Esta dissertação aborda o desenvolvimento do projeto Arte/Cidade na cidade de São Paulo entre os anos de 1994 e 2002, a partir de um questionamento sobre as relações entre cidade, política e estética e sobre os potenciais e problemas atuais que a arte urbana teria para se configurar como instância crítica. Arte/Cidade foi e é uma iniciativa cultural de grandes eventos de intervenção artística em espaços urbanos, que realizou quatro exposições em São Paulo, e exibiu várias mudanças em seu desenrolar: surgido em uma instituição pública como empreendimento artístico, passou a ser organizado por uma associação não-governamental e a se envolver também em debates urbanísticos, arquitetônicos e políticos sobre a metrópole contemporânea. Por outro lado, o projeto também ocorreu em meio a um momento de crescente vinculação entre empreendimentos culturais e marketing urbano, no bojo de uma progressiva espetacularização, privatização e mercadorização da cidade e da cultura. Propõe-se aqui identificar e analisar as principais mudanças nos discursos, estratégias e práticas de Arte/Cidade, com o objetivo de refletir sobre sua inserção nesse panorama e sobre as implicações e potenciais políticos de um mega-evento artístico em espaço urbano na São Paulo da década de noventa. / This dissertation discourses about the development of Arte/Cidade project in the city of São Paulo between 1994 and 2002, based on concerns about the relations between city, politics and aesthetics and about the present potentials and problems that urban art would have to configure itself as critical instance. Arte/Cidade was and is a cultural initiative of great events comprehending artistic interventions in urban spaces, which accomplished four expositions in São Paulo and showed many changes in its development: initiated in a public institution as an artistic enterprise, it was later organized by of a non-governmental association and also involved itself in urbanistic, architectonical and political debates about the contemporary metropolis. On the other hand, the project happened in a moment of increasing binding between cultural enterprises and urban marketing, in a context of progressive spectacularization, privatization and merchandising of the city and of the culture. This work intends to identify and to analyze the main changes in Arte/Cidade speeches, strategies and practices, with the objective of reflecting on its insertion in that scope and on the political implications and potentials of an artistic mega-event in the urban space of São Paulo in the ninety’s.

For the first time in history, more people in the world live in urban areas than in rural areas. Almost half of this world urban population now live in metropolitan areas, which are becoming central spaces of world economic and social activity, and where major global challenges happen and should be tackled. Metropolitan areas are defined by urban spaces of integrated mobility flows and markets, but also by high institutional fragmentation and political decomposition. This fragmentation interferes in decision-making processes leading to difficulties for the design and implementation of adequate responses to metropolitan problems. In this context, the study of how metropolitan areas should be governed is gaining relevance in the field of urban studies, among other fields. The normative debates about metropolitan governance has been framed by three traditions. From the 60s to the late 80s these debates were restricted to the ‘old regionalism’ dialectics between the metropolitan reform and public choice scholars. More recently, new regionalism recognize in flexible and cooperative governance instruments the most effective way to deal with metropolitan problems. From this perspective metropolitan areas are governed by complex governance relations between diverse actors through multiple and concurrent instruments, in the form of policy networks, voluntary cooperation, strategic planning, and so on. The Öresund Region is a metropolis that spans from eastern Denmark to southern Sweden, and includes cities such as Copenhagen and Malmö. While it has been largely referenced and praised as an example of cross-border metropolitan area, there is little evidence on how it is governed or which are the main governance instruments or who are the actors involved in the policy-making process. Taking an original approach to the study of metropolitan governance, this paper represents a first attempt to identify and understand the main features of metropolitan governance in the Öresund Region as a system, in a polycentric and multilayered crossborder metropolis. The results suggest that metropolitan governance in the Öresund Region is very ambiguous, with several agents acting in different and non-coincident scales, strongly focused in hard policies and development policies in contrast to social and environmental policy areas. Also, there are persistent barriers to cross-border governance despite the favorable context. And finally, there is a relevant democratic governance deficit, in terms of social actors’ participation and involvement in the metropolitan decision-making process. These first results recommend to go forward with further research in this issue. Particularly to grasp about governance networks operatives, policy-making processes, and citizens’ political orientations to, ultimately, propose improvements for a more effective, comprehensive and democratic governance in the Öresund metropolitan region.

