Spelling suggestions: "subject:"apublic amemory."" "subject:"apublic bmemory.""
31 |
Remaking Albania: Public Memory of Communist PastGjoci, Nina Nazmije 23 July 2018 (has links)
No description available.
|
32 |
South Africans commemorating in Poland: Making meaning through participationLow, Carol 20 May 2008 (has links)
This research report focuses on the issues for participation in public
memory projects, in the light of counter-monument critiques of audiences
being ‘rendered passive’. Interviews with people who went on the 2005
March of the Living tour to Holocaust sites in Poland and then to Israel
have been analysed in terms of themes and processes of meaningmaking.
The written text of some of the material provided to them is also
analysed.
Meanings in the interviews notably occupied two discursive spaces that
seem at odds with each other. The first was the discourse around what is
a good way to memorialise – particularly when the memory is one of such
enormity as the Holocaust. The second is the discourse around tolerance
education – how do we ‘learn lessons’ from the Holocaust?
The issues for heritage interpretation and tolerance education are explored.
|
33 |
La construction d'une mémoire publique de la lutte contre la mafia de 1982 à 2012 à partir d'un martyrologe : Pio La Torre, Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa, Giovanni Falcone et Paolo Borsellino / The process of struggle against mafia from 1982 to 2012's public memory, studing a martyr's list : Pio La Torre, Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa, Giovanni Falcone and Paolo BorsellinoMoge, Charlotte 30 November 2015 (has links)
Si la mafia est un objet d’étude, certes récent, l’antimafia reste en revanche un trou noir de l’historiographie du Mezzogiorno alors que les assasssinats des représentants de l’État sont des moments de tenisons dans l’histoire de l’Italie républicaine. Nous avons choisi de concentrer notre attention sur quatre figures emblématiques assassinées au cours des crises de violence mafieuse de 1982 et 1992 : Pio La Torre (député et secrétaire régional du PCI) ; Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa (assassiné alors qu’il était préfet de Palerme) ; Giovanni Falcone et Paolo Borsellino (magistrats). Afin d’observer le processus de construction d’une mémoire publique de la lutte contre la mafia, nous utilisons un panel de sources typique de l’histoire du temps présent, archives, presse, productions mémorielles écrites et audiovisuelles, mais aussi des sources orales grâce aux entretiens réalisés lors de notre enquête de terrain. Ces sources nous permettent tant de comprendre le contexte que d’analyser l’évolution des représentations des martyrs de la lutte contre la mafia.La première partie est consacrée à l’étude du moment des assassinats et de la construction d’une mémoire immédiate. L’analyse de la presse au lendemain des crises de violence mafieuse fait émerger les caractéristiques de la mémoire immédiate des victimes et révèle un mobilisation civile antimafia sans précédent. La deuxième partie s’intéresse à la construction et à l’institutionnalisation de la mémoire des victimes, à travers l’étude des commémorations et des représentations. L’analyse croisée des différentes sources met au jour les différentes strates de la construction mémorielle. Enfin, la troisième partie montre que la mémoire de l’antimafia, bien qu’institutionnalisée et structurée, est en réalité une mémoire tourmentée, comme le démontrent les manquements de la justice, les usages politiques de la mémoire de l’antimafia ou le conditionnement des commémorations décennales par l’actualité. Faire l’histoire de la mémoire de l’antimafia nous permet ainsi de révéler, sous un jour nouveau, un certain nombre de tensions qui caractérisent l’Italie contemporaine. La mémoire de la lutte contre la mafia apparaît donc comme un observatoire privilégié pour examiner les mutations politiques, sociétales et culturelles de l’Italie républicaine. / Though