在企業追求最大利潤之經濟法則不變下，世界資源最有效之分配便成為企業不斷地向世界各地擴張之主要原因。當企業之發展形式從一國轉為多國的型態時，多國籍企業於焉產生。多國籍企業的發展，對勞動者之影響究竟是好是壞，端賴於母國與地主國以及影響層面之角度而定。至於多國籍企業對於勞動者之其他影響則集中在勞資關係之課題上。而影響勞資關係的背後因素，則包括了多國籍企業中央決策系統、選擇性之供給來源、財務資源之優勢、強而有力之國際投資移轉能力、內部化交易模式、以及專業之管理者與顧問群等等經營特質。最後則實際表現出其勞資關係策略選擇上。 　　工會面對多國籍企業時，其思考前提是勞資關係權力之不對等。也因此，工會為追求權力之平衡，唯有增加工會自身之權力以及削弱多國籍企業之優勢二種策略。 　　增加力量方面，在國內層級上，依各國工會本身之力量與之對抗基本上已經證明是失敗的。惟有要求國家在勞動法令上賦予勞工參與的權利，工會之力量才有可能增加。在國際層級上，雖然國際工會組織陸續之出現，提出對多國籍企業之宣示（如ICFTU的「多國籍企業憲章」），以及工會聯合之需求，並在為達成跨國性集體協商的目標下，訂定有關的行動計畫或步驟（如ITS），但基本上，跨國性集體協商例子尚未出現。這也表示了工會在這一層面上的努力有限。而無法得到有效成果的主要原因，仍在於工會許多結構性因素（組織結構、意識形態、權力分配、利益衝突等）無法一一克服。 　　至於削弱多國籍企業的優勢方面，在國內層級上，國家對多國籍企業單一面向之規範基本上之限制是非常少的。值得注意的是，工會透過國際組織對多國籍企業之規範，基本上已經具有某種削弱多國籍企業優勢之意義。包括OECD的準則、ILO的宣言以及歐體的Vredeling法案，均是針對多國籍企業行為的國際性規範。這些規範基本上均承認工會組織的存在，並且具有與多國籍企業進行集體協商的權利。最重要的是，這些規範也鼓勵多國籍企業主要決策者與工會進行協商，及協商時提供企業之經營活動的資訊給勞動者、以及諮詢溝通之管道建立。對工會而言，雖然規範並不具有強制性的法律效力，但卻成為多國籍企業有關勞資關係行為上的道德約束力。就長遠的觀點來看，這些國際性規範無非是未來削弱多國籍優勢之主要方向。並且從國際性自願性質的角度，提出多國籍企業工會未來的發及其勞資關係的可能型態。

本文採歷史結構方式分析我國三個時期，工會與政黨之關係。第一個時期為我國威權轉型時期階級政黨的實踐經驗，即工黨、勞動黨及勞工陣線的『社會民主模式』提法。第二個時期為我國民主轉型期，這期間工會與政黨之關係，特別是我國全國總工會多元化後的局面。第三個時期為民進黨政府上台後，我國工會與政黨之關係。研究結果發現，我國近期將以美國式的商業主義型工運為主，但基層廠場工會仍有日本型工運的模式存在。其它的工運、工會組織也可能以類似開發中國家的對抗型工運，或國家/政黨補助型的工會形式存在。 / By employing a historical/structural perspective, this article attempts to analyze the relationship between trade unions and political parties in R.O.C. The first part analyzed the leftist-parties experience in Taiwan. It includes the “Labour Party”, “Workers’ Party” and the “Social Democratic model expression” of Taiwan Labor Front. The second part analyzed the relationship between trade unions and political parties in democratic transformation period, especially after the national confederation going to the plural road. The third part analyzed the relationship between trade unions and political parties in the DPP government period. In the future, the unionism in Taiwan will be mainly analogous with the American business unionism. But in the factory level, there will be an analogy between the unionism of Japanese model and Taiwanese enterprise unionism. Some Taiwanese unions will be analogous with the unionism of other developing country model. They will have some attributes of opposition unionism and state/party sponsored unionism.

