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1 juli år 2013 trädde en ny skollag i kraft i Sverige. Den nya lagen ger papperslösa barn i Sverige rätt till utbildning. Detta gäller både om barnet har fått avslag av Migrationsverket på sin uppehållstillståndsansökan och om barnet lever gömt och inte sökt uppehållstillstånd. Idag har papperslösa barn rätt till utbildning men detta innebär inte att dessa barn har en skolplikt, utan det avgör barnet själv eller familjen till det papperslösa barnet om rätten ska nyttjas. Denna valfrihet leder till att flera papperslösa barn inte utnyttjar sin rätt till utbildning. Det finns flera orsaker till detta som exempelvis att många papperslösa familjer inte känner till den nya skollagen och att polisen de facto har rätt att omhänderta en papperslös elev från skolan. Då det inte existerar någon garanti för att den papperslösa elevens trygghet i skolan väljer många papperslösa familjer bort denna rättighet på grund av rädslan att barnet skall bli omhändertaget av polisen. I samband med detta har vi identifierat olika dilemman för lärare, dilemman som uppstår vid en sammanstötning mellan lärares yrkesetik och lärares lagstadgade plikter såsom anmälningsplikt. I Sverige har lärare en skyldighet att anmäla, om de misstänker eller får kännedom om att ett barn far illa skall de meddela socialtjänsten. Denna anmälningsplikt orsakar ett stort dilemma för lärare då konsekvensen av en anmälning kan bli förödande för den enskilde papperslösa eleven och dennes familj. För att få en klarare bild av lärarnas dilemman utförde vi intervjuer med olika lärare på Skånska skolor. Vid intervjutillfällena fick vi förklarat för oss att dilemmat med anmälningsplikten och skyddande av papperslösa elever är någonting som lärare fruktar. Utifrån Barnkonventionen, lärares yrkesetik, tystnadsplikt samt specifik skolsekretess kan lärare skydda den enskilde papperslösa eleven. Dock så finns rädslan kvar bland lärarna om vad som händer om en specifik situation leder till att socialtjänsten måste kontaktas. Resultatet av analysen ger en bild av att lärares yrkesetik inte är så stark som andra yrkesetiker, således kan lärare stå upp mot andra myndigheter och neka deras begäran om tillträdde på skolan. / July 1 2013 a new law entered into force in Sweden. The new Education Act gives undocumented children in Sweden right to education. This is regardless whether the child has been rejected by the Migration Board on their residence permit application and shall be rejected or if the child lives in hiding and has not applied for a residence permit. Today, undocumented children's right to education does not mean that undocumented children have a school attendance, this determines the child himself or the family of the undocumented child´s the right to be utilized. This choice leads too many undocumented children do not exercise their right to education. There are several reasons for this, such that many undocumented families are not aware of the new Education Act, but also that the police actually have the right to seize an undocumented student from school. Then there exists no guarantee that the undocumented student's safety at school, many undocumented families declines this right because of the fear of being found and cared for by the police. In connection with this issue, we have identified various dilemmas for teachers, dilemmas that arise when there is a clash between teachers' professional ethics' and teachers' statutory obligations such as notification requirements to authority. In Sweden, teachers have an obligation to notify if they suspect or become aware that a child is being abused to social services. This notification requirement causes a big dilemma for teachers as the consequence of a notification can be devastating for the individual undocumented student and their family. To get a view of the teacher's dilemmas, we conducted interviews with teachers from Skåne. In the interviews we got told by teachers that the dilemma with the notification requirements and protection of undocumented students is something that teachers fear. Thanks to the Convention of Children´s Rights, teachers' professional ethics, teacher´s obligation to observe silence and confidentiality that exists at the school, teachers can protect the individual undocumented student. However, there are fears remain in the teachers about what happens if it comes to the situation where a claim must be made to social services. The results of the analysis gave us that the teachers' professional ethics is not as strong as other professional ethics so that teachers can stand up to other authorities and deny their request for the entry of the school.