the Mafia has become recently an object of study, the Antimafia remains a black hole in the historiography of the Mezzogiorno while the assassinations of officials constitute tense moments in the history of Republican Italy. We have chosen to focus our attention on four emblematic figures that were murdered by the Mafia over its 1982 and 1992 outbursts of violence: Pio La Torre (deputy and regional secretary of the PCI); Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa (assassinated while he was Palermo prefect); Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino (magistrates). In order to observe how a public memory of the fight against the Mafia was built, we use a panel of sources that is typical of the present time history: archives, press, written and audiovisual memory productions, but also oral sources thanks to the interviews we lead during our field investigation. These sources allow us to understand the context as well as to analyze the evolution of the representations of the anti-mafia fight’s martyrs.The first part is dedicated to the study of the moment when these four officials were assassinated and an immediate memory built. The analysis of the press, in the wake of the outbursts of violence of the Mafia, brings out the characteristics of the immediate memory of victims, and reveals an unprecedented anti-mafia civil mobilization. The second part deals with the elaboration and the institutionalization of the victims’ memory, through the study of the commemorations and the representations. The cross-study analysis of our various sources brings to light the different strata of the memory elaboration. Finally the third part shows that the anti-mafia memory, though institutionalized and structured, is actually a tormented memory, as is revealed by the justice breaches, the political uses of the anti-mafia memory or the conditioning effect of current events on the decennial commemorations. Making the history of the anti-mafia memory thus allows us to reveal under a new light a number of tensions that are characteristic of contemporary Italy. Therefore the memory of the fight against the Mafia appears as a privileged observatory to examine the political, societal and cultural mutations of Republican Italy.
|
34 |
Memòria pública i debat polític a Barcelona (1931-1936): L'Esquerra Republicana i la Lliga Catalana davant el passat i el futur de Catalunya.Sánchez Costa, Fernando 06 July 2011 (has links)
La tesi Memòria pública i debat polític a Barcelona (1931-1936) pretén assolir dos objectius principals. En primer lloc, el treball presenta una proposta teòrica i metodològica global per estudiar –des d’un punt de vista sociopolític i en diversos contextos temporals i geogràfics- el fenomen de la memòria pública. Per això, l’autor elabora una “antropologia de la memòria” i desenvolupa una reflexió sistemàtica sobre “les cultures de la memòria” i “les polítiques de la memòria”. La tesi defineix la memòria pública com el conjunt de pràctiques i discursos commemoratius que convergeixen en l’esfera pública. La memòria pública no és entesa, per tant, com un simple dictat monolític des de les institucions, sinó més aviat com un diàleg o una dialèctica entre les diverses narratives històriques que vertebren els múltiples imaginaris socials. L’autor assumeix que, a través del debat sobre el passat i la seva representació canònica, la societat discuteix indirectament la seva contextura identitària, els seus marcs normatius i la seva orientació de futur. En l’esfera pública, les diverses interpretacions del passat reflecteixen les distintes versions del futur nacional. El treball explicita com la pugna discursiva per l’hegemonia commemorativa va molt lligada al pols social pel poder polític. Per a fonamentar la seva proposta teòrica i metodològica, l’autor acudeix a autors catalans i espanyols, però també presenta els postulats de la historiografia francesa, germànica i anglosaxona al voltant de la memòria social.
