Immigration is arguably among the most divisive global and national issues at present. In the U.S., undocumented persons (the DREAMers) who arrived to the U.S. as children have been the central focus of legislation and debate. As of 2013, the undocumented population has increased from less than a million in 1980, then reaching 12.2 million in 2006, to an estimated population of 11.3 million (Passel, Cohn, Krogstand, & Gonzalez-Barerra, 2014) just a few short years ago. For the numerous undocumented students who have excelled academically and socially, and make positive contributions to their communities, the goal of obtaining a college degree is naturally the next step after high school. While undocumented students face intractable challenges in the areas of residency/citizenship, the college admission process, and financing their education, many still find their way on college campuses seeking degree completion. Academic advisors are uniquely positioned to support the persistence and graduation of students, especially undocumented students. Therefore, this research examined perspectives and behaviors of advisors concerning their interactions with undocumented students in public universities utilizing the framework of Michael Lipsky’s (1980) understanding of street-level bureaucracy to determine the discretionary behaviors exercised by academic advisors who advise undocumented students. Study participants included college advisors located in the middle southern and western regions of the United States, where undocumented populations are highest. A qualitative methodology with a case study research design was used in this phenomenological guided research to determine two major study findings: (a) academic advisors are exercising discretionary behavior in advising undocumented students and general population students and (b) the academic advising needs of undocumented students differ from other students. This study has contributed to public administration and higher education advising literature by providing insight into how advisors understand their roles, implement policy, and participate in divergence to meet the needs of students.

Cette thèse porte sur les conditions de passage clandestin des migrants africains à la frontière sud espagnole ainsi que sur leurs logiques d’insertion dans la province andalouse d’Almeria et au-delà, dans l’espace européen. Interrogeant le rapport de force entre migrants et État, cette thèse insiste sur les capacités des migrants à la mobilité et met en lumière l’ambivalence des institutions gouvernementales, en partie liée à la fonction économique des migrants clandestins. Les articulations entre les stratégies des migrants clandestins et les logiques des institutions et des acteurs locaux y sont analysées à partir de la description des interactions, des transactions et des conflits, entre les migrants nouveaux venus, ceux anciennement installés, les ONG, les patrons, les forces de police, etc. L’approche compréhensive de l’expérience des migrants avant et après le passage de la frontière a révélé l’importance des réseaux sociaux dans l’entrée en Europe et dans la recherche d’un logement, d’un emploi et de papiers ; tout en soulignant la fonction du milieu associatif espagnol pour les migrants les plus vulnérables. D’un côté, les institutions gouvernementales oscillent entre contrôle et tolérance ; de l’autre, les migrants évoluent entre contraintes et stratégies, régularités et irrégularités. Leur migration, construite par étape, constitue alors un véritable « jeu de l’oie ». Almeria représente ainsi une étape où chercher des papiers. Cette province spécialisée dans l’agriculture possède une économie souterraine « à découvert » : elle est connue de tous et bénéficie de la complicité des autorités. Almeria centralise ainsi les migrants africains en situation précaire récemment arrivés ou déjà présents en Europe. Cette thèse propose donc de qualifier les mobilités de ces migrants clandestins « d’errance maîtrisée », maîtrise qui se fait essentiellement à travers les relations sociales et la constitution de réseaux sociaux. L’attention portée aux modalités de construction du projet migratoire après le passage de la frontière a également permis de faire émerger la notion d’ « instance zéro ». Il s’agit d’un espace-temps « autre », d’une instance intermédiaire entre le passage de la frontière et l’insertion dans l’espace européen ; un temps plus ou moins long caractérisé par la répétition de situations élémentaires de survie qui autorisent l’exploitation maximale du migrant, lequel cherche alors les moyens d’éviter cette répétition ou d’en sortir. / This PhD thesis deals with the conditions of illegal border crossing of the African migrants in the south of Spain and with their logics of insertion in the Andalusian province of Almeria and beyond, in the European space. By questioning the power struggle between migrants and State, this thesis insists on the migrants’ capacity to move and it highlights the ambivalence of governmental institutions, partly linked with the economical function of undocumented migrants. The analysis of connections between the strategies of undocumented migrants and the logics of institutions and local actors are based on the description of the interactions, transactions and existing conflicts between the migrants recently arrived, those who are already installed, the NGOs, the managers, the police forces, etc. The ethnographic study of the migrants’ experience before and after crossing the border reveals the importance of social networks to reach Europe and to look for housing, employment and papers. At the same time, it points out the function of Spanish associations for the most vulnerable migrants. On one hand, the governmental institutions fluctuate between control and tolerance; one the other hand, the migrants glide between constraints and strategies, regularity and irregularity. Their migration, built on several stages, constitutes then a real “snakes and ladders”. Almeria represents a stage where it is possible to look for papers. This province, specialized in agriculture, has an informal “uncovered” economy: everybody knows it including the authorities. Almeria centralizes the African migrants who are in a precarious situation, whatever the time of their arrival in Europe. This thesis proposes to qualify the mobility of those undocumented migrants as “a mastered roving”, mastering that is essentially done through social relations and the constitution of social networks. The attention turned to the construction’s terms of the migratory project after the border crossing also allows generating the notion of “zero square”. This means a special space-time, intermediate between the border crossing and the insertion in the European space; a time more or less lengthy, characterized by the repetition of basic survival situations that authorize the maximal exploitation of the migrant, who, therefore is looking for the means to avoid this repetition or to get out of it.

