Purpose: Our main task is to find out how the Swedish government deals with media and information literacy (MIL) among the general public, and which key actors it identifies in this process. More specifically we want to know whether public libraries are considered to be such key actors – which is the common view within library and information science (LIS). Method: This is a document study, applying Carol LeeBacchi's WPR approach, on a selection of Swedish government assignments published 2018–2022. Findings: From earlier looking at digitalization in positive connotations, today the Swedish government talks more alarmistically about the dangers of digitalization and attributes MIL as a safeguard and as a means in the protection of democracy, leading to the presence of MIL in practically all of the governmental offices. Major joint investments are emphasized to achieve high MIL. But due to the shifting and situation-dependent understanding of the MIL concept, the results of the investments run the risk of being ineffective. In 2019 the government therefore assigned The Swedish Media Council (Statens medieråd) to coordinate the promotion of MIL. As for the apparent urgency of MIL issues in our research material, LIS and the public libraries extensive MIL expertise should be taken into account. How the Swedish Media Council perceives the library field's competence within MIL can have a major impact on public libraries' future promotion of MIL. The result raises the question of how the library field can mediate its solid knowledge of MIL to the outside world.

The urge for a more equal society is growing, but the conservative movement poses a threat to the concept of gender equality and feminism. In recent years the interest for conservative feminism has grown which hinder the development towards a gender equal society as it contains anti-feminist traits. Kristdemokraterna, a political party in Sweden, can be seen as a case for a conservative wave in Swedish politics as they drive a conservative gender equality. However, it is currently unknown how the policy relates to already established equality work in Sweden as well as internationally. This study aims to analyze how problem constructions of gender equality are created within the political conservative sphere where Kristdemokraterna operates. The purpose is to investigate whether, and to what extent, the problematizations of Kristdemokraterna interact with and affect the society's system in terms of power and dominance and to obtain this interpretation repertoire and WPR approach are utilized as methods. The study resulted in the understanding that gender equality is problematized as a question of choice, immigration, and motherhood. The problematization differentiates groups and have unequal expectations of these. This in turn results in politics that can be perceived as passive. The concept of gender equality undergoes a process of bending and shrinking due to the problematization. Ultimately, the study states that Kristdemokraternas gender equality policy seems to become a middle-class privilege for ethnic Swedes.

The purpose of this study is to critically examine how the problem of “climate change” is constructed in Stockholm’s climate policy and what underlying assumptions that those problematizations are built upon. The study also explores what is silenced in the problem representation and what potential effects (subject positions) it generates. The interrogation of the policy is made using Carol Bacchi’s approach “What’s the problem represented to be?” (WPR) which is a Foucault-influenced poststructural way of conducting discourse analysis. The study shows how 1) climate change is characterized as a unique opportunity for Stockholm to take the lead in sustainable development, 2) climate change is understood to be about pragmatic emission control and changing energy sources and 3) climate change is seen to be “locked” within the current frames that constitutes our society. Further the study reveals how the policy is underpinned by a neoliberal governmentality that aims to reinforce a sustainable growth discourse. Within this discourse, growth is seen as an inevitable and essential goal for sustainability to be achieved, climate change action is voluntary and urban governance foremost aims to inspire through clear objectives and goals. As a result, people are portrayed as rational, innovative and morally determined consumers. The study provides policy makers and researchers with alternative perspectives on problem representations and proposals in urban climate change governance.