La segona part de la tesi consisteix en l’estudi d’un cas històric concret. S’aborda “la memòria pública” barcelonina dels primers anys trenta. Així, l’autor indaga els discursos històrics i les pràctiques commemoratives imperants en l’espai cívic, en l’opinió pública i en l’esfera política de la Ciutat Comtal des de 1931 fins a 1936. La tesi repassa la catarsi simbòlica que va viure Barcelona amb la proclamació de la República. Analitza els canvis de noms de carrers i dóna a conèixer la intrahistòria dels nous monuments erigits. El treball palesa la cultura commemorativa dels diversos sectors socials barcelonins, desgrana la narrativa històrica que batega en els llibres de text per a infants i, sobre tot, reflecteix la utilització política de la història. En el fons, l’estudi dels diversos paradigmes commemoratius interessa a l’autor com una finestra privilegiada per copsar els universos mentals i ideològics de quatre grups barcelonins cabdals: el nacionalisme liberalobrerista (l’ERC), el nacionalisme liberalconservador (la Lliga), l’anarquisme faista i l’espanyolisme conservador. La radiografia de les narratives històriques i de les pràctiques commemoratives a la Barcelona republicana permet redescobrir els vincles entre el nacionalisme català i el discurs històric, establir les similituds i diferències doctrinals entre les principals forces polítiques del període i, finalment, revisitar des d’una nova perspectiva l’evolució d’un temps polític apassionat i apassionant. / La tesis Memòria Pública i debat polític a Barcelona (1931-1936) se ha escrito con dos objetivos básicos. En primer lugar, el trabajo presenta una propuesta teórica y metodológica global para estudiar –desde un punto de vista sociopolítico y en múltiples contextos temporales y geográficos- el fenómeno de la memoria pública. Por eso, el autor elabora una “antropología de la memoria” y desarrolla una reflexión sistemática sobre “las culturas de la memoria” y “las políticas de la memoria”. La tesis define la memoria pública como el conjunto de prácticas y discursos conmemorativos que tienen lugar en la esfera pública. La memoria pública, por tanto, no es un simple dictado monolítico desde las instituciones políticas, sino más bien un diálogo o una dialéctica entre las diversas narrativas históricas que vertebran los imaginarios de los distintos grupos sociales. El autor asume que a través del debate sobre el pasado y sobre su representación canónica, la sociedad discute indirectamente su contextura identitaria, sus marcos normativos en el presente y sus orientaciones para el futuro. En realidad, las distintas interpretaciones del pasado que se dan en la esfera pública reflejan las distintas versiones del futuro nacional. El trabajo constata como la pugna discursiva por la hegemonía en la consciencia histórica de la ciudadanía va muy ligada al pulso social por el poder político. Para fundamentar su propuesta teórica y metodológica, el autor recurre a autores catalanes y del conjunto de España, pero también presenta los principales postulados de la historiografía francesa, germánica y anglosajona.
En segundo lugar, la tesis aborda una investigación histórica concreta. Se estudia la memoria pública de Barcelona en los primeros años treinta. El autor indaga los discursos históricos y las prácticas conmemorativas imperantes en el espacio cívico, en la opinión pública y en el ámbito político de la Ciudad Condal desde la proclamación de la República en 1931 hasta el estallido de la Guerra Civil en 1936. La tesis repasa la catarsis simbólica que vivió la ciudad con el nuevo régimen. Analiza los cambios de nombres de las calles y da a conocer la intrahistoria de los monumentos erigidos. El trabajo plasma la cultura conmemorativa de diversos sectores sociales barceloneses, desgrana la narrativa histórica que subyace en los libros de texto para niños y, sobre todo, refleja la utilización política del pasado. En el fondo, el estudio de los diversos paradigmas conmemorativos interesa al autor como una ventana privilegiada para ojear los universos mentales e ideológicos de cuatro grupos centrales: el nacionalismo liberal-obrerista (ERC), el nacionalismo liberal-conservador (La Lliga), el anarquismo faista y el españolismo conservador. La radiografía de las narrativas históricas y las prácticas conmemorativas de la Barcelona republicana que se lleva a cabo en este trabajo permite redescubrir los vínculos entre el nacionalismo catalán y el discurso histórico, establecer las similitudes y las diferencias doctrinales entre las principales fuerzas políticas del periodo y, finalmente, revisitar desde una nueva perspectiva la evolución de un tiempo político apasionado y apasionante.
