The master thesis consists of three chapters, introduction, conclusion, list of references and applications to the work. The first chapter outlines the theoretical aspects of the redevelopment of industrial areas, discusses the Russian and foreign experience in the implementation of projects for the redevelopment of industrial zones, and also identifies actual practical problems faced by development companies in the implementation of such projects. The second chapter presents the methodological support mechanisms for the implementation of projects for the redevelopment of industrial areas, the process of implementing projects in the United States and Germany, and a comparative analysis. On the basis of the materials studied, recommendations have been formulated for improving the redevelopment processes in Russia, aimed at enhancing the process of incorporating industrial areas into the city’s investment and construction activities. The third chapter proposed a project for the implementation of the redevelopment of industrial areas on the example of the industrial site of OJSC Jewelers of the Urals, Ekaterinburg. A feasibility study and calculation of the effectiveness of the proposed project implementation are given. The results include recommendations aimed at improving the redevelopment of industrial zones in Russia, the developed project of redevelopment of an industrial site. / Магистерская диссертация состоит из трех глав, введения, заключения, списка литературы и приложений к работе. В первой главе изложены теоретические аспекты редевелопмента промышленных территорий, рассмотрен российский и зарубежный опыт реализации проектов редевелопмента промышленных зон, так же выявлены актуальные практические проблемы, с которыми сталкиваются девелоперские компании при реализации таких проектов. Во второй главе приведено методическое обеспечение механизмов реализации проектов редевелопмента промышленных территорий, рассмотрен процесс реализации проектов в США и Германии, проведен сравнительный анализ. На основе изученных материалов сформулированы рекомендации по совершенствованию процессов редевелопмента в России, направленные на активизацию процесса включения промышленных территорий в инвестиционно- строительную деятельность города. В третьей главе предложен проект по реализации редевелопмента промышленных территорий на примере промышленной площадки ОАО «Ювелиры Урала», г. Екатеринбург. Дано технико-экономическое обоснование и расчет эффективности реализации предложенного проекта. Результаты включают в себя рекомендации, направленные на совершенствование процессов редевелопмента промышленных зон в России, разработанный проект редевелопмента промышленной площадки.

Объектом исследования в настоящей работе являются международно признанные права человека как элемент государственного управления. Цель исследования – сформировать научное представление о международных стандартах прав человека как об элементе государственного управления, обозначить основные проблемы механизма их обеспечения в государственном управлении и пути повышения эффективности данного механизма. В процессе исследования были выявлены проблемы реализации международных стандартов прав человека в сфере образования, здравоохранения, физической культуры и спорта. В заключение содержатся выводы, характеризующие итоги исследования. По итогам исследования в адрес органов государственной власти разработаны рекомендации по обеспечению международно признанных прав человека. / The object of research in this paper is internationally recognized human rights as an element of public administration. The purpose of the research is to form a scientific understanding of international human rights standards as an element of public administration, to identify the main problems of the mechanism for ensuring them in public administration and ways to improve the effectiveness of this mechanism. In the course of the research, the problems of implementing international human rights standards in the field of education, health, physical culture and sports were identified. The conclusion contains conclusions that characterize the results of the study. Based on the results of the study, recommendations were made to state authorities to ensure internationally recognized human rights.

No description available.