<p>Back, I. & Hörberg, A. (2009). En ordförandegrupps känsla av sammanhang. C-uppsats i pedagogik. Institution för pedagogik, didaktik och psykologi. Högskolan i Gävle. I den ekonomiska krisen som slår hårt mot industrin har fackföreningsordföranden och ledare en utsatt position i tider av personalneddragningar på grund av minskade orderingångar. Denna studies syfte är att undersöka en ordförandegrupps känsla av sammanhang och söka faktorer som påverkar känslan av sammanhang. Detta görs genom intervjuer och enkäter. I resultatet framgår att gruppens känsla av sammanhang är relativt högt trots hot och stress. En viktig orsak till den höga känslan av sammanhang i gruppen är den höga meningsfullheten och det sociala stödet gruppen har. Nyckelord: KASAM, chefsroll, fackföreningsordföranden, hälsofrämjande, ledare, stress,</p> / <p><p>Back. I & Hörberg, A. (2009). A group of trade union leader’s sense of coherence Ccomposition in Education. Department of pedagogy, didactics and psychology. University of  Gävle In the economic crisis which strikes hard against the industry, trade union chairmen and leaders have vulnerable positions. In times when companies needs to reduce the number of employees because of diminishing orders the organized labors get a large Burdon to help in the process. The aim of this study is to investigate a group of trade union leaders, find out their sense of coherence, also known as SOC., and to look for health factors. The results of interviews and questionnaires show that the sense of coherence in the group is on a relative high level in spite of threat and stress. A main reason to this high sense of coherence in the group is that they feel that their efforts are important and that they have support from the members.</p></p>

Back, I. &amp; Hörberg, A. (2009). En ordförandegrupps känsla av sammanhang. C-uppsats i pedagogik. Institution för pedagogik, didaktik och psykologi. Högskolan i Gävle. I den ekonomiska krisen som slår hårt mot industrin har fackföreningsordföranden och ledare en utsatt position i tider av personalneddragningar på grund av minskade orderingångar. Denna studies syfte är att undersöka en ordförandegrupps känsla av sammanhang och söka faktorer som påverkar känslan av sammanhang. Detta görs genom intervjuer och enkäter. I resultatet framgår att gruppens känsla av sammanhang är relativt högt trots hot och stress. En viktig orsak till den höga känslan av sammanhang i gruppen är den höga meningsfullheten och det sociala stödet gruppen har. Nyckelord: KASAM, chefsroll, fackföreningsordföranden, hälsofrämjande, ledare, stress, / Back. I &amp; Hörberg, A. (2009). A group of trade union leader’s sense of coherence Ccomposition in Education. Department of pedagogy, didactics and psychology. University of  Gävle In the economic crisis which strikes hard against the industry, trade union chairmen and leaders have vulnerable positions. In times when companies needs to reduce the number of employees because of diminishing orders the organized labors get a large Burdon to help in the process. The aim of this study is to investigate a group of trade union leaders, find out their sense of coherence, also known as SOC., and to look for health factors. The results of interviews and questionnaires show that the sense of coherence in the group is on a relative high level in spite of threat and stress. A main reason to this high sense of coherence in the group is that they feel that their efforts are important and that they have support from the members.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the practices directed to the flexibilisation of the labor brought together with the means of neoliberal structuring and the trade union crisis appeared as an outcome of these in terms of the Tekel Workers&rsquo / resistance in Ankara. The theoretical frame of this study is created in the content of the discussions that starting from the Marxist approach on trade unions and the critical view within this approach focus on the reasons of the crisis of the trade unions as a result of the applications of the neoliberal ideological structuring that appeared by the crisis of the accumulated capital during the mid-70&rsquo / s. Over this perspective, the analysis concentrates on the one hand employment models&rdquo / being multi-layered and insecure and on the other, the fragmentation of the class and therefore the representation crisis of the trade unions that are the outcomes of the commodification of the labor by the deregulation, privatization and flexibilisation policies applied in the process of neoliberal hegemony. In this context, the resistance of the Tekel workers that continued non-stop for 78 days is argued basing on the assumption that the process which forces the more flexible, insecure working conditions without any attachment to the trade unions via the application of the neoliberal political apparatuses becomes the common platform/destiny of all the parts of society constituted by different identity structures.