De svenska städerna har genom tiderna planerats på olika sätt och olika visioner och mål har styrt städernas utformning. Under 1600-talet stod städernas handel i fokus och städerna planerades på ett schematiskt sätt med tullar i flera väderstreck. Städer som var viktiga för landets försvar utformades med befästningar i utkanterna. Under stormaktstiden anlade staten många nya städer, man anlade dem på strategiska lägen för försvar, styrning och administration. Under 1800-talet hade folk tröttnat på att de schematiska städerna brann ner och för att undvika det började man anlägga breda gator som skulle förhindra spridning över gata. Under 1800-talet började också järnvägar anläggas i många städer och stadsbefolkningen ökade. Fler offentliga byggnader byggdes i monumental stil och städerna gjordes representativa – järnvägen var stadens framsida och kvarteren runt järnvägen smyckades extra. Industrierna började på slutet av 1800-talet etablera sig i städerna och stadsbefolkningen ökade ytterligare – miljön blev väldigt dålig till följd. Förutom den dåliga miljön var trångboddhet och bostadsbrist ett stort problem. 1874 infördes en ny byggnadsstadga som kom att bli väldigt viktig. Under 1900-talet började staten ta större ansvar för det sociala och bostadspolitiken fick stort fokus. Staten ville lösa 1800-talets problem och genom en omfattande bostadspolitisk reform lyckades man med det. Lånesubventioner som satte krav på byggnadsutformningen, nya möjligheter att detaljreglera marken och en rationell stadsplanering gjorde att man 1970 hade byggt bort bostadsbristen, trångboddheten och höjt bostadsstandarden för hela den svenska befolkningen. Genom tiden har andra länder inspirerat och påverkat hur de politiska vindarna har blåst, hur stadsplanerarnas visioner har sett ut och hur regleringarna har utformats. Målet har alltid varit att skapa en god stad och lösa problemen som de tidigare idealen skapat. Krig, invandring, utvandring och ekonomiska kriser utom och inom Sverige har också skapat problem som behövt lösas genom politik, stadsplanering och regleringar. / The cities of Sweden have been planned differently during different times in history, following different methods, visions and goals for the cities. During the 17th century the main focus was on trading and therefore the cities were planned on the basis of that, resulting in a simple way with tolls around the city. Cities of great importance for the defence were equipped with fortification on the outskirts. Many cities were founded during this era, not spontaneously, but for defending and were therefore placed in strategic ways. The King had plans of expanding the kingdom and to be able to do so it would require cities for regulating and administrating purposes. During the 19th century people were tired of seeing the schematic cities burning down and to avoid that boulevards were laid to prevent fires from spreading. It was also during this period that railways were laid in many cities. More and more public buildings were built in a monumental style and the cities were made representative – railroads would serve as the front of the city and the neighbourhoods surrounding the railroad would be adorned with lavish designs. Furthermore, industries were established during this time consequently leading to a larger population and also a degraded environment.  During the 20th century the government started taking a larger responsibility for social and housing policies. The government wanted to solve the problems of the previous century and was able to do so after implementing extensive reforms. Subsidized loans implemented by the government putting constraints on building designs, new opportunities of detail control and a rational urban planning made it possible to eradicate most of the problems encountered during the 19th century by the mid-1900s and thereby raising the standard of housing. During the ages other countries have inspired and affected the political situation and also the visions of urban planners resulting in the way regulations have been designed. The goal has always been to create a good city. Wars, immigration, emigration and economic crises within and outside of Sweden have also been causes of issues that have been solved through politics, urban planning and regulations.