Plurale Weltinterpretationen praktizieren wir täglich, meist ohne uns darüber bewusst zu sein. Zustande kommen sie durch die gleichzeitige und gleichwertige Existenz verschiedener Modelle der Weltinterpretation. Sie sind Produkte menschlicher Schöpferkraft und stehen als parallele Realitäten einander ergänzend und einander widersprechend nebeneinander. Das Buch führt am Beispiel der Tyva Südsibiriens in zwei Modelle der Weltinterpretation und in die Praxis des Umgangs mit ihnen ein. Es zeigt, wie einzelne lokale Akteure zwei von mehreren Modellen flexibel zum Einsatz bringen, um Situationen zu deuten und in ihnen zu handeln. Es wird deutlich, welchen Regeln die Tyva dabei folgen, welche Gründe sie leiten und welche Folgen sie zu tragen haben. Das Ergebnis ist ein Bild zeitgenössischer Kultur, das der gegenwärtig gegebenen Flexibilität und Pluralität des menschlichen Deutens, Handelns und Verhaltens gerecht wird. / Plural World Interpretations are part of our everyday lives, even if we are not aware of the fact. They result from the simultaneous existence of different but equal models for interpreting the world we live in. These models are the product of human constructivity and co-exist as parallel realities, complementing and contradicting each other. Based on fieldwork among the Tyva of southern Siberia, the book discusses the practice of dealing with this multiplicity of world interpretations and shows how individual actors oscillate flexibly between two of many possible models for interpreting specific situations and act on them. The rules Tyvans apply in varying contexts, the reasons behind their choices and the consequences they have to deal with, are analysed. The result is an account of contemporary culture that explores the flexibility and plurality of human interpretation, action and behaviour. / Мы используем множественные интерпретации мира (нем. plurale Weltinterpretationen) ежедневно и, в большинстве случаев, неосознанно. Осуществляется это за счёт одновременного и равноценного сосуществования различных моделей мировоззрения. Они являются продуктом творческой деятельностей человека и сосуществуют в качестве параллельных реальностей, дополняя и, одновременно, противореча друг другу. На примере тувинцев Южной Сибири данная книга знакомит с двумя моделями мировоззрения, а также с практикой их применения. Показывается, как локальные акторы гибко применяют две из существующего множества моделей: и для того, чтобы действовать в складывающихся ситуациях, и чтобы толковать их. Станет понятным, каким правилам при этом следуют тувинцы, какими мотивами руководствуются и какие это имеет последствия. Результатом явится картина современной культуры, которая будет отвечать имеющимся на данный момент запросам гибкости и многообразия в мировоззрении, действиях и поведении человека.

俄羅斯作為一個多民族的聯邦國家，自一九九一年獨立以後採行市場改革與民主制度，轉型後面臨國家、民族與民主化的多重挑戰。民主轉型是一條冗長而複雜的道路，而且通常不是一條坦途。俄羅斯也不可避免要面對這樣的挑戰。俄羅斯的聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的遺緒，前蘇聯的民族區域自治政策相當程度的影響了俄羅斯的聯邦制度。聯邦制度被許多人視為是一種能容納民族多元文化的制度化機制，但是採行聯邦制的俄羅斯一開始就面對蜂擁而至的民族分離勢力，統一成為議題而非共識，聯邦制度與民族自治的關係與發展成為攸關俄羅斯未來的一項重要問題，本文就選擇俄羅斯的聯邦制與民族自治作為論文主題，而以一九九○年作為分析的中心。 本文研究架構從新制度主義的研究途徑來探討後共時期的俄羅斯，我們在文中有三項主要的分析架構。首先，我們選擇由轉型學中的一項相當顯著的概念－「協議轉型」，來省視它的民主化過程。我們使用政治學家卡爾對協議的探討，他分析協議內涵包括基礎性與管理性，對於協議有進一步的瞭解。同時，他使用策略與主導力量的變數作出了民主轉型的類型表，本文作者則修正其類型表增加兩項變數，從使用策略與主導力量的角度來分析俄羅斯轉型過程中，涉及聯邦制度與地區自治的幾項協議，包括《聯盟條約》、《聯邦條約》、《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》、《俄韃條約》、《公民協定》與《權力分享協定》作為分析對象；此外，也將俄羅斯轉型初期地區力量最為凸顯的韃靼斯坦與車臣兩個民族共和國，以及本文所分析的三個個案－喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦，也一併置於類型表中作分析。這些協議除了《公民協定》以外，其餘協議對於俄羅斯聯邦制度的發展以及俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係都有影響。我們在此發現，除了《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》是屬於「菁英與群眾合作」的「強制接受」的類型外，其餘都是「協商妥協」中的「菁英優勢」類型。雖然絕大多數的協議都是以協商妥協的方式通過，但是因為國家根本大法憲法以強制方式通過，也是造成俄羅斯後來政局不穩定的最主要因素之一。其次，我們從多位政治學者對聯邦制度的理論探討，包括不對稱聯邦制度的分析，來探討俄羅斯聯邦制度的安排，由俄羅斯聯邦憲法對於中央與地區的權力劃分來詳細分析俄羅斯聯邦制度的特徵。從學者分析不對稱聯邦制度模式會有衝突的潛在性，對聯邦制度的發展不具正面的功能，甚至可能會危及聯邦的統一，對俄羅斯聯邦制度的不穩定可以提供部分的解釋功能。最後，我們從策略運用的角度來分析俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係，將俄羅斯由獨立初期至一九九○年代末期，聯邦政府與地區（特別是民族共和國）所運用的策略，由策略型式、時間演進與光譜分布，來研究一九九○年代俄羅斯聯邦政府與地區的關係發展梗概。從一九九○年代初期的「主權的遊行」到一九九四年以後的「雙邊條約的遊行」的現象發展中，可以發現從時間演進與光譜分布來看，俄羅斯聯邦政府是節節敗退，先懷柔與施惠，最後才祭出武力作為施壓。