|
35 |
Public memory and political history : news media and collective memory construction after the deaths of former presidentsPatterson, Jeffery Randolph 20 January 2015 (has links)
In recent years, scholars have shown increasing interest in the concept of collective memory for structuring modern social understanding and political dialogue. However, surprisingly few studies have looked at the role that news media play the processes of collective political memory construction, reinterpretation, and change. This study contributes to the literature on collective memory construction, by helping clarify the means by which different news media serve as a site where collective memory is constructed, reinforced, and revised; and, 2) to identify which political actors and institutions act as sources to assert particular memory frames and what media subsidies they offer to influence the memory construction process. Specifically, the study undertook a two-stage longitudinal content analysis of news media to discern the ways former U.S. presidents (i.e., Truman, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, and Ford) were memorialized in news media coverage at the time of their funerals, and then again in subsequent news media stories through 2012. The content analysis identified dominant news media frames and secondary attribute sub-frames as applied to former U.S. Presidents, and which news media sources and frame advocates are engaged in setting those frames. As a result, the study identified patterns of change and resilience in particular presidential memory frames as represented in news media, and found journalists—beyond other sources and frame advocates—play a significant role in both creating and revising those memories over time. A range of opportunities for further research are discussed. / text
|
36 |
Graffiti as Voice for Voiceless People : Critical Discourse Analysis of Sudanese Graffiti During Sudanese Revolution 2019Alnaji, Ahmad January 2020 (has links)
This paper highlights street art in the social movement in Sudan and the role of murals andpolitical graffiti in relation to the Sudanese revolution of 2019. Characteristic for thismovement is the appearance of murals depicting the events of the revolutions. In particular,the colourful graffiti during the Sudanese uprisings of 2019 has been a crucial element in thesocial movement in the country.This study explores role of graffiti, its function as an art of resistance and as a communicationmedium during Sudanese movement, how graffiti contributes to Sudanese revolution 2019.Sudanese graffiti creates a profound understanding of the social transformation in Sudan,including most important events after revolution such as the third of June massacre inKhartoum and the political process and solidarity against discrimination. It establishes asocial relational space that ranks high values on collaboration and sharing significance, aswell introduces emancipatory alternative for better future in Sudan.The study uses four-dimensional analytical framework including graffiti as communicationtool, illegality and call for place, visual and verbal language, and graffiti as a public memory.Furthermore, it uses critical discourse analysis method through utilizing three-dimensionalframework including text, discursive practice, and sociocultural context. At the same time, thestudy uses telephone interviews method and photo-elimination method as data collectionmethods and encompassing structure for the research.
|
37 |
How America Remembers: Analysis of the Academic Interpretation and Public Memory of the Battle of TippecanoeAbercrombie, Brent S. January 2011 (has links)
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The Battle of Tippecanoe marked the turning point in relations between Anglo/American and Native American cultures, whose incompatible ways of understanding and living on the land and religious views made co-existence improbable. The battle also served as a last ditch effort by young, desperate warriors following the orders of a Prophet whose promises of invincibility and dominance proved untrue. The victory at Tippecanoe, and subsequent success during the War of 1812, strengthened the military prowess and popularity of the battle’s commander William Henry Harrison and his men. Overtime, the legacy of Harrison, his men, and Battle of Tippecanoe grew in significance. This thesis is an examination of the academic interpretation and public memory of the Battle of Tippecanoe. Until the cultural history movement by scholars in the mid-twentieth century, historical interpretation and public memory mirrored one another in the remembrance of the battle. As historians aimed to provide a more balanced and nuanced understanding of the Battle of Tippecanoe, the public memory of the battle remained entrenched in the teachings highlighted during Progressive Era. The purpose of this thesis is to trace the origins of both schools of thought as the importance and significance of the battle’s interpretation changed over the last 200 years.
|
38 |
The End of Silencing? Dealing with Sexualized Violence in the Context of the Kosovo Conflict (1998/99–2019)Zeidler, Kathleen 18 July 2024 (has links)
This study deals with sexual violence in the Kosovo conflict. Adopting a broad timeframe from 1998/99 to 2019 it analyses the discourse about sexual violence and considers the actors involved, focussing on practices of silencing and “un-silencing”. In 1998/99 international actors, particularly NATO member states, brought sexual violence into their narrative to justify military intervention. It was not until 2012, after more than a decade of silence, that conflict-related sexual violence began to be integrated into the narrative of heroism and victory in Kosovo itself. The author highlights particular turning points of the breaking of silence about wartime sexual violence when for the sake of certain political interests it came to be presented as a threat to the nation. Finally, she shows that aspects of gender hierarchization were hidden, which contributed once again to the reimposition of silence on individual survivors of sexual violence.