Die vorliegende kumulative Arbeit untersucht, inwiefern lokale Aushandlungsprozesse im Umgang mit extrem rechten Mobilisierungen zu deren Normalisierung beitragen. Die Studie adressiert zwei Forschungsdesiderate: Erstens externalisieren viele Beiträge die extrem Rechte von städtischen Demokratien. Folglich ist die Literatur nicht in der Lage zu erfassen, wie extrem rechte Agenden und Ideologien innerhalb lokaler partizipativer Prozesse in liberalen Demokratien normalisiert werden. Zweitens sind die Akteure und Prozesse, welchen diesen lokalen Aushandlungen zugrunde liegen, nicht ausreichend untersucht. Um diese Lücken zu schließen, verbindet die Studie Theoriestränge aus der Urban Governance - Literatur mit sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatten über den Aufstieg der extrem Rechten. Der methodische Rahmen der Arbeit besteht aus einem qualitativen Forschungsdesign in Form einer explorativen Einzelfallstudie in der Stadt Cottbus. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das Narrativ der Externalisierung in dreierlei Hinsicht eine falsche Dichotomie zwischen der extremen Rechten und lokalen Aushandlungsprozessen schafft: Erstens ignoriert es, dass deliberative Prozessen zwar das Versprechen auf Demokratisierung innewohnt, dieses aber durch bestehende gesellschaftliche Machtverhältnisse durchkreuzt wird, die Näherböden für autoritäre Mobilisierung bieten können. Zweitens übersieht es die Verflechtung zwischen Rassismus und den städtischen Institutionen, die auf extrem rechte Mobilisierung reagieren, und oftmals Anknüpfungspunkte für extrem rechte Ideologien bieten. Drittens wird argumentiert, dass dies auf den lokalen Staat als umkämpftes Terrain hinweist. / This doctoral dissertation explores to what extent local negotiations of far-right contestations contribute to the latter’s normalisation. The project is prompted by the crux that even though the central role of cities and local participatory planning processes in countering far-right contestations is widely acknowledged, far-right contestations have hardly been challenged. It seeks to address two scholarly blind spots: First, mainstream accounts engaging with the question of how municipalities deal with far-right contestations have largely externalised the far right from urban democracy. Consequently, the current literature is not able to grasp how far-right agendas and ideologies can indeed be normalised within local participatory processes. Second, the actors and processes involved in the local negotiation of far-right contestations remain understudied. To fill these gaps, the cumulative dissertation connects discussions on urban governance with recent debates on the rise of the far right. The methodological framework of this thesis consists of a qualitative, explorative single-case study in the city of Cottbus, Germany. The analysis reveals that the liberal narratives of externalisation create a false dichotomy between far-right contestations and local negotiations in liberal democracies in a threefold way. First, they ignore how far-right contestations can be strengthened within traditional deliberative processes, as their promise of equal participation for all citizens is juxtaposed with the inability of such processes to re-negotiate the power relations aggravating the social inequalities giving rise to the far right in the first place. Second, by externalising the divisiveness propagated by far-right contestations, they overlook the interconnectedness between racism and the institutions governing cities, which offers points of contact for far-right ideology. Third, it is argued that this points to the local state as contested terrain.