而自一九九四年的第一次車臣戰爭以後，地區分離力量已有所收斂，地區轉而爭取經濟與自治權益居多，直至普丁總統上任以後，才著手積極整頓聯邦政府與地區的幾項爭議問題。 本文使用新制度主義研究途徑探討俄羅斯聯邦與民族自治，以一九九○年代為分析中心，並以喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個共和國作為個案探討對象。文中以俄羅斯獨立至葉爾辛下台作為主要的研究分析期，詳實分析俄羅斯聯邦發展過程中如何處理民族問題，以期對多民族國家處理民族問題的做法有更深一層的瞭解。全文分為六章。第一章緒論。敘述研究動機、所使用的研究途徑、研究架構與章節分配。第二章探討民族主義與俄羅斯，敘述俄羅斯與民族主義的關係，對俄羅斯民族主義的特徵、蘇聯的民族理論與政策與蘇聯解體的民族因素，先作背景因素的探討。第三章分析俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制。對俄羅斯獨立初期的民主轉型，特別是以協議轉型作為分析重心。分析俄羅斯獨立以後的多項協議的內涵與重要性，再從聯邦制的理論來分析俄羅斯所採取的聯邦制內涵與特徵。第四章分析俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係。以俄羅斯的民族政策、俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係，以及地區精英作為觀察中心。第五章選擇喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個民族共和國作為研究個案，這三個共和國是蒙古族後裔或與蒙古族族源接近的民族所聚居的共和國，文中比較分析三個共和國在俄羅斯獨立以後的策略以及與中央的互動。第六章結論。先評估俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制度的優缺點，再從普丁總統上任以後對俄羅斯聯邦制度的改革、俄羅斯作為多民族聯邦國家與民主鞏固的關係作前景的探討。 本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的制度遺緒，再披上現代民主的形式，使得俄羅斯的聯邦制難以調適民主化以後的變革。一九九○年代聯邦政府處理地區－特別是民族共和國－的分離勢力捉襟見肘。聯邦政府對分離力量收斂以後所代之而起的地區爭權趨勢，也始終未能理順，導致普丁總統上任以後對地區勢力不斷採取抑制方式。本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度需作結構性的調整，以適應未來的改革，否則地區力量會隨著中央的衰頹東山再起，對俄羅斯長遠的發展並不利。 / As a multi-ethnic federation nation, Russia, since its independence in 1991, initiated market reform and embarked on establishing a democratic system. In the process of this transformation, it had to confront many challenges related to ethnicity and democratization. Democratization is a long and complex process and, more than often, not an easy road. Russia too, hence, was not exempted from facing such challenges. The federalism of Russia has inherited some remnants of its legacy from former Soviet Union. Former Soviet Union’s policy of regional autonomy based on ethnicity has had substantial degree of influence on Russia’s federalism. The federalism is regarded by many people as a systematic mechanism which is able to accommodate a multi-ethnic culture. However, Russia, at the very onset of adopting this system, had to confront many forces which supported ethnic separation. Unification became a mere agenda not mutual consensus. The relationship between federalism and ethnic autonomy and development became an important issue for the future of Russia. This paper hereby chooses the federalism of Russia and ethnic autonomy as the topic of the thesis, and selects the 1990s as the focal point of this analytical study. The analytical framework of this paper exploits the approach of new-institutionalism to examine a post-Communist Russia. Our paper comprises of three key frameworks for analysis. First, we will pick one of the relatively distinct concepts of democratic transition-“Pacted Transitions” to analyze Russia’s democratization process. Let’s take the reference of political expert Terry Lynn Karl’s study on compromise. His analysis on pacts includes both basics and managerial, thus offering a much better understanding on pacts. At the same time, he employs strategy and leadership as variables to create modes of transition to democracy. The writer of this paper amends this chart to include two additional variables. From the aspect of strategy and leadership, we can analyze some of the compromises undertaken by the federalism and regional autonomies including the “Union Treaty,” the Federation Treaty, the Constitution of Russian Federation, “On Delimitation of Jurisdictional Subjects and Mutual Delegation of Authority between the State Bodies of the Russian Federation and the Russian Federation and the State Bodies of the Republic of Tatarstan,” the Civic Accord, the power-sharing agreements between Russian federal government and its subjects, etc, which Russia encountered during its transition process. In addition to these, this paper will also accommodate in its analysis chart the ethnic republics of Tatarstan and Chechnya - two most prominent regional forces during the initial period of Russia’s transition, plus three study cases on Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva. All the above mentioned treaties and agreements, with the exception of the Civic Accord, had significant influence on the development of Russia’s federalism and the interrelationship between the Federation and the territories. Here we’ll discover that, except for the “Constitution of Russian