Comment comprendre la stabilité de l’accès aux soins des étrangers irréguliers en France et aux États-Unis, de 1970 à 2016, au vu des controverses et des réformes dont fait l’objet cet accès ? Cette thèse dégage deux hypothèses : d’une part, l’action publique française serait soumise à des rétroactions négatives, d’autre part, sa consœur étasunienne serait verrouillée par un noyau dur des croyances. L’analyse mixte, qualitative et quantitative, est effectuée à l’aide du logiciel NVivo sur un matériau provenant des groupes d’intérêt (680 fichiers en France, 881 aux États-Unis), de la presse (15 625 et 16 970), du législatif (1 366 et 1 110) et de l’administration (190 et 105). Une centaine d’entretiens affine les résultats.Cette analyse aboutit à la création d’un pendule d’homéostasie idéelle dévoilant trois activités du noyau dur des croyances : le verrouillage idéel (autocensure) et les rétroactions positive (autorenforcement) et négative (autocorrection). Ainsi, si les États-Unis font l’objet d’un verrouillage idéel, c’est bien les rétroactions négatives, voire positives, qui caractérisent le cas français. En revanche, ces pays ont tous deux un noyau dur qui leur est propre. Le noyau français, d’origine catholique, est ainsi tolérant envers l’infraction et privilégie l’égalité. À l’inverse, le noyau étasunien, d’origine protestante, est peu indulgent envers la transgression des normes et favorise la liberté. / How to understand the stability of the access to care for unauthorized immigrants in France and in the United States, from 1970 to 2016, regarding the controversies and the reforms this access is subjected to? This PhD dissertation uses two hypotheses: on one hand, negative feedbacks would control the French policy; on the other hand, a deep core belief seems to stabilize the US one. A mixed analysis (qualitative and quantitative) is done with the NVivo software on data written by interest groups (680 files in France, 881 in the United States), the press (15 625 and 16 970), the Parliament (1 366 and 1 110) and the administration (190 and 105). A hundred of interviews refined the results.This analysis ends in a belief homeostasis pendulum highlighting three activities of the deep core beliefs: a belief locking (self-censorship), a positive feedback (self-reinforcing) and a negative feedback (self-correcting). In this sense, the US policy is subjected to a belief locking while its French counterpart is dominated by negative and, to a lesser extent, positive feedbacks. But these two countries have their own deep core beliefs. The French deep core, originated from Catholicism, is tolerant towards infringement and favors equality. On the contrary, the US deep core, deriving from Protestantism, is less lenient towards breach and opts for liberty.

The purpose of the study was to investigate the life situation of unaccompanied young Afghans as undocumented after rejection of their asylum application by deportation decision. Another purpose was to investigate the factors behind their migration and view of returning to their homeland. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four unaccompanied undocumented Afghans. The results showed that all respondents who live irregularly in the country have no intention of returning to their homeland voluntarily. They have all experienced homelessness and problems with their livelihood. Three respondents have worked illegally with poor wage conditions. Recently, all respondents have received help with accommodation and food from voluntary organizations. The respondents hope that they will have the opportunity to submit new asylum applications after their fingerprints disappear from the Swedish Migration Board's computer system. Their attitude towards non-voluntary return is based on feelings of fear and threats and lack of future in their homeland. / Syftet med studien var att undersöka ensamkommande unga afghaners livssituation som papperslösa efter avslag på asylansökan med utvisningsbeslut. Ytterligare ett syfte var att undersöka vilka faktorer som låg bakom deras flykt/migration samt deras syn på återvändandet till hemlandet. Semistrukturerade intervjuer utfördes med fyra ensamkommande papperslösa afghaner. Resultatet visade att samtliga respondenter som lever irreguljärt i landet inte har någon avsikt att återvända till hemlandet frivilligt. De har alla upplevt hemlöshet och problem med sin försörjning. Tre respondenter har arbetat svart med dåliga lönevillkor för att försörja sig. På senare tid har samtliga respondenter fått hjälp med boendeplats och mat från frivilligorganisationer. Respondenterna hoppas på att de ska få möjlighet att lämna nya asylansökningar till Migrationsverket efter att deras fingeravtryck försvinner från Migrationsverkets datasystem. Respondenternas inställning till icke frivilligt återvändande har en grund i att de känner rädsla och hot samt att de inte ser någon framtid i hemlandet.