This dissertation was carried out to try to understand the role of social capital in the migration of Zimbabwean migrants to Botswana. It describes elements and types of social capital Zimbabwean undocumented migrants used to come to Botswana. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used to obtain data from respondents. Though the influence of macro factors initially pushed migrants to migrate, there was evidence of the existence of social networks. Findings showed the use of social networks by Zimbabwean undocumented migrants. Though kinship networks were dominant in the initial migration stages there was a wane in the destination as migrants reverted to friendship networks for flexibility. Linking existed at both the place of origin and destination. Social control, channelling and negative social capital were discovered among migrants. Migrants developed mechanisms to counter the Botswana’s enforcement policy. / Sociology

This dissertation was carried out to try to understand the role of social capital in the migration of Zimbabwean migrants to Botswana. It describes elements and types of social capital Zimbabwean undocumented migrants used to come to Botswana. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used to obtain data from respondents. Though the influence of macro factors initially pushed migrants to migrate, there was evidence of the existence of social networks. Findings showed the use of social networks by Zimbabwean undocumented migrants. Though kinship networks were dominant in the initial migration stages there was a wane in the destination as migrants reverted to friendship networks for flexibility. Linking existed at both the place of origin and destination. Social control, channelling and negative social capital were discovered among migrants. Migrants developed mechanisms to counter the Botswana’s enforcement policy. / Sociology

An increasing number of people today cross the Beitbridge border of South Africa and Zimbabwe. This comes with a corresponding growth of creative strategies that seek to aid the crossing of those people and goods that may lack the necessary documentation. Such ‘informal’ border crossings have come to define one of the important economic regions in Southern Africa, the post-1994 Limpopo Valley. This thesis approaches routine acts of facilitating undocumented border crossings as an everyday social politics with deep historical roots. By use of archival and ethnographic methods, the thesis examines the social history and embodied practices of a variety of actors who engage in undocumented border crossings. A particular focus is placed on the role of private transporters (omalayitsha), who represent an important link between an exclusionary and yet fragmentary migration regime and undocumented travellers. In three theoretical and four empirical chapters, and inspired by border studies as well as the critical realist approach in migration studies, the thesis connects border practice to irregular movement and cheap labour within a regional context defined, in part, by dispossession. Through thick interpretations of the lived experience of border practice, the study also connects such political economic processes (e.g. migrant irregularity, labour precarity and economic informality) to questions of social identity and migrant subjectivities. By situating the figure of the hyena at the centre of Southern African border struggles, the thesis invents an analytical concept that serves both an empirical and a theoretical task. Empirically, it enables a synthetic understanding of how everyday contestations around the possibility to work across the border for low-skill migrants have been interacting, through time, with broader processes of capital accumulation to partly shape the region’s migrant labour system. Theoretically, it shows how facilitation of undocumented border crossings calls for new sociological models that can account for processes that escape binary classification (as formal or informal, inclusive or exclusive, legal or illegal, ordered or disordered), thus contributing to a better understanding of the role of migration in the contemporary world. / Allt fler människor korsar idag gränsen vid Beitbridge mellan Sydafrika och Zimbabwe. Samtidigt sker en motsvarande ökning av kreativa strategier som gör att även personer och varor som saknar rätt handlingar kan ta sig över gränsen. Dessa ‘informella’ gränsövergångar har kommit att definiera vad som efter 1994 blivit en av de viktigaste ekonomiska regionerna i södra Afrika, Limpopodalen. I denna avhandling betraktas rutinerna vid sådana oregistrerade gränsövergångar som en vardagens politik med djupa historiska rötter. Genom arkivstudier och etnografiska observationer undersöker avhandlingen en samhällshistoria och en mänsklig aktivitet där en rad aktörer är inblandade i en pågående, papperslös migration. En viktig roll i sammanhanget har omalayitsha, dvs. privata transportörer, som ofta är en viktig länk mellan de papperslösa resenärerna och den migrationsregim som å ena sidan stänger dem ute och å andra sidan är så fragmenterad att de tillåts passera igenom. I tre teoretiska och fyra empiriska kapitel, samt med ett angreppssätt hämtat från gränsstudier (border studies) och den kritiskt realistiska skolan inom migrationsstudier, syftar avhandlingen till att förstå gränsövergångens praktik i förhållande till den irreguljära mobilitet och det överskott på billig arbetskraft som sätter sin prägel på en region där många är fattiga och fördrivna. I avhandlingens djuptolkningar av migranternas levda erfarenhet vid gränsen förbinds i sin tur de politiskt-ekonomiska processerna (irreguljär migration, prekära arbetsvillkor och ekonomisk informalitet) med frågor om samhällelig identitet och migrantens subjektivitet. Avhandlingen ser hyenafiguren som central för förståelsen av de ’gränskamper’ (border struggles) som utkämpas i södra Afrika; med hyenan introduceras också ett analytiskt begrepp. Empiriskt sett möjliggör begreppet en syntetisk förståelse av hur vardagliga tvister och problem som präglar arbetsmigrantens försök att jobba på andra sidan gränsen över tid samverkar med större processer av kapitalackumulation, som delvis formar regionens migrantarbetarsystem. I teoretiskt avseende visar begreppet hur förhandlingarna som sker vid gränskontrollen klargör behovet av nya sociologiska modeller som kan redogöra för samhällsprocesser som undflyr varje binär klassificering (som formell eller informell, inkluderande eller exkluderande, legal eller illegal, ordnad eller oordnad), och på så vis bidrar det till en bättre förståelse av migrationens betydelse i dagens värld.