Federation” which can be classified as “Imposition” in the mode of ”Cooperation between the elite and the mass”, the rest belong to the mode of “Compromise” in “Elite Ascendant”. Even though most of the agreements were conceived by way of compromises, but since the national constitution was passed and approved in a coercive manner, this has remained as one of the predominant reason for the subsequent instability of the Russian Federation. Secondly, while referring to the theories proposed by various political experts on the federalism, including studies on asymmetrical federalism, we can examine the arrangement of the Russian Federalism and analyze its characteristics from its constitution’s perspective on division of powers and jurisdictions between the center and the territories. From the analyses of these experts, wherein they infer that this type of asymmetrical federalism holds potential for generating conflicts and does not have any positive influence towards the development of the federalism, even to the extent of possible undermining of the federation’s unification, we can provide some explanation for the instability of the Russian Federation. Finally, let us inspect the development of relationship between the Russian Federation and the regions from the perspective of utilization of strategies - the strategies which were employed by the Federal government and the territories (especially the ethnic republics) from the time of Russia’s initial phase of independence till the late nineteen nineties, and through the type of strategies, time progression and the distribution of spectrum, understand the synopsis of this relationship. From the development of events since the “Parade of Sovereignties” in the early nineties till the “Parade of Bilateral Treaties,” after 1994, by referring to time progression and the distribution of spectrum we can understand that the government of the Russian Federation has been deteriorating progressively –at first posing benign and offering incentives, and then eventually resorting to oppression by military might. Since it’s first conflict with Chechnya in 1994, the secessionist forces in the regions have relatively quailed, with the majority of the territories rather claiming for economic rights and autonomy. It was only after the appointment of President Vladimir Putin that these problems between the federal government and the territories were intensively looked into and dealt with. This paper utilizes the approach of new-institutionalism to analyze the Russian Federation and the ethnic autonomies. We choose the nineteen nineties period as the focus of this research and select Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva as the subjects for case studies. This paper allots the time beginning from the independence of Russia till the departure of President Boris Yeltsin as the primary time period for analysis, with in-depth look on ways to resolve ethnic conflicts while studying the process of development of the Russian Federation, with a hope to get a deeper understanding of how to resolve ethnic problems within a multi-ethnic nation. The whole paper is comprised of six chapters. The first chapter explains the motive of this study, the various approaches used for the study, the frameworks of this analysis and the distribution of the chapters. Taking the characteristics of nationalism in Russia, it’s ethnic groups and various related theories and policies instigating the disintegration of the former Soviet Union as the basis of study for its background aspects, the second chapter deals with nationalism and Russia, the interrelationship between the two. The third chapter probes into Russia’s democratization and its federalism. It analyzes Russia’s early stages of transition to democracy with special reference to “Pacted Transition” as the focal point. Here we study the contents and significance of the various treaties and agreements of Russia and thereafter from the theories of the federalism, we analyze the essence and features of the federalism adopted by Russia. The fourth chapter focuses on the relationship between the Russian federal government and the territories. Here we take Russia’s policies on ethnicity, the relationship between the federal government and the regions and the regional elites