|
39 |
Graphic Content Warning; Personal and Political TraumasWardell, Emily K 01 January 2019 (has links)
The written portion of this thesis work is meant to address and further investigate the visual work created using mediums of print and found video. This artistic research has been interested in examining varying associations with truth, recollection, and evidence. This includes the recollection of public histories and news-media narratives as well as my own history and trauma. Through this work my aim was to create a deconstruction and revolt against how associations are formed, and how to understand imagery as information. This thesis first discusses my relationship to appropriated imagery, then connects and examines it through the addition of poetic elements and events from my own lived experience.
|
40 |
Harmonium : un projet artistique progressif et spirituel occulté par un récit d’affirmation nationaleLessard, Guillaume 06 1900 (has links)
Ce mémoire propose un regard transdisciplinaire : historique, sociologique et musical sur
Harmonium, un groupe culte de folk-rock progressif québécois des années 1970. Y sont étudiées
la révolution musicale engendrée par l’arrivée du folk et du rock progressif au Québec ainsi que
la mise en récit de l’œuvre et de l’histoire d’Harmonium. Les œuvres du groupe, les sources
écrites d’époque (articles de journaux et de revues), l’histoire documentaire et l’histoire et la
mémoire publiques y sont confrontées pour analyser les processus narratifs.
D’abord, l’essor du groupe est situé dans les transformations de la scène musicale
québécoise au cours des années 1960-1970. L’histoire d’Harmonium, entre 1972 et 1978, est
ensuite reconstituée au travers des sources d’époque, articles scientifiques et biographies. Par la
suite, les caractéristiques musicales des œuvres ainsi que les thèmes, valeurs et messages
véhiculés par le groupe sont examinés. L’essor et le succès d’Harmonium sont ainsi réinterprétés
au travers du développement de la scène musicale progressive internationale et de la
popularisation de la contre-culture. Finalement, en regard de l’ambiguïté politique
d’Harmonium dans les sources historiques, la prédominance des réinterprétations
néonationalistes de son œuvre et de son histoire sont analysées selon un processus de mise en
récit de l’histoire nationale. Il en ressort que la narration prédominante au sein de l’histoire et
de la mémoire publiques semble assimiler le destin des artistes québécois à celui du peuple et
de la nation. Dans le cas d’Harmonium, ce récit qui s’appuie principalement sur le nationalisme
de Serge Fiori, la figure de proue du groupe, contribue à l’occultation du projet artistique
spirituel, progressif, contre-culturel et « authentique » du groupe. / This study proposes a transdisciplinary point of view: historic, sociologic and musical to
Harmonium, a Quebec preeminent progressive folk-rock group of the 1970s. This work is
interested in the musical revolution that came with the birth of folk and progressive rock musical
scenes in Quebec and in the narrative and symbols associated with the musical work and history
of Harmonium. The group’s albums, the written sources of the time (articles in journals and
magazines), the documentaries and the public history and memory are all examined and
confronted in this research to study the historical narrative.
To begin with, the rise of the group is contextualized in the transformations of Quebec’s
musical scene in the 1960s-1970s. The history of Harmonium, situated between 1972 and 1978,
is then reconstructed using historical sources, scientific articles and biographies. Thereafter, the
musical characteristics, themes, values, ideals and messages of the group are examined.
Harmonium’s emergence and success is then reinterpreted through the development of the
progressive rock international musical scene and the popularization of the counter-culture.
Finally, in light of the political ambiguity of Harmonium that the historical sources reveal, the
neonationalist reinterpretations of its work and history is analyzed as a narrative process. This
narration, which predominates in public history and memory, seems to assimilate the destiny of
Quebec’s artists with the destiny of its people and its nation, therefore contributing to the
occultation of Harmonium’s progressive, counter-cultural and “authentic” musical quest.
|
Page generated in 0.0434 seconds