As the systemic nature of the multiple crises humanity is currently facing grows ever clearer, an increasing number of scholars have developed alternative socioeconomic visions to address and redress the shortcomings of capitalism. One such vision is “Human Rights Economics” (HRE), an emerging alternative branch of economics which seeks to harness the normative and legal power of human rights as a means of rendering the economic system human rights consistent in both its processes and outcomes. This thesis subjects HRE to a close and critical examination from the perspective of Marxist Theory with the objective of identifying potential limitations in achieving its declared goal. A detailed analysis guided by Bacchi’s WPR methodological framework allows for an in-depth engagement with HRE from the chosen theoretical vantage point and leads to the conclusion that, from a Marxist perspective, many of HRE’s underlying assumptions such as, for instance, its belief in the potential of human rights to transform capitalism from within, result in problem representations and proposed solutions which do not pose an effective challenge to the dominant economic paradigm.

This study addresses the need to enhance Sweden's defence capability considering global changes and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, with a focus on defence innovation. It examines how the Swedish government's assumptions about defence innovation shape defence capabilities, emphasizing the government's strategic direction for defence innovation. Using Carol Bacchi's WPR method and critical discourse analysis, the study identifies two central problem representations: inertia and isolation. Inertia refers to the slow adaptation to new technological and organizational changes, while isolation pertains to the lack of collaboration between the defence sector and civilian actors. These representations lead to a discourse advocating increased risk-taking and faster development, often overlooking potential negative consequences. The study highlights the need for a balanced strategy that integrates innovation and conservatism to ensure sustainable defence development. Understanding these assumptions can help develop a more holistic and long-term strategy, which is crucial for strengthening Sweden's defence capability.

This thesis examines the discourse within both national and international strategies to analyse the processes through which the seabed becomes securitized, aiming to enhance the knowledge of Seabed Warfare. Additionally, the study underscores the significance of critical undersea infrastructure (CUI) concerning national security, geopolitics, and global power dynamics.      Strategies published by France, the United Kingdom, NATO, and the EU are examined through a critical analysis based on securitization theory, merged with the WPR method. The findings uncover the necessity for resilience to confront contemporary threats, emphasizing the need for comprehensive approaches, updated strategies, evolved situational awareness, enhanced information sharing, and the development of capabilities to enable measures at significant oceanic depths.      Finally, a discursive trend emerges, addressing threats necessitates unified action, whether through partnerships, alliances, or unions. Seabed Warfare is not an isolated problem within the maritime domain, it affects and requires cross-sectoral and multidimensional solutions.

Focusing on the readmission agreement between Sweden and Afghanistan, this study aims to enhance our understanding of why and how states use readmission agreements and the discourse underpinning these practices. Based on interviews with key officials working in the Swedish deportation infrastructure, the findings show that the agreement is presented as a successful measure resulting in a more predictable process and increased forced returns. The agreement is a critical technique for minimizing disruptions in the deportation corridor to Afghanistan, however, not without interruptions due to the infrastructure’s reliance on many elements and the complexity of bilateral cooperation. The discursive practices, including “problem” representations and assumptions justifying the agreement, can be questioned considering that most Afghans abscond or travel to another Schengen country instead of returning. The absence of an agreement evaluation further necessitates calling the increased governmental focus on readmission agreements into question. The study contributes to deconstructing governmental rationalities through a novel methodology of studying deportation and readmission.

As the statistics for maternal mortality have declined all over the world, it has also been rising in the US for the past two decades. The data clearly shows that the group with the highest risk for maternal mortality are black women, whilst white women are the group with the lowest risk. This study aims to investigate three policys related to maternal care: Affordable Care Act, Preventing Maternal Deaths Act and Improving Access to Maternal Care Act. By using Carol Bacchi's What’s the Problem Represented to Be-method of analysis, the study looks deeper into what underlying presumptions and assumptions the policys carry, and what consequences these have. Together with intersectionality as a theoretical framework, the study was able to uncover issues between the policies that are currently in place, and the categories and power positions within the people involved in the policy process and the people affected by the policies. The results show that the underlying assumptions and presumptions is that women work as a homogenous group and that the policies are focused on low-income individuals within that group. This results in continuous disparities in maternal mortality for black women, with concerning consequences. There is a great need for research, not only for accurate data surrounding maternal mortality (on deeper levels, not for women as a homogenous group), but also for development of policies and health care.