Seit mehr als zehn Jahren wird in Städten weltweit über die „Kreative Stadt“ debattiert. Doch können Städte Kreativität fördern? Aus einer stadtsoziologischen Perspektive wird zunächst gefragt, welche Möglichkeiten die Stadt zur Entfaltung von Kreativität bietet. Das Verhältnis von Kreativität und Stadt wird als eine Wechselwirkung konzipiert, bei der Städte besondere Gelegenheitsstrukturen und Möglichkeitsräume für die Entstehung und Bewertung von Kreativität darstellen können, die mit Anthony Giddens Strukturationstheorie als Regeln und Ressourcen interpretiert und in den Interaktionen, Beziehungen und Institutionen verortet werden, die mit und zwischen Kreativtätigen in Städten entstehen. Aus einer Governanceperspektive wird dann gefragt, welche sozialen und soziopolitischen Arrangements sich zur Koordination von Kreativität in Städten herausbilden. Im Fokus der empirisch-analytischen Untersuchung stehen horizontale Kooperationsformen wie Netzwerke und Steuerungskreise von kreativwirtschaftlichen und öffentlichen Akteuren deren Ziel die Unterstützung der kreativwirtschaftlichen Branchen ist. Diese Governancestrukturen werden als intermediäre Strukturen betrachtet, die für die Beförderung von Kreativität wesentliche Koordinations- und Vermittlungsleistungen erbringen können. In einem explorativen, multimethodischen, qualitativen Fallstudienansatz werden jeweils zwei Governancearrangements in Berlin und London untersucht. Allen gemeinsam ist, dass sie eher symbolische Funktionen erfüllen, die Kooperationsbereitschaft anzeigen als Abstimmungs- und Aushandlungsprozesse und die Erarbeitung gemeinsamer Problemdefinitionen und Lösungsansätze. Trotz intensiver „Kreative Stadt“ - Diskussionen bildet „Kreativität als Ressource der Stadtentwicklung“ noch kein Deutungsrahmen, mit dem sich politische Mehrheiten für gezielte Strategien in den Städten mobilisieren lassen. / In the last decade, creativity has been promoted as the new key resource of urban development. From a governance perspective, the empirical-analytical inquiry focuses on the question how the ‘creative city’ has been translated into new governance processes and how creativity can be governed in cities. The empirical research draws on four governance arrangements between creative industries stakeholders and public bodies in Berlin and London and is based on an embedded multi-case-study-design with different qualitative methods such as interviews, content analysis and participant observation. These unfolding governance arrangements share objectively several productive features for success and policy innovation in that particular policy field: they combine a diversity of new actors and stakeholders in open and inclusive designs, exhibit passion and endurance of key actors, display a common interest and are matched by supportive, new strategic objectives from the two urban governments. Nevertheless, they also miss several features: a common frame of reference for defining a problem and for integrating disparate knowledge between all stakeholders, no prior cooperation experiences, hardly any financial resources, and eventually, a rather opportunistic and week commitment by urban governments. As in many other cities, the idea of a ‘creative city’ was rather used a ‘rhetorical device’ by urban politics to refashion existing policies instead of appropriate policy-making that supports cultural production in its multifaceted ways.

Die Säkularität stellt weltweit den vorherrschenden Modus staatlicher Organisation dar und impliziert eine formelle Trennung der Religion von weltlichen Sphären der Gesellschaft, allem voran der Politik. Der öffentliche Raum ist dabei idealtypisch der Rationalität vorbestimmt. Dennoch ist Religion ein weitverbreitetes Phänomen in öffentlichen städtischen Räumen säkular konstituierter Staaten, womit ihr ein Anschluss an Prozesse der gesellschaftlichen Allgemeinheit möglich wird. Anhand einer empirischen Untersuchung Guayaquils - der größten Stadt in Ecuador - wird in der Dissertation folgenden Fragen nachgegangen: (1) In welcher Form tritt das Religiöse im öffentlichen städtischen Raum in einer säkular verfassten Gesellschaft auf und wie ist dieses Auftreten jeweils bedingt? (2) Auf welche Weise nutzen religiöse Akteure den öffentlichen Raum bzw. auf welche Weise wird Religion im öffentlichen Raum genutzt? (3) Welche Konsequenzen hat eine Präsenz der Religion im, idealtypisch der Rationalität vorbehaltenen, öffentlichen Raum für die Politik? (4) Auf welche Weise wirkt sich die gleichzeitige Exposition divergierender Weltanschauungen im öffentlichen Raum auf religiöse Praxis und Religion aus? Resultierend erweist sich eine formelle Trennung von Religion und