Initially proposed in 2001, the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM Act) continues to be relevant after nearly 20 years of debate. The year 2010 was significant because there seemed to be some possibility of passage. This study investigated the ways in which the DREAM Act discourse was framed that year by supporters and opponents. Selected Congressional speeches of three supporters and three opponents were analyzed using the approach to frame analysis developed by Schön and Rein. Accordingly, attention went to each individual's metacultural frame (i.e., culturally shared beliefs), policy frame (i.e., identification of problem and presentation of possible solution), and rhetorical frame (i.e., means of persuading the audience). Attention also went to the shared framing among supporters and the shared framing among opponents as well as differences in framing across the two groups. Although speakers varied in framing the issue, there were commonalities within groups and contrasts between groups. For supporters, the metacultural frame emphasized equity/equal opportunity, fairness, and rule of law; for opponents, the metacultural frame stressed rule of law, patriotism, and national security. For supporters, the policy frame underscored unfairness as the problem and the DREAM Act as the solution; for opponents, the policy frame emphasized the DREAM Act as the problem and defeating the DREAM Act as the solution. Rhetorical frames also differed, with the supporters making much use of testimonial examples and the opponents making much use of hyperbole. The study illustrates (1) how the same named values and beliefs can have dramatically different interpretations in metacultural framing, as were the case for rule of law and American dream in this discourse; (2) how the crux of an issue and its intractability can be seen by looking at how the problem is posed and how the solution is argued, and (3) how speakers strengthen their claims with particular kinds of rhetorical devices. Through descriptions of political positioning on the DREAM Act, the study contributes to understandings of ongoing issues regarding the lives of undocumented young people who have received and are receiving education in the U.S.

Currently, there are about 11.8 million undocumented aliens in the United States who are not eligible for public insurance or any type of private coverage obtained through the American Health Care Act of 2017. This creates barriers to healthcare for this large population and has negative implications for the healthcare system. Despite the availability of clinics and low-cost healthcare, this group tends to underuse resources or seek healthcare for emergencies only which leads to increased cost totaling approximately $1.1 billion a year. The goal of this qualitative study is to better understand what it is like to be an undocumented alien seeking healthcare. Eight semi-structured interviews with Latino undocumented aliens were conducted. Interviews were transcribed into WORD™ documents and reviewed for accuracy. Data was analyzed using content analysis to code and identify prominent themes. Analysis of data from participants indicate the following themes embody the experience of being an undocumented alien in seek of healthcare: living in the unsure, high costs, system barriers, language and communication incongruences, perceived discrimination, exploitation and deportation, and relief in finally getting care. Undocumented aliens put off getting healthcare as long as possible due to these factors, despite having many needs. Healthcare practitioners must become familiar with these experiences to address and correct these barriers. Advocacy and healthcare changes take on increasing urgency to ensure the well-being of these individuals.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Undocumented immigration from Latin America is a heated and divisive topic in United States' politics. Politicians in Washington, D.C. are debating new legislation which would provide a pathway to citizenship for some 11 million undocumented immigrants. While several federal immigration reform bills were debated in the early 2000s, each one failed in either the House of Representatives or in the Senate. The Indianapolis Congregation Action Network (IndyCAN), a grassroots activist group in Indianapolis, is organizing the Latino community through faith and shared political goals. Undocumented Latino immigrants are utilizing IndyCAN as a method to influence progressive policy change. However, anti-immigrant groups challenge these efforts by attempting to define who can be considered an "American" and are attempting to block legislation due to their negative perceptions of Latinos. Debates about citizenship have racial discourses and reveal the embeddedness of race and ethnicity. Despite this, many Latino immigrants are forging their own identities in the United States and are engaging in a political system that refuses to grant them a legal status. Through an enactment of activism called la fe en acción [faith in action], these immigrants ground their political organizing with IndyCAN and attempt to appeal to the religious faith of politicians. I explore issues of race, political engagement, and religion in the lives of Indianapolis’ Latino community. In this case study, I demonstrate that IndyCAN is acting as a vehicle through which undocumented Latino immigrants are engaging in the political process. This political involvement occurs through religious strategies that seem apolitical yet are implicitly an enactment of activism. Ultimately, I reveal how undocumented Latino immigrants in Indianapolis are impacting the political process regardless of their legal status.