Risker är ständigt närvarande i våra liv. I samhället finns många funktioner för att hantera dessa risker. På nationell nivå har Sverige totalförsvaret som hantera risker riktade mot nationen. Totalförsvarets uppgift är främst att förbereda Sverige för krig, men då totalförsvaret är uppbyggt av både militärt och civilt försvar omfattar det hela spektrumet av resurser för att hantera både fredstida kriser som konflikt och krig. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka problematiseringen i diskursen i den förda försvarspolitiken över tid och hur den har förändrats. Underlaget är försvarsberedningens rapporter under tiden 1995 tills den senaste 2019. Kopplat till modellerna kring Policy Change och Carol Bacchis metod ’What´s the problem represented to be?’ (WPR) undersöks förändring i den politik som beskrivs samt vad som är problematiskt och inte i den. Resultatet visar på en förändring över tid i den politik som förts. Utifrån Policy Change är det den radikala modellen som förklarar vilket typ av förändring som skett. Förändringar sker vid stora omställningar i omvärlden. Försvarsberedningen har genom sina rapporter strävat efter att skapa sammanhållning och deltagande med andra politikområden som är viktiga för det svenska totalförsvaret. Det har även visat sig att människan tar liten plats i försvarsberedningens politik vilket försvarsberedningen uppfattar som oproblematisk. Slutsatser är att försvarspolitiken förändras när det sker stora förändringar i omvärlden. Då tillfällen visar sig har försvarsberedningen stora möjligheter att påverka den förda politiken. Det finns dock en risk att försvarspolitiken förlorar sin legitimitet om den exempelvis främjar ekonomiska och finansiella värden framför mänsklig säkerhet. Det krävs en sammanhållning mellan politikområdena för att få en långsiktighet i försvarspolitiken. / Risks are constantly present in our lives. There are many functions in the society that handles these risks. On a national level Sweden has the National Defence, which consists of military and civilian resources, that handles the risks that are directed at the nation. The National Defence’s primary objectives are to prepare Sweden for the eventuality of war. Since the National Defence is made up of both the military and civilian resources and covers the whole spectrum of capacities to manage both peacetime crisis, conflicts and war. The purpose of this study is to analyse what the problematisation is in the Swedish defence policy discourse and how it has changed over time. For the analysis all of the reports that the Swedish Defence Commission has submitted during the years 1995 to 2019. The change in the defence policy is analysed using is Carol Bacchi´s ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ (WPR) method and the Policy Change framework in order to describe what change there has been in the defence policy and what is problematic and what is not. The result shows a change over time in the policy that is conducted. From a Policy Change perspective, the radical model best explains the type of policy change that has occurred: a change in the defence policy happens when big change happens in the outside world. The Defence Commission have, through their reports, tried to create coherence and participation with other policy fields that are important for the Swedish total defence. It has also showed that people take little space in the defence policy, which is one area that the Defence Commission finds unproblematic. Conclusion are that the Defence Policy changes when there are big changes in the outside world. When the opportunity shows itself then the Defence Commission have big possibilities to affect the policy process. There is a risk that the defence policy loses its legitimacy if it, for example, endorses a policy that focuses to heavily on economic and financial values before the security of the people. It requires coherence between the policy fields in order to create long-term stability in the defence policy.

This essay examines policy discourses in the 30th Baltic Parliamentary Conference held in 2021. By examining several policy proposals from the resolution adopted by the participants, as well as related key documents and speeches from parliamentarians, the underlying assumptions and logics shaping these policys are examined. The thesis analyses whether there are gendered patterns in the policy discourses. The policy areas examined are about cooperation, identity, climate, and the environment. The material is analysed by combining the theory feminist discursive institutionalism and by using Carol Bacchi's method "What's the problem represented to be?". The conclusions are that there are many underlying problematisations that contribute to shaping policies in the 30th Baltic Sea Conference, which are supported by hidden gender coded language. The problematisations underpinning the policys are ”hiding” other ways of evaluating and shaping problems, solutions, and policy areas.

Fallet ”Lilla hjärtat” föranledde en granskning samt en förändringsprocess av socialnämndernas sätt att arbeta med tvångsvård av barn. Förloppet som följde ledde fram till promemorian Barnets bästa när vård enligt LVU upphör som är framtagen av en utredare på Socialdepartementet. Utredaren presenterade fyra förslag på förändring av lagstiftningen som ämnar att stärka barnets bästa. Jag har genomfört en diskursanalys av promemorian med utgångspunkt i forskningsfrågan: Hur påverkar en specifik händelse, omdebatterad såväl medialt som politiskt, det sociala arbetets styrning? Det är tydligt att de lagförslag som utredaren presenterar har en påtaglig koppling till socialnämndens hantering och debatten kring fallet Lilla hjärtat. Därtill präglas promemorian av en rättslig diskurs som i och med översättningsprocessen från det sociala arbetets praktik till en rättslig praktik förenklar representationen av problemet vilket resulterar i att socialarbetarens maktposition befästs medan barn framställs som passiva mottagare av stöd och skydd. Om lagförslagen antas kommer de påverka den enskilda socialarbetarens handlingsutrymme inom området tvångsplacering av barn. / The case "Lilla hjärtat" led to an evaluation of the social welfare committees' way of working with compulsory care of children. The process that followed led to the memorandum “The child's best interests when care according to LVU ceases” prepared by an investigator at the Ministry of Social Affairs. The investigator presented four proposals for changes in the legislation that aim to strengthen the best interests of the child. I have conducted a discourse analysis of the memorandum based on the research question: How does a specific event, debated both in the media, and politically, affect the governance of social work? It is clear that the legislations presented by the investigator have a strong connection to the Social Welfare Board's handling of the case and the debate surrounding the case Lilla hjärtat. Moreover, the memorandum is characterized by a legal discourse which, through the translation process from social work practice to a legal practice, simplifies the representation of the problem, which results in the social worker's position of power being consolidated while children are portrayed as passive recipients of support and protection. If adopted, the legislations will affect the individual social worker's capacity of action in the area of child protection.