<p>Narratives of undocumented students reveal that, commonly, a shared concern of such youth is a sense of powerlessness in the school environment; this lack of control predominantly stems from legal restrictions and anti-immigrant sentiment among peers and staff (Chang, 2017). However, there is a danger in treating undocumented youth as a monolith, as well as in failing to recognize their agency (Abrego & Negrón-Gonzales, 2020). Autoethnography, as a methodology, is by its very nature an act of agency which allows vulnerable populations to deeply explore their own sensitive identities (Philaretou & Allen, 2006). This thesis thus highlights my own voice as an undocumented student by combining the temporality, sociality and place of narrative inquiry (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000) with critical autoethnography’s attention to social inequities (Adams, 2017). Critical reflections on my educational experiences, as they compare and contrast with narratives in existing literature, imagine possible futures in which pre- and in-service teachers may more equitably support undocumented students in the classroom. Additionally, research on undocumented students predominantly focuses on immigrants of Latinx origin, who constitute almost eighty percent of the undocumented population (Migration Policy Institute, 2019); under a queer theoretical framework, my identity as a White immigrant of European origin uniquely problematizes naturalized attitudes towards the racialization of undocumented status. </p>

Institutions of public higher education must meet the challenges presented by providing education services to the significantly increasing number of undocumented students. However, public policy has not clearly addressed undocumented immigrants' residency status in regard to college and university admissions standards. This issue will affect education leaders in public institutions of higher education who have the authority to define admissions criteria and influence state legislation. The purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of higher education leaders' attitudes toward the appropriateness of providing education benefits for undocumented immigrants. Data collected from 384 returned surveys representing 18 states were analyzed to examine leaders' attitudes in relation to demographic characteristics. The statistical analyses revealed no significant differences in attitudinal means based on gender, professional level position, age group, years of professional experience, and states that do and do not charge in-state tuition to undocumented immigrants. However, there were significant differences in attitudinal means based on ethnicity, political affiliation, institution type, and between states that grant in-state tuition to undocumented immigrants.

No description available.

In the United States, some states and higher education institutions allow undocumented students to pay in-state resident tuition at public colleges and universities. Yet, when undocumented youth apply and seek to qualify for in-state tuition, they find bureaucratic procedures and rules that may discourage them from applying at all, delay, or hamper their access to higher education. The study explores how such bureaucratic requirements impose learning, compliance, and psychological burdens on undocumented youth. Building upon administrative burdens scholarship and using qualitative and quantitative analyses of admissions applications at the institutional level, undocumented students reports' of their experiences, and surveys of college admissions officers, this study examines the admissions requirements and other factors that may shape the applications of undocumented students to colleges in the states providing ISRT benefits for undocumented youth. The findings suggest that undocumented youth navigate multifaceted institutional contexts across and within states, including requirements and rules at different organizational levels and interactions with admissions officers whose discretion may facilitate or obstruct access. Variations in ISRT requirements reflect states' patterns of immigration, demographics, political (sub) cultures, narratives about the deservingness, organizational factors as well as the discretion that college personnel has in applying the requirements. Findings suggest that factors associated with residency, notarized affidavits, tax forms, and lack of clear information and guidance from college personnel substantially increase burdens when undocumented youth seek to benefit from ISRT. Certainly, when states, institutions, and admissions officers establish and shape ISRT requirements, they implicitly influence the sense of belonging and membership of undocumented applicants and mediate intergovernmental tension surrounding legalization and inclusion of this population in society. / Doctor of Philosophy / Bureaucratic requirements and rules at some public colleges and universities in the United States may hamper the ability of undocumented immigrants to apply for admission and qualify for in-state resident tuition in the states and colleges that allow it. This study explores how such bureaucratic requirements impose learning, compliance, and psychological burdens on undocumented youth and the factors associated with such burdens. The study examines admissions applications in community colleges in the states where the benefit is available, interviews and surveys with undocumented youth as well as surveys of colleges admissions officers. The findings show that the administrative burdens that undocumented youth faces result from requirements and rules that overlap at different organizational levels, several policy interpretations, the intertwine between immigration and higher education policies, perceptions of such population's deservingness, and the discretion of admissions officers. Through these requirements, states and colleges shape the sense of belonging of immigrant youth and chart their legal and social inclusion.

