Nas páginas desta Tese, procuramos entender o surgimento e a trajetória de um grupo de ex-marinheiros, que participou da diretoria da Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB, entre maio de 1963 e o Golpe de 1964. Suas origens remontam à crise de 1961, quando os ministros militares brasileiros tentaram impedir a posse do vice-presidente João Goulart, após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros. Esse grupo, que denominamos Coletivo, inseriu-se no movimento mais amplo dos militares subalternos das Forças Armadas, que teve seu auge na chamada Revolta dos Sargentos de setembro de 1963. A partir do Golpe de 1964, o Coletivo entrou nas organizações guerrilheiras, passando por uma transição de nacionalistas a revolucionários. Os membros desse Coletivo, algumas vezes, estiveram dispersos, mas voltavam sempre a se reunir como se estivessem ligados a um compromisso surgido nos tempos da AMFNB. O grupo foi preso e encaminhado para a Penitenciária Professor Lemos Brito. Nesse lugar, ocupando pontos estratégicos na Administração Penitenciária, pode executar atividades que melhoraram a vida dos presos comuns, bem como de preparar sua fuga da prisão. Para a execução do plano de fuga, denominado Operação Liberdade, criou-se uma organização guerrilheira clandestina, com o sugestivo nome MAR Movimento de Ação Revolucionária (a sigla se confundia com o substantivo mar), envolvendo várias pessoas de fora da Penitenciária. Sua fuga da prisão não significou afastamento da política. Ingressaram novamente na guerrilha no combate à ditadura civil-militar. Alguns de seus membros foram presos novamente, outros saíram do país e seu líder, Marcos Antônio da Silva Lima, foi morto numa emboscada da polícia, quando militava no PCBR. O caminho percorrido pelo Coletivo, após o Golpe, permite compreender as estratégias e a ideia que tinham as organizações guerrilheiras de revolução. Realizando as entrevistas com membros desse Coletivo, conseguimos acesso a suas avaliações sobre as organizações guerrilheiras pelas quais passaram e sobre aquela jornada histórica. / This thesis tries to understand the emergence and trajectory of a ex-sailors group who attended the board of the Association of Sailors and Marines of Brazil (Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB) from May 1963 to the coup of 1964. Its origins date back to the 1961 crisis, when Brazilian military ministers tried to prevent the vice-president João Goulart possession, after the resign of president Janio Quadros. This group, which we call Collective, was part of the broader movement of the subaltern Armed Forces personnel, which had its heyday in the named Revolt of the Sergeants September 1963. From the 1964 coup, the Collective entered guerrilla organizations, through a transition from the nationalist to revolutionaries. The members of this Collective sometimes been dispersed, but they always returned to meet as if they were connected to a compromise emerged in AMFNB times. The group was arrested and taken to the Penitentiary Teacher Lemos Brito. There, occupying strategic points in Prison Administration, it could perform activities that improved the lives of ordinary prisoners, and to prepare his escape from prison. They created for the implementation of the escape plan, called Freedom Operation, a clandestine guerilla organization, with the suggestive name MAR - Revolutionary Action Movement (the acronym was confused with the noun SEA), involving several people outside the penitentiary. Their prison break did not mean retirement from politics. Once again joined the guerrillas in fighting Brazilian civil-military dictatorship. Some of its members were arrested again, others left the country and its leader, Marcos Antonio da Silva Lima, was killed in a police ambush, when militated in PCBR. The path taken by the Collective after the coup allows us to understand the strategies and the concept of revolution which guerrilla organizations had. We got access to their reviews of the guerrilla organizations through which passed and on that historic journey conducting interviews with members of the Collective.