Siekiant išvengti socialinių konfliktų ir sudaryti realias socialinės partnerystės principo įgyvendinimo sąlygas, Lietuvos teisės sistemoje įtvirtintas darbo teisinių santykių subjektų atstovavimo institutas. Darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti atstovavimo darbo teisėje instituto reglamentavimą Lietuvos teisės aktuose. Tačiau pagrindinis uždavinys yra išryškinti tiek darbuotojų, tiek darbdavių atstovavimo reglamentavimo trūkumus, išaiškinti pagrindines praktikoje iškylančias bei galinčias iškilti problemas, nustatyti dėl netobulo šio instituto reglamentavimo esamas spragas bei kolizines normas. Šiame darbe bus nagrinėjami tokie klausimai, kaip asociacijos laisvės principo esmės atskleidimas, be kurio nebūtų atstovavimo teisės, darbo teisės subjektų steigimo pagrindiniai principai bei didžiausias dėmesys skiriamas darbuotojų ir darbdavių atstovavimo problemoms išnagrinėti. Aptariant šiuos klausimus yra analizuojami tiek Lietuvos teisės aktai, tiek Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencijų normos. Taip pat darbe trumpai aptarta darbo subjektų atstovų praktinė padėtis Lietuvoje. / Lithuania Law sistem legitimate the representation institute of Labour Law subjects to avoid social conflicts and to make real conditions to implement social partnership. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation of institution of representation of Labour Law subjects in Lithuanian national laws. However the main task is to expose shortcomings of legal regulation of the institution of the representation of employers and employees, to ascertain basic practical problems, to reveal breaches and collisions in legal regulation caused by it’s imperfection. In this work author analises a lot of questions with a view to reveal basic problems of this institute in Lithuania, examines the ways in which employee/employer relationships have changed and developed. There is aduced principle of liberty of association, which is the base of representation institute, discussed basic establishment rules of Labour Law subjects. As it was mentioned, the basic part of work describes the main problems of the representation of employee and employer. The writer considers the role of trade unions and how these have declined. There is a short review of real Labour Law subjects status in Lithuania.

In this dissertation, using the tool of a political economy of communication analysis gives us an important way to conceptualize the challenges confronting Chinese media workers, especially editors, due to media reform and social transformation. I will accomplish this by examining three different but inter-related processes: commodification, structuration, and spatialization. First, I will analyze the ways in which the deepening of the media commodification process has forced Chinese media workers to serve the political interests of the state, and at the same time, to generate profit for their companies and promote political and social reforms. Second, I will explore the structuration process by analyzing how fundamental social, technological, political, and economic changes—especially those in class relations and power dynamics—have produced five critical problems for the Chinese media workers. Third, I will explore the media spatialization process by addressing its three indispensable components: globalization, neoliberalism, and the global division of labour. When China is increasingly integrated into the global political economy, most Chinese media workers have faced great changes in their value systems and their daily work processes. As a result, the privileged existence of workers as the “masters” of the Communist society has been transformed in many ways (Rocca 2003). In the last chapter, I will suggest plausible solutions to the problems of Chinese media workers, addressing the benefits of labour convergence, the basic functions and major limitations of worker organizations and trade unions, and how they can further help Chinese media workers better deal with the challenges associated with current media reform when labour unrest is on the rise. To conclude, this dissertation concentrates on the trajectories of the labour process transformation of Chinese media workers; their changing social, economic, and political roles; and their dilemma, challenges, and opportunities associated with current social reform and China’s more integration into the global political economy. Through the political economic analysis of Chinese media workers, I aim to better understand the broader social and economic transformations, particularly the network of power relations and institutional contexts in which Chinese media workers are situated, that have been taking place in China since the late 1970s. / Thesis (Ph.D, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2012-06-18 17:01:26.92

The employer, the state, long had the right to unilaterally set wages and determine working conditions. The goverment employees lacked the right to negotiate and sign agreements and to strike. This dissertation focuses on government employees, analyzing their identity and the strategies they chose to deal with their relationship to their employer. The perspective is that of the railway stations staff, postmen and other low-ranking civil servants employed by the Swedish National Railway and the Royal Post Office 1897-1937. The state became bureaucratized during the latter part of the 19th century. Bureaucratization of the goverment´s status as employer was necessary, but at the same time not sufficient to meet the demands of securing operations and of loyal personnel. Therefore bureaucratization was combined with other strategies, especially patriarchalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Through the growth of a discourse concerning "we in the department" strong bonds were created between superiors and subordinates in the department. Later the bureacracy was combined with corporative elements in the employer strategy of the state. For the Railway Workers´Union and the Postal Workers´Union a political strategy became the main and natural choice, considering the employer´s position of superiority. The political role of the employer was a foundation for the state employees´choise of strategy. This political strategy was one of servility and respect at the beginning of the 20th century, but later on borrowed elements of and actual content from trade union and professional strategies. The ideal for a state employee became that of a man with regular post who wore a uniform. There was a close connection between the collective identity of lower civil servants and the identity they were ascribed by their employer. Because of the strenght of the masculine identity this bore the characteristics of brotherhood.