Forestry stands for 12% of the global greenhouse emissions which makes forestry an important policy area for sustainable development. On the 16th of July 2021, the EU’s new forest strategy was released. Since 2018 Sweden has its own forest program. Due to the new EU forest strategy receiving a lot of criticism, it is clear that the forest policy in EU and Sweden have different understandings on the forests' role for sustainable development. This thesis aims to explore how different understandings of a policy problem are expressed in a case of multi-level governance, which in this case is forest policy. To investigate this, we use the method of discourse analysis where the analytical tool applied is Carol Bacchi's “What’s the problem represented to be?”- framework. Our approach consists of four interrelated questions that are asked to the policy documents, which lead to an understanding of how problems are represented as well as which discursive effects these problematizations create. The study shows that the EU and Sweden's forest policies have different understandings on how the forest best should contribute to climate change. These differences create certain discursive effects where the Swedish forest policies to a larger extent benefit the forest industry and the EU forest policy to a larger extent sees the intrinsic value of nature as well as incorporates the indigenous perspective.

Samhällsutmaningar som handlar om segregation, integration och ojämlikhet har aktualiserats och ligger högt upp på den politiska agendan. Det har blivit vanligare med att staten använder idrotten som verktyg för att möta dessa utmaningar. På senare tid har idrotten kommit att genomföra områdesbaserade insatser i utsatta områden. I uppsatsen intresserar jag mig för dessa. Syftet är att synliggöra de ”problem” och institutionella logiker som framträder i organiseringen av de områdesbaserade insatser, Idrottsklivet och Hemmaplan. Inspiration har hämtats från Bacchis metod What’s the “problem” represented to be?” och teoretisk utgångspunkt tas även från institutionell teori. För att nå syftet och besvara frågeställningarna har jag använt mig av intervjuer med tjänstepersoner och representanter för idrottsrörelsen, politiker, tjänsteperson från Regeringskansliet, utredare, utvärderare och andra forskare. Dessutom har en enkät skickats ut till representanter för Hemmaplan. Utöver detta har jag analyserat ansökningshandlingar, pressmeddelande och andra relevanta dokument. Resultaten visar på att de problem de områdesbaserade insatserna Idrottsklivet och Hemmaplan är tänkta att lösa handlar främst om avsaknad av föreningsliv och lägre idrottsdeltagande bland barn och unga i dessa områden. Dessutom är förhoppningen att insatserna ska bidra till samhälleliga värden som handlar om ökad trygghet, mindre kriminalitet och förbättrad folkhälsa, men även att motverka segregation och förbättra integrationen. I analysen av insatserna framträder olika institutionella logiker hos de involverade aktörerna. De centrala logikerna kan hänföras till idrottsrörelsen ”handlingsutrymme” och politikens ”handlingskraft”. Slutsatsen i uppsatsen är att de ”problem” som Idrottsklivet och Hemmaplan är tänkta att lösa, liksom de institutionella logikerna som återfinns hos de involverade aktörerna, har betydelse för organiseringen av de områdesbaserade insatserna. / Societal challenges that deal with segregation, integration and inequality have been brought up to date and are on the political agenda. It has become more common for the state to use sport as a tool to meet these challenges. In recent times, sport has come to implement area-based initiatives in vulnerable areas. In the essay, I am interested in these. The purpose is to make visible the "problems" and institutional logics that appear in the organization of the area-based initiative, Idrottsklivet and Hemmaplan. Inspiration has been taken from Bacchi's method “What's the “problem” represented to be?” and theoretical starting point is taken from institutional theory, as well. In order to reach the purpose and answer my research questions, I have used interviews with officials and representatives of the sports movement, politicians, officials from the Government Office, investigators, evaluators and other researchers. In addition, a survey has been sent out to representatives of Hemmaplan. Furthermore, I have analysed application documents, press releases and other relevant documents. The results show that the “problems” that the area-based initiatives Idrottsklivet and Hemmaplan are supposed to solve mainly concern the lack of sport associations and lower participation in sport among children and young people in these areas. In addition, the hope is that the efforts will contribute to societal values ​​that deal with increased security, less crime and improved public health, but also to counter segregation and improve integration. In the analysis of the interventions, different institutional logics have emerged. The central logics can be attributed to the sports movement's “room for action” and politics “action power of”. The conclusion of the essay is that the "problems" that Idrottsklivet and Hemmaplan are supposed to solve, as well as the institutional logics, are important for the organisation of the area-based initiative.