毛澤東的文藝思想主要包含了馬克思主義,中國傳統文化,以及二十世紀中 國革命思潮三個來源,這三者之間並非全無扞格,但是毛澤東卻是採取一種 相當實用的態度來處理這些不同的思維.其間的判準並不全是基於推動革 命事業的需求,還包括了毛澤東相當個人化的忖度與反應,包括他的世界 觀,他的欣賞情趣,以及他對權力地位的佔有欲望.這使得在毛澤東文藝思 想宰制下的中國文藝歷史,呈現出一種多變的,不穩定的,壓抑且扭曲的面 貌.除了歷史情境的因素,以及與毛澤東個人因素之間的互動探討之外,筆 者也指出了馬克思主義文藝觀演變之下,文藝的革命性被政治實踐要求扭 曲,以及革命文藝對於文藝歷史扭曲的結構性因素.於是,文藝的實用性從 事實認定轉變為本質認定,其極至的結果,使得文藝淪為政治的宣傳工具. 中共在新時期主導中國大陸的文藝思想,與毛澤東文藝思想的最大區別,在 於知識份子的地位從工農兵文藝原則下的尷尬地位解放出來,這對於中國 大陸文藝的多元發展,起著根本的正面作用.但無論如何,文藝的首要價值 仍是受到非文藝的因素決定,在中共政權之下,加在文藝工作者身上的束縛 仍是存在的.

This thesis proposes a theoretical framework for spatial inquiry into conditions of radical social gregariousness, through probing the crowd design problem in the work of the Soviet Rationalist architects (1920s-30s) - particularly their submissions to the Palace of Soviets competition (Moscow 1931-3). Legitimizing the crowd construct as an index of collective consciousness, and examining the early-modern revolutionary crowd's struggles for proclaiming its self-consciousness, this thesis investigates the interwar political phenomenon of amassing large crowds within buildings as a device for constructing collective social relations. The research project is divided into two main parts. The first is concerned with the crowd design problem, identifying this problem not just as the technical task of accommodating large political crowds, but as the basis of the formulation a new kind of conceptual intent in architecture. Finding the competition brief inadequate to in-depth formulation, the thesis investigates three primary sources for the crowd design problem: mass-events, revolutionary-theatre and revolutionary-art. Four components comprise the Crowd Design Problem each seeking legitimacy in the mass of crowd-bodies: i) the problem of crowd configurations; ii) challenges from the kinesthetic-space conception evoked by theatrical director V.E. Meyerhold's Biomechanics; iii) the legitimacy of 'the object' within a spatial-field of intersubjectivity; and iv) the challenge of 'seeing' crowds from immersive viewpoints counteracting representational filters of class privilege. Part-II focuses on the response of the Rationalists--one of the groups participating in the competition--to the crowd design problem. The study unearths in their designs a logic of space-making founded in the construction of inter-subjective states of consciousness radically different from prevailing individualistic conceptions of social space. To explain this logic of space-making, it proposes the notion of Gregarious Space--a theoretical framework of inquiry into what Marx called "species-being", taking radical gregariousness as the primary, generative condition of society. Besides drawing on morphological principles, social theory, historical analyses, and philosophical reflections, the notion of Gregarious Space is found to be particularly amenable to design propositions. Within the proposed theoretical framework, the Rationalists' design-proposition of curved-grounds, dense notations, textured co-visibilities and empathetic graphic conventions - all comprise a founding spatial-principle trafficking in rhythmic fields between subjects and against non-commodified objects: a principle which challenges the material domain of Productivist Constructivism as well as Historical Materialism's canonical constructs of alienation. Moreover, its uncertain kinesthetics sustain dynamic, aleatory states of consciousness which subvert prevailing disciplinary techniques of Panopticon inspection.

La présente thèse étudie la production et la consommation d’images par les révolutionnaires russes avant 1917. L’auteur soutient que l’iconographie révolutionnaire russe émane d’un long processus au cours duquel les révolutionnaires se sont appropriés et ont subverti certaines images et stratégies visuelles, ainsi que leurs moyens de production, déjà disponibles au sein de la culture qu’ils avaient entrepris de transformer. Cette appropriation est comprise comme une tentative d'insuffler une cohérence idéologique à un mouvement révolutionnaire en émergence et, ce faisant, en proie à une relative désorganisation. L’auteur montre comment l’usage de portraits et de stéréotypes visuels joua un rôle important dans la construction de l’identité et de la conscience révolutionnaires, d’une part, et comment un certain imaginaire révolutionnaire fut cristallisé dans la culture visuelle contemporaine, d’autre part. / This dissertation studies the production and consumption of images by Russian revolutionaries prior to 1917. The author argues that Russian revolutionary iconography emanates from a long-term process in which revolutionaries appropriated and subverted the images, means of production and visual strategies already available in their surrounding cultural context. This cultural borrowing is analyzed as an attempt of the revolutionaries to give an ideological coherence to an emerging but still disorganized political movement. The author shows how portraits and visual stereotypes have been fundamental in the construction of the revolutionary identity and consciousness, on one hand, and how a certain revolutionary imagination have been crystallized in the contemporary visual culture, on the other hand.