weltlicher Sphären im Rahmen der Säkularisierung als unzureichend für ein tatsächliches Verdrängen aus dem öffentlichen Raum. Religion bleibt dank historischer Kontinuität im öffentlichen Raum erhalten und strebt aktiv nach den ihm innewohnenden Profiten, welche eine Etablierung oder den Machterhalt in der Gesellschaft ermöglichen. Die Präsenz von Religion im öffentlichen Raum führt zu ihrer Verweltlichung und politischer Einflussnahme aber auch der Vereinnahmung ihrer Potentiale durch politische Akteure. Nicht zuletzt bedingt die Exposition unterschiedlicher religiöser Weltanschauungen im öffentlichen Raum ein Verschwimmen konfessioneller Grenzen und neue Formen religiöser Identität. / Secularity is the dominant mode of the organisation of states worldwide. It implies the formal separation of religion and the worldly spheres of societies, particularly the separation of the religious from the political sphere. Consequentially, public spaces are rather known as rational spheres free from religiosity. But despite this theoretical assumption, religion remains a widespread phenomena of public urban spaces in secular states, and therewith remains an essential part of societies. This thesis addresses the following questions through an empirical study in Guayaquil, the largest city of Ecuador: (1) How does the religious appear in public urban spaces of a secularised society? What are the conditions and constraints of its appearance? (2) How do religious actors make use of public spaces and how is religion being used in public spaces? (3) Which are the consequences of a religious presence in public spaces for political practices? (4) How does the co-presence of different worldviews in the same public spaces affect religious practices themselves? This thesis shows, that the formal separation of religious and worldly spheres doesn’t result in the displacement of religions out of public spaces. Rather, as a result of historical continuity, religion remains part of public spaces, benefiting from its social functions, and enabling religious communities – depending on their initial conditions – to establish themselves in society or maintain their status. The presence of religion in public spaces leads to a growing political influence of religions and an absorption of its potentials by political actors at the same time. Finally, the co-presence of different ideologies in public spaces results in a blurring of denominational boundaries and new forms of religious identity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:21:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudia Maria Lima Ribeiro.pdf: 10200683 bytes, checksum: 90621553c8214a4e30ca72bb0fe33041 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-11 / The objective of this work is to investigate what is decisive in the constitution of the spaces produced by the occupations of lands in an illegal way, understanding each other for illegal the construction to the margin of the legislation of effective territorial planning in the municipal districts. The initial hypothesis thrown by the research is the one of the existence of an own space order. But also to try to understand which are the decisive ones for the drawing of the occupation and of the space of the house; which is the relationship that he establishes with the family arrangement, with the legislation, with the imaginary that it is built starting from the references of the groups that settled down in these territories. Another subject that she intended to investigate is refers to the dimension assumed by the public and private spaces in these territories; which are the forms of appropriation of the collective space and the public and private dimensions were built in the processes of occupation of the spaces. / O objetivo deste trabalho ? investigar o que ? determinante na constitui??o dos espa?os produzidos pelas ocupa??es de terras de forma ilegal, entendendo-se por ilegal a constru??o ? margem da legisla??o de ordenamento territorial vigente nos munic?pios. A hip?tese inicial lan?ada pela pesquisa ? a da exist?ncia de uma ordem espacial pr?pria. Mas tamb?m procurar compreender quais s?o as determinantes para o desenho da ocupa??o e do espa?o da moradia; qual ? a rela??o que ele estabelece com o arranjo familiar, com a legisla??o, com o imagin?rio que se constr?i a partir das refer?ncias dos grupos que se estabeleceram nestes territ?rios. Outra quest?o que se pretendeu investigar refere-se ? dimens?o assumida pelos espa?os p?blicos e privados nestes territ?rios; quais s?o as formas de apropria??o dos espa?os coletivos e de que maneira as dimens?es p?blica e privada foram constru?dos nos processos de ocupa??o dos espa?os.