as the focus of our observation. The fifth chapter partakes the republics of Kalmykia, Buryat and Tuva as case studies for this research. These three republics are either descendants of the Mongol or have close association with Mongoloid ancestry. In this chapter we take a look at the policies adopted after Russia’s independence and their interaction with the center. The sixth chapter evaluates the pros and cons of Russia’s democratization and federalism. Thereafter, as the foreground of this paper, we study all the reforms in Russia, which are undertaken by the Russian Federation following the election of President Vladimir Putin, and the relationship between Russia, a multi-ethnic nation and its democratic consolidation. This paper assumes that Russia has inherited the vestiges of former Soviet Union and at the same time adorning itself with a style of a modern democracy, making it very difficult to adapt to changes following its democratization. In the nineteen nineties, the Russian federal government was quite unsuccessful in handling the secessionist forces in the regions, especially the ethnic republics. The federal government was unable to restrain the trend in regional power struggles, which became fervent after the secessionist forces tempered down. This eventually led to the use of prolonged methods of suppression by President Vladimir Putin. This paper assumes that the Russian Federation needs to make major structural changes in its system in order to adapt itself to future reforms, failing which, the regional forces will once again rise up as the center weakens, thus proving unfavorable for the development of Russia in the long-run.

自第21世紀初以來，由於電信與資訊科技的積極發展，使資訊取得更容易。於此同時，資訊來源的多樣性也使思想和觀點多元化。 國家形象是簡潔且通俗易懂的概念，它包含一國的國內經濟、政治發展程度、國際體系上的地位、合作行爲、文化和歷史價值。此外，國家形象也把國家利益反映到國際舞臺，允許領導人與外國夥伴鞏固關係、創造共贏局面。該背景下，國家形象塑造是每個政府的迫切目標之一，蓋因和平且可靠的國際形象可以保證國家永續發展。 最近幾年當中，俄羅斯的國際形象惡化。因此本論文的目標為研究自2012年至2016年中（現任總統普京的任職期間）的國際公眾對俄羅斯聯邦的態度。 作者研究俄羅斯形象塑造及公眾外交政策，分析俄羅斯聯邦與其他國家及國際組織的正式文件、國際學者文獻理的推論，也解析臺灣國立政治大學來自不同國家學生、畢業生、老師與教授的立場。作者根據上述資料推論出俄羅斯國際形象受損的原因及國家公眾外交有哪些需要改善的部分；並以強調形象改革政策計畫中，哪些交流能夠使俄羅斯聯邦與國際社會關係暖化來作為結論。 / Since the beginning of the 21st century, development of telecommunication and information technologies has resulted in the substantial expansion of media coverage, greater information accessibility, and sophistication of control over the information. Abundance of facts concerning any issue makes it multidimensional, provoking a plentitude of opinions. The image of a country is a succinct and ready-for-apprehension informational phenomena or entrenched perception of a country by foreign partners, which offers a particular expectation of its behavior, thus, it is one of the major factors influencing international cooperation. In addition, state image identifies a country’s political weight abroad and its status among other members of global community, including the capacity to defend national interests. The significance of the image-building is determined by the fact that it is one of the strategic tasks for each contemporary government. Trustworthy international image speaks for a country’s economic and cultural development and creates a formula of its success abroad and within national borders, serves as a criterion of its stability and transparency. Recently Russia has experienced a substantial shift in its apprehension by the foreign public. The particular study is focused on how global community perceived the Russian Federation from 2012 till 2016, the period that correlated with the latest tenet of President Vladimir Putin. The research is focused on the origins of Russia’s international image along with the evaluation of governmental attempts to enhance it and create transparency and mutual trust under existing conditions, including the course of the country’s public diplomacy. The author analyzed how the world academia and media portray the Russian Federation and collected opinions among students, alumni, and professors of the National Chengchi University. The paper aims to define the most distinctive factors, which form the image of the Russian Federation on the international arena and to elicit the fields of Russia’s public diplomacy, which lack attention the most, as well as to offer a roadmap for overcoming the existing misunderstanding.