Au cours des dernières décennies, l’augmentation du nombre de guerres irrégulières place les armées modernes dans une situation délicate. Pour pouvoir relever ce nouveau défi, ces organisations militaires, avant tout destinées à mener des guerres interétatiques, se doivent d’innover. Plusieurs cas historiques montrent comment, face à de nouvelles formes de conflit, certaines armées se sont lancées dans un processus d’innovation. Le cas de l’armée française en Algérie en est un. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comprendre comment l’innovation a émergé lors du conflit, et comment elle s’est diffusée au sein de l’organisation militaire. Un survol de la stratégie française en Algérie va permettre de dégager trois principales innovations : La mise en place de la doctrine de la guerre révolutionnaire, la création des Sections Administratives Spécialisées et l’approche de David Galula. L’étude de ses trois cas nous montre que, durant la Guerre d’Algérie, l’innovation provenait principalement des militaires, plus précisément du sommet de la hiérarchie. Cependant, certains exemples d’innovation par le bas existent. Dans ces cas-là, la diffusion se fera via la doctrine informelle. L’exemple de Galula nous prouve néanmoins qu’une innovation se diffuse beaucoup plus difficilement lorsqu’elle émane des hommes de terrain. / During the last decades, the increasing number of irregular wars brought the modern armies into a delicate situation. In order to overcome this new challenge, these military organizations primarily designed for interstate wars had to innovate. Many historical cases show how certain armies have launched into innovation processes because of new forms of conflict. The case of the French army in Algeria is a good example. The main goal of this paper is to understand how innovation has emerged during the conflict, and how it has diffused within the military organization. A glance at the French strategy in Algeria will allow us to highlight three main innovations: the development of the Revolutionary Warfare doctrine, the creation of “Sections Administratives Specialisées, and the David Galula approach. The analysis of these three study cases shows that innovation came mainly from militaries during the Algerian war, particularly those on top of the hierarchy. However, certain examples of bottom-up innovations do exist. In these cases, diffusion will take place via the informal doctrine. Nevertheless, the Galula example demonstrates that an innovation will diffuse with more difficulty when it comes from people on the ground.

Ce mémoire portera sur le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma politique d’une manière générale dans un premier temps, puis plus spécifiquement dans l’oeuvre du cinéaste québécois Pierre Falardeau. Il s’agit donc d’abord de regarder comment, d’un point de vue historique, l’image fut réemployée dans le cinéma documentaire classique. Il sera ensuite question de la réutilisation de l’image à des fins politiques dans le cinéma expérimental à travers une analyse du found footage film. Dans un deuxième temps, nous verrons le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma militant, engagé politiquement (voire révolutionnaire) dans le cinéma d’Amérique latine (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas et Octavio Getino) et en France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker et Jean-Luc Godard). Par la suite, nous verrons comment Pierre Falardeau recyclera des images principalement dans trois de ses documentaires : Pea Soup, Speak White et Le temps des bouffons. Nous allons voir où il se situe dans les différentes traditions de réemploi d’images que nous avons vu précédemment et comment il se rapprochait et se distinguait de ses prédécesseurs. / This thesis is concerned with the reuse of images in political cinema in general and, specifically, in the work of Quebec filmmaker Pierre Falardeau. We will first see how, from a historical point of view, archival images have been recycled in traditional documentary and then how they were used or reused for political purposes in found footage experimental films. We will then discuss the use of found footage in militant or revolutionary cinema both in Latin America (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino) and France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker and Jean-Luc Godard). We will then analyse Pierre Falardeau’s reuse of images in three of his documentaries: Pea Soup, Speak White and Le temps des bouffons. We will try and see how Falardeau fits within this tradition of the found footage film and the distinctive features of this aspect of his work.