國家是在一定的領域內所有權力集中的中心。長久以來，都市政治所關心的核心議題為國家機器等行動主體之權力結構為何、結盟的誘因及權力運用的機制與結果又為何等等，此皆攸關都市發展，而都市的發展則脫離不了土地政策的制定與實施，以土地的管理分配與土地利益的炒作，是透過政治運作而成，而政治的本質在於利益的追求，則都市政治與土地政策之政經關係為何，是值關切。本研究以都市政治的理論基礎為主軸，輔以權力三面向作為理論分析的架構，並以南科特定區開發案為例，論述都市政治與土地政策之政經結構，探究國家機器等行動主體之權力結構，並剖析我國土地政策之結構性問題及作進一步的反省。 研究發現，隨著政治民主化，地方與中央的權力關係面臨了轉變與調節，中央雖仍居關鍵地位，惟地方與中央已建構起「地方挑戰中央，中央仰賴地方」的巧妙關係。在南科特定區開發案中，誘發成長下土地利益為都市成長機器背後成長的基礎，地方、中央政府與資本利益團體之間已鏈結為利益共生的妥協性結盟，過程中雖然在地農民從被迫呈現「親開發」的無奈，到反成長聯盟為國家機器意識形態操弄下制度性的排除與嚇阻，惟卻點燃了對抗成長聯盟的火苗。而個案「三贏」的真相，不僅是地方與中央權力的較勁，更是政客與官僚自利心作祟下，挾持公共利益，游走法律邊緣，操弄文字為資本利益團體「圈地」、「養地」的野蠻遊戲。此不僅呼應成長機器論者所論述「Local Politics ＝ Land Politics」的鐵律，更驗證都市政權理論者所強調「power to」的權力關係，另地方的主要本質雖為成長機器，惟關鍵卻是「成長」的結果，所創造的利益並非為全民所共享。在土地政策為選票保證的關鍵舞台，政客選舉至上的習性，視民意為糞土，其經濟發展掛帥的結果，官僚不僅在名利束縛下盲目的迎合上意，邊陲部門更是自我矮化淪為附庸。以土地作為空間規劃的平台，位居關鍵地位，土地應承擔更多的使命，則土地政策結構性問題的解決應回歸制度面，以跳脫「金權城市」的枷鎖。而民意的覺醒，對抗成長的共識已凝聚成一股巨大的力量，反成長聯盟的聖戰終將迫使政經合流國家機器這異形巨獸無所遁形，且這股力量亦將促使大地的守護者—人民成為國家機器權力巨獸的領航者，帶領國家駛向康莊大道，共創社會福祉。 / In certain areas, a country is the concentrated center of all powers. Over the past few years, urban politics concern for the following core issues; what is the political structure of the state machinery and the other political actors? What are the incentives for alliances? And what is the functioning mechanism for using powers and what are their results etc.? These are euphemistically vital to urban development. In addition, urban development is inseparable from land policy formulation and its implementation. Land management, land allocation and land profit speculations are all made through a political operation. But the essence of politics is to pursue interests. Therefore, it is worthy of concerning and discussing the political relationship between urban politics and land policies.In this case study, the theoretical basis of urban politics is a main element for discussion, supported by a theoretical analysis framework of the power’s three dimensions, also taking Tainan Science-based Industrial Park Special District as an example to elaborate the political and economic structure of urban politics and land policies, to explore the power structure of state apparatus and other emergent political actors, to explore the structural problem of Taiwan’s land polices and other further reflections. According to the case study, accompanying Taiwan’s political democratization, local and central governments were facing a shift and adjustment in their power relationship. In this case study’s period, the central government still led a key position. However, local and central governments had constructed a clever relationship as “local government challenging the central government”, and “central government relying on local government.”In the case of Tainan Science-based Industrial Park Special District, the induced growth of interests behind the land profits are laying the background growing foundation of the urban development. Between capital interest groups and local (including central) governments, both have links to a compromise alliance for their symbiotic interests. During the developmental process, local farmers were forced to show their helpless “pro-development” attitude. Under the institutional exclusion and deterrence, farmers were forced to join anti-growth coalition by the ideological manipulation of the state apparatus, but it also fired the flames against the growing alliances. The in-depth truth under the case “three win,” is not only describing the competition between local and central authorities, but also describing their self-serving hearts of politicians and bureaucrats to held hostage in terms of public interests, to walk a legal edge, and to manipulate the text for capital interest groups’ excuses of “land enclosure” and “land raised,” in a brutal game of earning profits.The case study is echoed growth machine commentators’ discussing the iron law of “Local Politics” equals “Land Politics.” It also verifies the urban regime theorists’ emphasizing “power to,” the relationship of power. The other main area is discussing the push for local growth, “although the nature of the growth machine.” However, the key is “growth results,” of which were not shared by all the people.It holds a key position to use spatial planning as a platform, among which the land policies should shoulder more of the mission. The land policies should return back to the systemic way and be institutionalized to escape the yoke of “money power rooted in the city.” The awakening of the public opinion against growth has been a consensus and condensed into a strong force. The anti-growth coalition jihad will eventually force the state apparatus, with political and economic convergence like a twisted-shaped monster, from the escape of detection. And this force will eventually be promoted as a guardian of the earth – therefore, the people will become the leader of the state machinery (power monster) to guide the country towards a broader road and create more social well-being.