The aim of this diploma thesis called The Human Rights Commissioner of the Russian Federation is to provide a comprehensive insight into the formation and development process of the institute of the human rights commissioner by means of description and analysis. At the same time, it attempts to facilitate a better understanding of this institute inside the Russian social system. The opening section defines the institute of ombudsman from the historical and theoretical point of view and puts it in the post-Soviet context. The following section touches on the key legislation related to this institute in the Russian Federation and on the way it was formed and embedded in Russia. A separate chapter addresses the competences and specific tasks of the public defender of rights. This chapter is supported by annual reports issued by the Russian ombudsman's office. The last section of the thesis deals with the relationship between the ombudsman, the Russian establishment and non-governmental human rights organizations. The relationship is defined theoretically and illustrated by practical examples and specific cases. Keywords Ombudsman, The Human Rights Commissioner, Federal Constitutional Act on the Human Rights Commissioner, Human Rights, Freedoms, the Russian Federation, Russian Establishment, Human...

Après la chute de l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques en décembre 1991, la Fédération de Russie affirme à maintes reprises son engagement à suivre un développement démocratique et à faire partie de « l’Europe sans frontières ». Pour atteindre cet objectif, elle adhère à toute une série de traités européens, entre autres, à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. Toutefois, malgré la volonté affichée par la Russie de faire partie du système européen de protection des droits fondamentaux, les problèmes de transition politique, institutionnelle et économique rendent cette tâche très difficile. Entre autres le fédéralisme, qu’on peut qualifier de « complexe », crée un système juridique très singulier dont certains éléments ne sont pas toujours compatibles avec les instruments internationaux en matière des droits de l’homme ratifiés par la Russie. L’objectif de ce travail est d’étudier les problèmes de la mise en œuvre de la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales et des décisions de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme en Fédération de Russie et leur possible influence sur le développement des instruments de protection des droits fondamentaux dans les conditions du système fédéral existant en Russie. / After the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in December 1991, the Russian Federation stated repeatedly its commitment to democratic development and to be part of "Europe without borders". To achieve this goal it joins a number of European treaties, among others, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. However, despite the willingness of Russia to be part of the European system of protection of fundamental rights, the problems of political transition, economic and institutional development make this task very difficult. Among other the federalism, which could be qualified as "complex", creates a very singular legal system. Some of its elements are not always compatible with international instruments on human rights protection ratified by Russia. The objective of this work is to study the problems of implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in the Russian Federation and their possible influence on the development of national instruments for the protection of fundamental rights under the Russian federal system.

One of the key issues discussed over the last few years in connection with the ECHR is a large number of individual applications lodged to the court although the court does not have sufficient capacity to resolve them. The majority of the cases falls into category of so- called repetitive cases. This thesis aims to identify the tools, ECHR disposes of, and to what extent those tools may affect national legislation and case law of national courts. Reforms of problematic institutes at the national level implemented as a result of the ECHR decisions are able to exclude the future influx of repetitive cases to this transnational judicial authority. The process of the influence of ECHR case law on national legal systems is analyzed on the example of Russian Federation, which currently holds the first place regarding the number of individual applications that have been filed with the ECHR.

The aim of the thesis is to evaluate an investment project in the Russian Federation from the foreign investor's perspective. The project feasibility study was developed as the first step in a decision making process of execution an international investment project, which includes ambient conditions and market analysis. The plan of cash flow was compiled in compliance of Russian tax system, and was considered as a base for project evaluation by using appropriate methods. For further assessment of possible risks of the project was used sensitivity analysis.