Thesis--Bonn. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [88]-94).

O presente trabalho tem como indagação central as reflexões acerca da ditadura militar na literatura brasileira contemporânea, centrando-se nos romances de Milton Hatoum, Dois irmãos (2000) e Cinzas do Norte (2005). O trabalho dividi-se em quatro eixos: o primeiro contempla as produções artísticas dos anos 50 e 60 marcadas pelo romantismo revolucionário e pela utopia de uma país novo; em um segundo momento, o desencanto da esquerda nos anos 70 é o foco principal; logo após, no terceiro eixo, trabalha-se com a variante distópica, tendo as obras Onde andará Dulce Veiga (1990), de Caio Fernando Abreu, e Benjamim (1995), de Chico Buarque, papéis cruciais. O quarto eixo refere-se à literatura produzida pós anos 2000, o foco principal desta dissertação: a obra de Milton Hatoum, aqui limitada aos romances já citados. Através da análise dos romances supracitados busca-se localizar a reflexão feita pelos intelectuais Caio Fernando Abreu, Chico Buarque e Milton Hatoum, anos após o fim do regime: trauma ou acerto de contas? Através do tratamento literário dado ao tema em seus romances, Milton Hatoum, de forma díspar a Caio Fernando Abreu e Chico Buarque, mostrar-nos-á uma reflexão mais madura, baseada no papel da escrita, ou seja, no desempenho da função do intelectual, que transmite e trabalha a sua memória através da narrativa. / The present work has it central indagation focused in the thoughts about the military dictatorship in the contemporary Brazilian literature, having focus in the Milton Hatoum's romances, Dois irmãos (2000) and Cinzas do Norte (2005). This work divide itself in four axis: the first one contemplates the artistic productions of the 50's and 60's that were marked by the revolutionary romanticism and the utopia of a new country; in a second moment, the disenchantment of the left in the 70's is the main focus, soon after that, in the third axis, it will be worked the distopic variant, with the works Onde andará Dulce Veiga (1990), from Caio Fernando Abreu and Benjamin (1995), from Chico Buarque having crucial papers. The fourth axis refers itself to the literature produced after the 2000's, the main focus of this dissertation: the work of Milton Hatoum, here taken by the already named romances. Through analysis of the romances named above, we intend to localize the reflexions made by the intellectuals Caio Fernando Abreu, Chico Buarque and Milton Hatoum, years after the end of the regime: trauma or reckoning? Through the literary treatment given to this theme in theirs romances, Milton Hatoum differs itself to Caio Fernando Abreu and Chico Buarque, showing us a more mature thought, based on the role of writing, or in another word, in the development of the function of the intellectual, capable of transmitting and working its memory through the narrative.