This dissertation looks at how teachers, unionists, and cultural workers used black history to offer new ways of thinking about racial knowledge from a local level. Numerous efforts to promote and teach this history demonstrated how dissident cosmopolitan political currents from previous decades remained relevant to a vibrant and ideologically diffuse African American public sphere despite widespread Cold War dispersions, white supremacist reactions, and anticommunist repressions. My argument proceeds by demonstrating how these public history projects coalesced around a series of connected pedagogical endeavors. These endeavors included the work of school teachers on Chicago's South side who tried to advance curriculum reforms through World War II and afterwards, the work of packinghouse workers and other union-focused educators who used anti-discrimination campaigns to teach about the history of African Americans and Mexican Americans in the labor movement and to advance innovative models for worker education, and the activities of important cultural workers like Margaret and Charles Burroughs who politicized urban space and fought for greater recognition of black history in the public sphere through the advancement of their vision for a museum. Collectively, these projects expressed important ideas about race, citizenship, education and intellectual labors that engaged closely with the rapidly shifting terrains of mid-20th Century civil rights and international anti-colonialisms. Ultimately, this dissertation offers a social history about how cosmopolitan cultural work in public history and similar forms of knowledge production were at the intersections of political realities and lived experience in U.S. urban life.

Dozens of major cities around the world have launched large-scale waterfront redevelopment projects over the past fifty years. Absent from this list of noteworthy achievements, however, is Toronto, a case of grand ambitions gone horribly awry. Despite three extensive revitalization plans in the second half of the 20th century, Toronto’s central waterfront, an area roughly double the city’s central business district, has remained mired in political gridlock for decades. The purpose of this dissertation is to explain why this came to pass. Informed by extensive archival and interview research, as well as geospatial data analyzed using Geographic Information Systems software, the thesis demonstrates that above and beyond political challenges typical of any major urban redevelopment project, in Toronto, issues of land ownership — specifically, public land ownership — were pivotal in defining the scope and pace of waterfront planning and implementation. Few, if any, waterfront redevelopment projects around the world have been attempted amidst the same degree of public land ownership and jurisdictional fragmentation as that which plagued implementation efforts in Toronto. From 1961-1998, no less than 81% of all land in the central waterfront was owned by one public body or another, dispersed across a patchwork of public agencies, corporations, and special purpose authorities nestled within multiple levels of government. Such fragmentation, specifically across public bodies, added a layer of complexity to the existing intergovernmental dynamic that effectively crippled implementation efforts. It created a “joint-decision trap” impervious to conventional resolution via bargaining, problem solving, or unilateral action. This tangled political history poses a considerable challenge to conventional liberal, structuralist, and regime-based theories of urban politics derived from US experiences. It also highlights the limits of conventional implementation theory in the study of urban development, and calls into question longstanding interpretations of federal-provincial-municipal relations and multilevel governance in Canada.