juristisch-politisches Korpus angesehen, der es dem Individuum ermöglicht, persönliche und soziale Aspekte frei zu entwickeln, also Verantwortung für sein eigenes Leben und auch für die Bedingungen innerhalb der Gemeinschaftzu übernehmen. Es werden die zwei Seiten des Menschen hervorgehoben, die individuelle und die soziale. Die eine schließt die andere nicht aus, weshalb man sich weder für den Liberalismusnoch für den Kommunitarismusentscheidet, sondern offenbar für eine dritte Option: den Republikanismus. Allerdings handelt es sich nicht um Politik als solche, sondern um das juristische Konzept, welches die res publicaeinschließt; Socii-Handlungen zwischen den Individuen und gegenüber des Staates, das heißtder Republikanismusals praktisch-juristischer Ausdruck einer Politik, welche Freiheitund Gleichheitfördert und zudem die Solidaritäteinschließt. Die Solidaritätwird als ein juristisches Element betrachtet, das die der Individualitätgeschuldeten Differenzen in einer interrelationalen Dynamik zugunsten des Menschenund zugunsten der Gemeinschafteinschließt. Sie muss neu dimensioniert werden, weltweit und nicht nur in einem internen Rahmen. Der Kosmopolitismus markiert den Endpunkt der Arbeit, das heißt die gedachte Republikist auf den kosmopolitischen Grundgedanken gerichtet, demokratisch offen für das Andersartige. Es sind die Forderungen der aktuellen Globalisierungsbewegung, die nicht allein von ökonomischen Faktoren vorangetrieben werden, um die Republik implementieren zu können, ohne dass sie im rhetorischen Diskurs und in allegorischen Phrasen der Verfassung verharrt; eine solidarische Republik, die sich im öffentlichen Bereichentwickelt und die öffentlichen Güterund Interessen wahrt. Daher ist es erforderlich, öffentlichen Bereichund öffentlicheGüter, welche die republikanischeAktivität in erster Linie ausmachen, zu umreißen. Um letztlich die res publica auf ganz praktischen Sachverhalten zu begründen, also basierend auf der alltäglichen Umsetzung, lassen sich zehn Grundregeln für ein solidarisches Miteinanderaufstellen: zum öffentlichen Gutbeitragen, Anerkennung der Rechte aller, Akzeptanzvon Meinungsfreiheit, Begründung einer Dialogkultur, Ablehnung von Politik als Dogma, Kompromissbereitschaft bei Entscheidung, die bis dahin als extrem oder irreversibel galten, Verantwortung zum Schutz der eigenen Persönlichkeit, Aufgeben der Vorstellung dass alles dem anderem geschuldet ist, Erziehung der Folgegeneration (auch in der Praxis) in dem Sinne, dass Teilhaben an einem republikanischen Staat Treuebedeutet –gegenüber und innerhalb der res publica. Diese Solidaritätgilt für alle Menschen, unabhängig von Nationalität oder Wahl der Weltanschauung. Ebenso ist ein solidarischesVerhalten der Staaten untereinander und der Staaten gegenüber den Individuennötig. Im Grunde vereint Solidaritätin der Republik– gegenwärtig in nicht so ausgeprägtem Maße – in ihrem Charakter das Essentielle von Existenz und Koexistenz. Sie ist die unumgängliche Voraussetzung für das Aufteilen eines einzigen Raumes mit unterschiedlichen und unendlich vielen Individualitäten. Sie ist das soziale Bindeglied zwischen den Individualitäten (Privatsphäre) und bildet das Umfeld für die Republik. / The objective is to establish a proposal to face the crisis of the state and also human. It is considered the Republic as a legal and political environment more suitable for the individual to develop its individual and social freedom, ie, taking responsibility for their own lives and conditions of the community. The study highlights the double-sided nature: the individual and social. One does not exclude the other, so do not opted for liberalism nor communitarianism, but it seems that a third option, the republicanism. However, this is not the political itself, but the idea that law involves the respublica. Partners' shares (socii) to one with another and to the state, ie, the republicanism as a practical and legal expression of a political that favors freedom, equality and, included himself, solidarity. Solidarity is treated as a legal element of the differences aggregator's own individuality in a dynamic interrelation in favor of human beings and the society. It must be scaled not only to the internal sphere, butworldwide. Cosmopolitanism is the limit point of the work, namely the Republic thought is directed to the cosmopolitan idea, democratically open to different. These are the demands of the current globalization movement, not only driven by economic factors. To be able to implement a republic, not hold it in allegorical rant and words in the Constitution to the republic of solidarity that develops in the public and take care of the assets and public interests, it is necessary to define the public sphere and the public assets, since on them rests the republican activity. In order to establish the respublica in practical terms, how to do it everyday, they settled ten ducts to act in solidarity: donate to the common good, recognizing the rights of all, value the diversity of opinion; establish a spirit of dialogue; reject politics as dogma, easing the decision untilthen considered extreme and irreversible; responsibility in taking care of his own personality; abandon the idea that everything is due to another; to educate, with practice, the descendants of what is involved in a republican state, and nurture loyaltyin and with the respublica. This solidarity is directed to the human race, regardless of nationality or choice of life philosophy. Also, states should be solidarity with individuals and with other states. Solidarity in the Republic, at bottom, shows the character, at these times weakened, the essence of being-there-with-others. It is essential condition to share a single space with distinct personalities and endless. It is the liaison between the outgoing legend (private sphere) forming the environment of the Republic.