An organisation's survival depends on being considered legitimate through the eyes of society. Through CSR-work, organisations strive to appease stakeholders in order to reach and maintain legitimacy. In controversial industries this work is significantly harder, for such businesses often cause harm to human health, society and/or environment. The purpose of this study is to critically review how companies in the tobacco industry legitimise their businesses through communications of CSR-work. Through analysis of Swedish Match’s and Japan Tobacco International’s webpages and annual reports this study aims to understand how they communicate their social responsibility to stakeholders and society. Since CSR-work and legitimacy within controversial industries is a relatively unexplored subject of research, prior scientific research has formed a significant basis for the study. Prior scientific research states that CSR-communication with high-transparency and preventative strategies have the highest legitimising effect within controversial industries. The theoretical framework has been based on legitimacy- and communication theories, combined with Bacchis’ analytical theory and method WPR. The method used in the study is an ideology critical text analysis. The results show that the companies use high-transparency and remedying CSR-strategies in their communication to strive for legitimacy. Overall, the companies use their platforms to strengthen the legitimacy of their risk-reducing products, environmental initiatives and their work with human rights in their supply-chains. / En organisations överlevnad är beroende av att den uppfattas som legitim av omvärlden. Genom CSR-arbete strävar organisationer efter att blidka intressenter och uppnå legitimitet. I kontroversiella industrier är detta betydligt svårare då sådana verksamheter ofta orsakar skada för hälsa, miljö och/eller samhälle. Syftet med denna studie är att kritiskt granska hur tobaksindustrier legitimerar sin verksamhet genom kommunikation om CSR-arbete. Genom analys av Swedish Matchs och Japan Tobacco Internationals hemsidor och årsrapporter ämnar studien att förstå hur företagen kommunicerar sitt sociala ansvar till allmänheten och intressenter. Eftersom CSR-arbete och legitimitet inom kontroversiella industrier är ett relativt outforskat ämne har tidigare forskning utgjort en betydande grund för denna studie. Tidigare forskning visar att CSR-kommunikation med hög transparens och förebyggande strategier har störst legitimerande effekt inom kontroversiella industrier. Studiens teoretiska ramverk består av legitimitets- och kommunikationsteorier som används tillsammans med Bacchis analytiska teori och metod WPR. Metoden som används är en ideologikritisk kvalitativ textanalys. Resultaten från studien visar att företagen använder sig av hög transparens och avhjälpande CSR-strategier i sin kommunikation för att uppnå legitimitet. Överlag använder företagen sin plattform för att stärka legitimiteten för nya riskreducerande produkter, miljösatsningar och arbetet med mänskliga rättigheter i sin leverantörskedja.

In 2003 a proclamation of Zero Tolerance towards sexual exploitation and abuse was made by Secretary General of United Nations Kofi Annan. The policy have been around for 20 years and so has the scandals how come? To find out Bacchis (2009) What’s the problem represented to be? approach to policy analysis was chosen to find out what strategies was applied to manage zero tolerance. The identified strategies are a systemwide implementation of the principles of conduct, a victim centred approach including procedures for reporting, and finally an accountability framework. Identified silences are how to change an organisational culture of tolerance, how to restore confidence and how to manage mixed messages.

For the last few years, the question of legal abortion has been a big topic in USpolitics. With the two major US parties, Democrats and Republicans, havingdifferent opinions about the subject, and with a new abortion law introduced inJune of 2022.This study goes over the latest party platforms and different statements fromboth parties to get an understanding about how the both parties view abortionas a problem. With the use of critical discourse analysis as a methodology and“what’s the problem represented to be?” as an analytical framework, the studydoes not aim to present a solution to a problem, but instead show how the twoparties present the problem. Thereafter the ideologies feminism, conservatismand liberalism will be applied to see if it can be connected to how the partiespresent abortion as a problem. The results of the study reveal that theDemocratic party views abortion as a necessity for women's health and rights.The Democratic party does show signs of the ideologies feminism andliberalism in how they represent abortion. The Republicans view abortion assomething morally wrong and shows signs of conservatism.