CASTELO, Sander Cruz. A ética revolucionária: utopia e desgraça em Terra em transe (1967). 2010. 345f. Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-10-27T16:41:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Tese_SCCastelo.pdf: 2845277 bytes, checksum: 318175370864555b6ea03ec9171e6628 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-10-27T16:42:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Tese_SCCastelo.pdf: 2845277 bytes, checksum: 318175370864555b6ea03ec9171e6628 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-10-27T16:42:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Tese_SCCastelo.pdf: 2845277 bytes, checksum: 318175370864555b6ea03ec9171e6628 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Brazilian Cinema Novo producers designed audiovisual narratives on revolutionary theory and action at the same time as narratives were written within the pale of militancy and intellectuality, therefore being consecrated as some of the chief designers of Brazilian revolution ideology. Based on such premise, this study analyzes how the movie Entranced earth (1967) renders hegemonic revolutionary ideas problematic, within three distinct contexts, disconnected by both 1964 military blow and AI-5: the primer, marked by the defense for “an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic-bourgeois revolution”, accomplished by the engagement between national bourgeoisie, PCB, workers and peasants against landowners and multinational companies, inspired by the III International’s (1919) postulates, distributed in Brazil by PCB; the second, celebrated by the relative overcoming of revolutionary stagism and armed actions of guerrilla influenced by Cuban foquist approach and the Maoism, and whose principles retake the IV International’s (1938) recommendations on uneven and combined nature of capitalism and the “permanent revolution”; the latter, embedded on the conservative modernization that militaries triggered, under the guidelines from National Security Doctrine, with Sebastianist and counter-reformer resonances. Moreover, the study shows that over revolutionary grounds and strategies in Brazilian setting, Glauber Rocha’s film brings into light the problem of the very revolutionary mentality, that Leszlek Kolakowski points as the belief in the entire man’s redemption through his absolute denial of the existing world, in the end of which would be subordinated all the other values, transformed hence in means. / Os cinemanovistas produziram narrativas audiovisuais sobre a teoria e a ação revolucionária, em concomitância com as narrativas escritas no seio da militância e da intelectualidade, consagrando-se, assim, como alguns dos principais formuladores da ideologia da revolução brasileira. Com base nessa premissa, analisa-se como o filme "Terra em transe" (1967) problematiza o ideário revolucionário hegemônico em três contextos distintos, separados pelo golpe civil-militar de 1964 e o AI-5: o primeiro marcado pela defesa de uma “revolução democrático-burguesa de conteúdo antifeudal e anti-imperialista”, levada a efeito pela aliança entre burguesia nacional, PCB, operários e camponeses contra os latifundiários e as multinacionais, inspirada nos postulados da III Internacional (1919), difundidos no Brasil pelo PCB; o segundo celebrado pela relativa superação do etapismo revolucionário e a ação armada de grupos guerrilheiros influenciados pelo foquismo cubano e o maoísmo, e cujos princípios remontam às recomendações da IV Internacional (1938) acerca do caráter desigual e combinado do capitalismo e da “revolução permanente”; o terceiro fundado na modernização conservadora engendrada pelos militares, sob as diretrizes da doutrina de segurança nacional, com ressonâncias sebastianistas e contrarreformistas. Outrossim, crê-se que, transpondo os fundamentos e estratégias revolucionárias no contexto brasileiro, a película de Glauber Rocha enseja a problematização da própria mentalidade revolucionária, entendida por Leszek Kolakowski como a crença na redenção integral do homem, mediante a negação absoluta do mundo existente, no fim do qual se subordinariam todos os outros valores, transmutados, por conseguinte, em meios.

This thesis is not a life history of Archie Mafeje. Instead, it is an attempt to grapple with his ideas. This thesis is said to be a ‘biography’ insofar as it is dedicated to a study of one individual and his contribution to knowledge. In trying to understand Mafeje’s ideas and the intellectual and political environment that shaped them, the thesis relies on Lewis R. Gordon’s concept of ‘epistemic possibility’. The thesis comprises four main parts. Part I locates Mafeje and his work within the broader African intellectual and political environment. Part II evaluates his critique of the social sciences. Part III focuses on his work on land and agrarian issues in sub-Saharan Africa. Part IV deals with his work on revolutionary theory and politics. Broadly speaking, this thesis is the first comprehensive engagement with the entire body of Mafeje’s scholarship. Specifically, the unique perspective of this thesis, and therefore its primary contribution to the existing body of knowledge, is that it seeks to overturn the idea that Mafeje was a critic of the discipline of anthropology only. The view that Mafeje was a mere critic of anthropology is in this thesis referred to as the standard view or the conventional view. The thesis argues that Mafeje is best understood as criticising all of the bourgeois social sciences for being Eurocentric and imperialist. This is offered as the alternative view. The thesis argues that the standard view makes a reformist of Mafeje, while the alternative view seeks to present him as the revolutionary scholar that he was. This interpretation lays the foundation for a profounder analysis of Mafeje’s work. In arguing that all the social sciences are Eurocentric and imperialist, he sought to liquidate them and therefore called for ‘non-disciplinarity’. It should be noted that in this regard, the primary focus of this thesis consists in following the unit of his thought and not whether he succeeded or failed in this difficult task. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)