The purpose of my thesis is to analyze the legal regulation of the public law contract on realization of the structure, which can be concluded under the Section 116 of the Building Act with the approval of the respective authorities between the building office and the developer and the summary building permit proceedings under the Section 117 of the Building Act, which consists in a concluded contract on making a check of the design documentation for the structure between the developer and an authorized inspector. The main aim of the reform of public administration is among others to democratize and more privatize the building permit proceeding and create the alternatives to the classical building permit proceeding. These alternatives are above mentioned the public law contract on realization of the structure and the summary building permit proceedings. The both institutes are capable to replace the building permit. The other purpose of my thesis is to point out shortcomings in the current legislation in connection with the proposed amendment to the Building Act. The thesis is composed of two extensive chapters, each of them dealing with different alternatives to the classical building proceeding. Chapter One deals with the public law contract on realization of the structure and with the connected...

A desapropriação, instituto de direito público, ao longo dos tempos, vem sofrendo profundas modificações, as quais são abordadas no presente trabalho, analisadas a partir da evolução histórica da matéria no direito alienígena e no brasileiro. Após discorrermos sobre o conceito de desapropriação, seus elementos e características, bem como tecermos comentários sobre as diversas espécies de desapropriação, passamos ao estudo de três normas recentes que tiveram relevante impacto sobre os contornos do instituto: a Lei de responsabilidade fiscal (Lei Complementar 101/00), que exige um planejamento financeiro administrativo antes de que seja dado início ao processo expropriatório; o Estatuto da Cidade (Lei 10.257/2001) que criou duas novas modalidades de desapropriação; e, por fim, o Código Civil de 2002 que, com claro escopo social, regulamenta uma outra forma de desapropriação, a chamada desapropriação judicial. Além disso, esta mesma legislação afeta diretamente a prática da ação de desapropriação indireta, especialmente no que se refere ao prazo prescricional. Desta maneira, concluímos nosso trabalho com a caracterização da desapropriação como um instituto que adquiriu sua feição atual por meio de um processo contínuo de modificações originadas não somente por questões jurídicas, mas também por aspectos políticos e sociais, que fazem com que a desapropriação se encontre em constante desenvolvimento e demande profundos estudos por parte da doutrina. / The expropriation (or compulsory purchase), a public Law institution, throughout time, has been passing through extreme modifications, that are discussed in this essay, analyzed from the subjects historic evolution in foreign and Brazilian law. After the study of the expropriation concept, its elements and characteristics, as well as the commentary of the expropriations diverse species, we pass to the study of three recent laws that had relevant impact over the outline of the institution: Fiscal Responsibility Law (LC 101/00), that demands a financial and administrative planning before the expropriation process beginning; City Statute (L. 10.257/2001), that created two new expropriation models; and, finally, 2002 Civil Code, that with indubitably social purpose, regulate another expropriation form, called judiciary expropriation. Besides that, this same legislation affects directly the taking, or injurious affection, action practice, especially in which concerns to the prescription deadline. In this matter, we conclude our essay with the expropriations characterization as an institution that acquired its current feature by the means of a continuous process originated not only by juridical questions, but also by political and social aspects, that caused a constant developing expropriation, demanding deep doctrinaire studies.