Denna studie syftar till att studera hur förskolans uppdrag rörande barn i behov av språkutveckling i det svenska språket beskrivs av olika aktörer som regering, riksdag och förskollärare. Detta undersöks i relation till riksdagens beslut kring Förskola för fler barn.  Studien utgår från Carol Bacchis teoretiska perspektiv “What’s the Problem (represented to be)?” som grundas i ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv med nära släktskap med olika typer av diskursanalys.  För att besvara studiens syfte har ett urval av policydokument som relaterar till beslutet Förskola för fler barn analyserats med hjälp av Carol Bacchis metod för kritisk policyanalys. Data har även samlats in genom kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer med förskollärare som analyserats med hjälp av tematisk analys ifrån ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv, enligt Virginia Braun och Victoria Clarke.  Studiens resultat visade att det finns en samstämmighet kring antagandena att tidiga insatser i förskolan leder till bättre språkutveckling och skolresultat. Ett ökat deltagande i förskolan antas även förbättra både integration och jämställdhet i samhället i stort. Likheter finns även i policydokumentens och förskollärarnas uppfattningar om vikten av att ha adekvat utbildning och kompetens för att lyckas i arbetet med barns språkutveckling i det svenska språket. Relationsskapande lyfts fram som en viktig faktor i samverkan med de målgrupper som har liten erfarenhet av förskolan eller inte har svenska som modersmål. Analysen av utredningen visade även att nyanlända barn och vårdnadshavare särskiljs från andra grupper av barn och vårdnadshavare i de åtgärder som presenteras. Denna kategorisering ses inte lika tydligt i förskollärarnas utsagor. Kategoriseringen bidrar till att konstruera en bild av nämnda vårdnadshavare och barn som “de andra”. Förskolans roll blir att integrera barnen och familjerna in i det svenska samhället.

In 2010, the populist radical right party the Sweden Democrats were voted into the Swedish parliament, which rattled the mainstream parties. The Sweden Democrats’ stance on migration policy was clear from the start, with their MPs promoting a radical decrease, if not a complete stop, to all immigration. This thesis aims to expand the existing research about populism in Sweden and contribute to the field of political science by analysing the general policy debates on migration policy held after the entry of the Sweden Democrats into parliament. The study examines the debates to get answers to several questions: What do politicians think is the main problem with migration policy over the years and how are the problems represented? Is it possible to find indications of populism during the debates and are there signs of the Sweden Democrats' discourse being normalized? Are there any discursive shifts made by the mainstream parties and is there a hegemonic discourse visible throughout the debates? The results show four dominating problem representations on the topic of migration over the years, with the problem representation of the Sweden Democrats gaining support from the Liberals and the Christian Democrats in the debate of 2018. Tendencies of normalization of the Sweden Democrats’ discourse are also detectable in the 2018 debate, as well as some discursive shifts by mainstream parties. A hegemonic discourse is visible during the 2010 and 2014 debates, but it has lost its hegemonic position during the 2018 debate.

The Swedish labour market is one of the most gender segregated in Europe, and despite the extensive legislation on gender equality and discrimination, the health gap between working women and working men are continually increasing. This thesis has two purposes. First, to analyse how the work-related health gap between women dominated workplaces and maledominated workplaces are challenged, problematized and/or consolidated through workenvironment policy discourses. Second, to analyse health experiences from preschool professionals and eventual effects on this group created by the policy representations. The analytical tools have mainly been provided through a WPR-approach and the material has been policy documents and interviews with preschool professionals. The results show that there is an inconsistency with how the problem is formulated and who is thought to be responsible for the problem in between the policy levels. Also, the problem representations had effects on the preschool professionals who were caught in between rationalities. Finally, the results confirm policy as a product of social, political and historical context as well as its ability to shape identities and expand or restrict the room for manoeuvre of groups and individuals.

This paper seeks to explore novel perspectives on securitization by examining how Iran’s involvement in the Yemeni conflict since 2014 has been securitized by Saudi, US and Iranian political elites. By combining Copenhagen School securitization theory with Carol Lee Bacchi’s WPR (What’s the Problem Represented to Be?) framework for discourse analysis, this study demonstrates how elements of speech acts which are assumed, implicit, unproblematized or “silent” can contribute to securitization. The analysis finds that statements by Saudi and US political elites consistently represent Iran as a security threat without addressing the complexities of internal Yemeni dynamics. At times, it is assumed that the audience accepts and understands why Iranian involvement is inherently problematic. When the nature of the threat posed by AnsarAllah is discussed in detail, the Saudi perception of Iran’s involvement implicitly becomes a prerequisite for AnsarAllah’s perceived agency and operative capabilities. In accepting Saudi Arabia’s securitizing moves, US political elites reproduce this narrative, despite contradictory scholarly conclusions about Iranian involvement. This contributes to securitization by leaving assumptions about Iran and its role in Yemen unproblematized. The failure to address Iran’s shifting rhetoric also allows for the same narrative to be reproduced by the US, reinforcing the understanding of Iran as an inherently destabilizing force.