Partant d’un contexte théorique en trois axes : sociologiques, socio discursif et analytique, la thèse s’appuie sur l’utilisation concurrente et complémentaire de quatre logiciels d’analyse textuelle et sur l’analyse de discours. Son originalité tient de sa double appartenance disciplinaire sociologique et des sciences du langage. L’hypothèse principale est que les changements de l’organisation sociale découlant de la mise en place d’institutions européennes influencent le discours et l’identité syndicale. Une analyse diachronique montre le rapport des syndicats français à la réalité européenne. Le corpus de plus d’un million de mots est dérivé des travaux de l’équipe de Maurice Tournier de l’École normale supérieure de St-Cloud durant les années 1980 et de textes contemporains tous issus des congrès confédéraux de quatre organisations syndicales françaises : CFDT, CFTC, CGT, CGT-FO. Les corpus sont partitionnés sur une base confédérale et en fonction d’une périodisation. Les hypothèses posées au départ, d’ordre lexical, sémantique ou spécifique, concernent l’expression identitaire dans le discours syndical et supposent des changements lexicaux. Les premiers résultats n’allaient pas dans leur sens, mais la posture analytique adoptée en a permis une vérification partielle. La problématique européenne n’occupe pas tout l’espace des relations professionnelles et de classes en France. Le mouvement syndical délègue son droit de représentation et de négociation au niveau européen, à la CES. La question identitaire qui émerge au niveau du discours de 1945 à 1960 a surtout un caractère national. S’en suit une recherche identitaire qui favorise l’émergence d’une identité européenne. / Starting from a tripartite theoretical context, including sociological, sociodiscursive, and analytical aspects, this dissertation relies on the concurrent and complementary use of four textual analysis software packages, as well as discourse analysis. Its originality lies in its bidisciplinary nature, drawing from the fields of sociology and the language sciences. The main hypothesis is that changes in social organization resulting from the establishment of European institutions influence discourse and trade union identity. A diachronic analysis shows the relationship of French trade unions to the European reality. The corpus of over one million words is derived from the work of the research team of Maurice Tournier at the École normale supérieure in St-Cloud undertaken during the 1980’s and from contemporary texts which are all drawn from the congresses of four French trade unions: CFDT, CFTC, CGT, CGT-FO. The corpora are partitioned according to confederation and as a function of time period. The hypotheses posited at the beginning, of a lexical, semantic, or specific nature, concern the expression of identity in trade union discourse, and they suppose lexical changes. The initial results did not necessarily support them, but the analytical posture adopted has allowed a partial verification of them. The European issue does not occupy the whole space of profession and class relations in France. The trade union movement delegates its right of representation and negotiation at the European level to the ETUC. The identity question that emerges at the level of discourse from 1945 to 1960 is primarily of a national nature. What follows is a pursuit of self-definition that favours the emerges of a European identity.

Critique of trade union freedomThe article begins of the protective character of Labor Law and of the study of trade union freedom as an instrument of compensatory inequality, to analyze critically the protection of this right in the Committeeof Trade Union Freedom. Then, it develops causes of the current crisis of trade unionism and the possibility of atrade union self-reform and of an International Court of Trade Union Freedom. Finally, the article presents some strategies for overcoming the crisis of trade unionism / El artículo parte del carácter protector del derecho del trabajo y del estudio de la libertad sindical como instrumento de desigualdad compensatoria, para analizar críticamente la protección de este derecho enel Comité de Libertad Sindical. Seguidamente, se desarrollan las causas de la actual crisis del sindicalismo y la posibilidad de una autorreforma sindical y de un Tribunal Internacional de la Libertad Sindical. Finalmente, el artículo presenta algunas estrategias para superar la crisis del sindicalismo