The aim of the study is to examine and analyze social workers’ perceptions of law practice of supportive regulations for abused, undocumented women who are in need of protection, in order to problematize the connection between norm and practice in social service case management. In a qualitative approach, the study is conducted through eight interviews, based on two vignettes, with representatives from the public sector in Gothenburg. The vignettes were based on two fictive narratives that both include women who are victims of abuse, but have different ethnicity and legal status. By using vignettes it was anticipated to find whether there are different perceptions among the social workers in terms of considering the residents’ ethnicity and legal status in relation to the possibilities of receiving support. According to Swedish law the social services have responsibility to assist all residents within the country. Since the undocumented migrants have difficulties claiming their rights in the public sector, many stay in destructive relationships. The focal point of this study is the uncertainties and inconsistencies among social service staff regarding offering support to these women, especially after acute situations. The UN’s Declaration of Human Rights expresses that all humans are equal, regardless of ethnicity, gender, etc. (see declaration). Thus, rejecting a woman her right to claim social service contradicts these regulations. The results of the study relates to T.H Marshall´s, Lister´s and Fernández´s discussion about citizenship, de los Reyes theory about postcolonialism, Mattson´s intersectionality, Hasenfeld´s Human Service Organizations, Libsky´s Street-level Bureaucrat and Johansson’s Freedom of Action. Further, different concepts on new institutional theory from Johansson and Svensson, Johnsson and Laanemets, are used to analyze our data. Our selected theories, concepts and reasoning can be used to understand our empirical data in different levels in society.   The study shows that the juridical fate of undocumented women who have been subject to violence is not only determined by laws and regulations, but also on individual attitudes of social workers as well as cultural interests within an organization. These results indicate that the widely accepted notion of Sweden being an equal society, does not comply with practice. In conclusion, this study shows that social workers have an important role in the development of a women-friendly, gender inclusive theory and praxis of citizenship.

Bakgrund: En människa som saknar uppehållstillstånd, saknar ofta vissa rättigheter till vård. Vårdpersonal möter papperslösa patienter i olika sammanhang vilket skapar en stor variation av inställningar och uppfattningar om deras rätt till vård. För att uppnå en rättvis och fungerande vård för denna utsatta grupp krävs bland annat tydliga riktlinjer och flexibilitet av sjuksköterskan. Syfte: Att skildra vårdpersonalens, med inriktning mot sjuksköterskans, upplevelser och etiska argument i vårdandet av papperslösa. Metod: Litteraturöversikt baserad på elva vetenskapliga artiklar hämtade i databaserna SwePub, CINAHL with Full Text och Academic Search Premier. Artiklarna har analyserats enligt Fribergs (2012a) modell. Resultat: Resultatet presenteras i fem huvudkategorier och två underkategorier. Första huvudkategorin är Vårdpersonalens inställning till att vårda papperslösa vilket visar att åsikter går isär kring papperslösas rätt till vård. Andra huvudkategorin är Upplevelser kring regelverk och riktlinjer där det framkommer att det råder oklarheter kring dessa. I den tredje kategorin Vårdrelation framkommer det att flexibilitet krävs av sjuksköterskan i mötet med papperslösa. Den fjärde huvudkategorin är Vårdpersonalens upplevda barriärer i vården som har två underkategorier. Den femte och sista huvudkategorin är Organisationer och deras samarbete och visar på ett behov av samarbete mellan vårdinstanser, myndigheter och frivilligorganisationer.   Diskussion: Resultatet analyseras utifrån Beauchamp och Childress (2013) vårdetiska teori om de fyra principerna om autonomi, att inte skada, att göra gott samt rättviseprincipen. Diskussionen visar att konflikter uppstår mellan principer och att lagar och restriktioner leder till etisk stress och etiska kostnader. / Background: A person without a residence permit, often lacks certain rights to care. Health professionals encounter undocumented patients in different contexts which generates a large variety of perceptions of their right to health care. Clear guidelines and flexibility is required by the nurse in order to achieve a fair and effective care for this vulnerable group.   Aim: To describe the experiences and ethical arguments of health professionals and nurses in particular in the care of undocumented migrants.  Method: A literature review based on eleven scientific articles were used and selected from the databases SwePub, CINAHL plus with Full Text and Academic Search Premier. The articles have been reviewed and analyzed by the Friberg model (2012a). Results: The results are presented in five main categories and two subcategories. The first main category Health professionals’ attitudes towards caring for undocumented migrants indicates that opinions differ about their rights and access to health care. Ambiguities towards the regulations are shown in the second main category Experiences surrounding regulations. The third category Caring relationship shows that flexibility is required by the nurse when caring for undocumented migrants. The fourth category presents Barriers perceived by health care professionals. The fifth and final category Organizations and cooperation demonstrates a need for health care institutions, government agencies and NGO’s to collaborate. Discussions: The result is analysed according to Beauchamp and Childress (2013) care ethical theory concerning the four principles: respect for autonomy, non-maleficence, beneficence and justice. The discussion shows that conflicts occur between the principles. Laws and limits lead to ethical stress and costs.